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Electrochemical CO2 reduction (CO2RR) on copper (Cu) shows promise for higher‐value products beyond CO. However, challenges such as the limited CO2 solubility, high overpotentials, and the competing hydrogen evolution reaction (HER) in aqueous electrolytes hinder the practical realization. We propose a functionalized ionic liquid (IL) which generates ion‐CO2 adducts and a hydrogen bond donor (HBD) upon CO2 absorption to modulate CO2RR on Cu in a non‐aqueous electrolyte. As revealed by transient voltammetry, electrochemical impedance spectroscopy (EIS), and in situ surface‐enhanced Raman spectroscopy (SERS) complemented with image charge augmented quantum‐mechanical/molecular mechanics (IC‐QM/MM) computations, a unique microenvironment is constructed. In this microenvironment, the catalytic activity is primarily governed by the IL and HBD concentrations; former controlling the double layer thickness and the latter modulating the local proton availability. This translates to ample CO2 availability, reduced overpotential, and suppressed HER where C4 products are obtained. This study deepens the understanding of electrolyte effects in CO2RR and the role of IL ions towards electrocatalytic microenvironment design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Since 2020 the World Health Organization (WHO) recommends Histoplasma antigen detection for the diagnosis of disseminated histoplasmosis (DH) in people living with HIV (PLHIV). Objective: Here we aimed to optimise the IMMY's Clarus® Histoplasma GM enzyme immunoassay (EIA), evaluating the best cut‐off in the semi‐quantitative (SQ‐HGM EIA), also known as 'calibrator cut‐off procedure'. Methods: The optimization was done using the quantitative standard procedure (Q‐HGM EIA), also known as 'standard curve procedure', as reference test. A retrospective study from an endemic area of DH in southern Brazil was carried out including 264 patients investigated for DH using the test. Receiver Operator Characteristic curve was plotted, and sensitivity and specificity of the SQ‐HGM EIA were calculated. Results: The study included 24 positive (values ≥ 0.20 ng/ml) and 240 negative patients by the Q‐HGM EIA. According to the manufacturer SQ‐HGM EIA protocol, the new SQ‐HGM EIA cut‐off of 0.8 EIA units was validated, resulting in sensitivity and specificity of 88% and 98.7%, respectively. Conclusion: Our study pioneers and brings important data about the optimization of the Histoplasma antigen testing for the diagnosis of DH in a population from Southern Brazil. This optimization also reduced the amount of reagents used, lowering the cost associated with testing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Thacker and ors the Court of Appeal overturned the convictions of the 'Stansted 15' due to a misdirection on the substantive offence. However, the court rejected their necessity defence, following Jones, as their actions were political, outweighing a desire to avoid a risk of death or serious injury; in a 'functioning democratic state' their claims should have been pursued through conventional means. This is a reaffirmation of what we call 'Hoffmann's Bargain'; in Jones, Lord Hoffmann noted that non‐violent protestors who act proportionately can expect the state to act with restraint, but a necessity defence is unavailable. We argue that this rejection of the defence is mistaken and overly broad for direct action cases. It also fails to acknowledge Valderamma‐Vega, where the Court of Appeal held that defendants who claim duress may act for different motives as long as one is the avoidance of death or serious injury. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the tactic of trashing genetically modified crops in activist campaigns in Britain and France. In Britain, most crop trashing was carried out covertly, while in France most activists undertook open, public actions. In seeking an explanation for this, the article shows that the analysis of political opportunities, dominant in comparative studies of social movements, can only take us so far. While it helps explain the occurrence of direct action, it is much less useful in explaining the tactical differences between each country. It is argued that a fuller explanation requires an understanding of how action was shaped by different activist traditions. In France, action was staged as a demonstration of serious, responsible, collective Republican citizenship; in the United Kingdom, activists combined a sceptical view of legality developing from anarchist individualism with an explicitly non-threatening, playful, ethos. The article concludes that a focus on activist traditions can provide an effective bridge between structural and cultural approaches to understanding the determinants of social movement action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central aim of this paper is to show how different types of green movement respond to questions of social policy. An important factor in this is a difference in attitudes to the state between more anarchistic greens and those greens that are prepared to accept a permanent and/or strategic role for the state. The paper is divided into two parts. In part one, after defining the green movement, it outlines how different green social movements from local groups, direct action protestors, established environmental groups and green political parties, have developed analyses, responses and alternatives to social policy issues. Part two of the paper looks at some of the ideological/ theoretical debates within green politics with regard to social policy, with particular regard to the role of the state. It goes on to look at some of the ways in which European green parties have viewed social policy, and at proposals they have advanced for moving the aim of social policy from “welfare” to “well-bring”. It concludes with suggesting that the “post-materialist” characterization of green politics is very wide of the mark in terms of the range of analyses and policy alternatives greens have put forward, from health, education and drugs to transport. The central and long-standing green concern with lessening socioeconomic inequalities (but without relying on indiscriminate and unsustainable “economic growth”) means that in terms of social policy, green politics can be seen as an “environmentalism of the poor” concerned with “materialist” issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]