Search

Background and aims: Previously identified national drinking patterns in Europe lack comparability and might be no longer be valid due to changes in economic conditions and policy frameworks. We aimed to identify the most recent alcohol drinking patterns in Europe based on comparable alcohol exposure indicators using a data‐driven approach, as well as identifying temporal changes and establishing empirical links between these patterns and indicators of alcohol‐related harm. Design: Data from the World Health Organization's monitoring system on alcohol exposure indicators were used. Repeated cross‐sectional hierarchical cluster analyses were applied. Differences in alcohol‐attributable harm between clusters of countries were analyzed via linear regression. Setting: European Union countries, plus Iceland, Norway and Ukraine, for 2000, 2010, 2015 and 2019. Participants/Cases: Observations consisted of annual country data, at four different time points for alcohol exposure. Harm indicators were only included for 2019. Measurements Alcohol exposure indicators included alcohol per capita consumption (APC), beverage‐specific consumption and prevalence of drinking status indicators (lifetime abstainers, current drinkers, former drinkers and heavy episodic drinking). Alcohol‐attributable harm was measured using age‐standardized alcohol‐attributable Disability‐Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) lost and deaths per 100 000 people. Findings The same six clusters were identified in 2019, 2015 and 2010, mainly characterized by type of alcoholic beverage and prevalence drinking status indicators, with geographical interpretation. Two‐thirds of the countries remained in the same cluster over time, with one additional cluster identified in 2000, characterized by low APC. The most recent drinking patterns were shown to be significantly associated with alcohol‐attributable deaths and DALY rates. Compared with wine‐drinking countries, the mortality rate per 100 000 people was significantly higher in Eastern Europe with high spirits and 'other' beverage consumption [ β^ = 90, 95% confidence interval (CI) = 55–126], and in Eastern Europe with high lifetime abstainers and high spirits consumption (β^ = 42, 95% CI = 4–78). Conclusions: European drinking patterns appear to be clustered by level of beverage‐specific consumption, with heavy episodic drinkers, current drinkers and lifetime abstainers being distinguishing factors between clusters. Despite the overall stability of the clusters over time, some countries shifted between drinking patterns from 2000 to 2019. Overall, patterns of drinking in the European Union seem to be stable and partly determined by geographical proximity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the relationship among motivation for joining an educational leadership training programme (MOT), perceived skills (PS), and perceived changes in transformational leadership (PCTFL) in educational leadership training. The study drew on survey data from 761 participants who were associated with a leadership development programme under an EU‐China cooperation project. The conceptual model was tested by structural equation modelling (SEM) by the Mplus programme. MOT and PCTFL were measured, respectively, by second‐order factor structure assessments due to their multi‐dimensional nature. The findings of the study suggest that motivation positively influences perceived changes in transformational leadership, and this relationship is positively mediated by perceived skills as learning gains in educational leadership training. The study provides novel empirical evidence on motivation that leads to transformational leadership changes in leadership training programmes. Policymakers and other key stakeholders can use these findings to gain a deeper understanding of the success of projects and encourage academic members to participate in leadership training programmes to improve transformational leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is an impending mechanism that imposes a price on emissions embodied in products imported to the European Union (EU). It is expected to impact international trade substantially. Meanwhile, the Russia‐Ukraine war has been ongoing since March 2022, and resources are being redistributed accordingly. This study simulates the potential impact of CBAM on trade in the Russia‐Ukraine war context by employing the Computable General Equilibrium models. The simulation results show that the CBAM will significantly affect selected countries, and the impact will vary across countries and industries. In the context of the Russia‐Ukraine war, the influence on trade will be considerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The impact of Brexit on Northern Ireland (NI) is now well established; however, less attention has been given to the impact on women, despite the applicability of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In this policy commentary, we detail the impact Brexit has had on the issue of violence against women in NI. This is timely, given that the NI Executive Office has developed an Ending Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG) Strategic Framework, of which the adoption was identified as a priority on the resumption of the NI Assembly in February 2024. In addition to the repercussions of 'Brexit politics' resulting in the suspension of Stormont, which stymied the adoption of the strategy, we examine what has been lost in terms of funding, data collection, benchmarking and legal protections, all of which contribute to addressing VAWG in NI. We conclude with policy points to address the issues arising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, drawing on Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) and embracing the decentring agenda in European Union (EU) external relations, discusses the substance of human rights promotion in the negotiations of the Samoa Agreement. It documents how the EU has concentrated on civil and political rights, whereas Africa has advanced an innovative approach to economic, social and cultural rights underpinned by the right to development. More importantly, going beyond the 'heaven–hell binary', which draws neat lines between the good North and the bad South, and the 'one‐way traffic paradigm', which claims that human rights flow from the North to the South, it shows that the human rights corpus may be slowly evolving from its paradigmatic western orientation towards a truly universal project: the EU and Africa have started recognising each other as being holders of diverse yet legitimate perspectives on human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organizational overlap is a ubiquitous feature in regional governance. Most studies have focused on member states, demonstrating that overlap enables states differently. We still know little about whether and how overlapping organizations impact international bureaucracies and how this shapes the relationship between bureaucratic actors within organizations. We argue that overlap can empower international bureaucrats, but not equally. Those with autonomous resources from member states are the most attractive interlocuters for bureaucrats from other organizations and, hence, likely to become most empowered. Substantive expertise and formal competence are less consequential in this context. We unpack this argument by looking at a policy domain understood to be heavily guarded by member states, security and defence policy. Based on primary documents and interviews, we show that the European Union (EU)–North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) overlap has enabled the European Commission to leverage its position within the EU to its advantage and further encroach on the EU's security and defence activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's response to the Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has been widely perceived as unprecedented. This article examines how this could be, considering the long track record of disagreement amongst EU member states over foreign policy vis‐à‐vis Russia. It is argued that whilst the Russian invasion had a decisive impact on member states' security threat perceptions, realist explanations of the EU's forceful response encounter limitations: Germany and France, the EU's most influential powers, were not the drivers of the EU's joint actions during the first months following the invasion, as they struggled to redefine their national security interests. Against this background, this article takes a different perspective. It asks in what kind of intersubjective context the EU's initial response became meaningful and rational, allowing for agreement to emerge amongst the member states on a set of unprecedented measures. This article proposes a theoretical approach that takes into account the role of norms, rationalities and speech acts in a changing context and of social interaction therein. It is demonstrated that, given the dramatic rupture following the invasion, the EU's response in 2022 was embedded in, and structured by, a priori understandings and justifications generated by the EU in response to Russia's war against Ukraine starting in 2014, including normative considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has been more incensed over Russian aggression towards Ukraine in 2022, when compared to Russia's invasion of Crimea in 2014. This article questions this shift by looking at the EU's sanctions towards Russia. It argues that the relative unwillingness of the European Commission, and accordingly the imbalance or lopsided distribution of power within and amongst the relevant EU institutions, was one of the factors internal to the EU that prevented an effective response in 2014. Although external and contextual factors have been crucial, the EU has adopted harsher sanctions against Russia since 2022 because the Commission is not unwilling to act as it was in 2014, and dissenting members have found it difficult to obstruct the process in the Council of the EU. This article also extends the analytical repertoire of the bureaucratic politics model by demonstrating that it retains explanatory power even when the traditional parameters remain constant over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) increasingly seeks cooperation with transit and sending countries to prevent irregular migration and enforce returns. Yet, these countries have little incentives to engage in such cooperation. To overcome interest asymmetries, the EU has sought to link trade and migration control in its preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Drawing on a comprehensive dataset of migration provisions in all PTAs signed between 1960 and 2020 and a qualitative analysis of key policy documents, we show that the inclusion of such provisions does not follow patterns of interdependence and strategic priorities resulting from problem pressure. Rather, the proliferation of migration control provisions in EU PTAs is best explained by the institutional framework guiding the negotiation of these provisions. Whilst reflecting the political will to use PTAs as a 'carrot' to incite third‐country cooperation, these findings also show the limits of targeted action on migration control via commercial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How was the European Union's privacy regime built? Drawing on regime theory and carrying out qualitative document analysis, we present the evolution of the privacy regime across the three decades from the 1995 European Data Protection Directive to the 2016 General Data Protection Regulation, the 2022 Data Governance Act and finally the 2022 Digital Markets package. Our analysis focuses on the European Commission and suggests that the privacy regime emerged out of the seemingly conflicting interplay between the (digital) single market whose power draws on the network effects of expanding data resources and concerns for personal privacy that seek limiting data gathering itself. Contrary to expectations, potential tensions between competition law and consumer protection have not hindered or decelerated the formation of the regulatory regime. In fact, these tensions have proven to be surprisingly productive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on enforcing compliance with the European Union's (EU's) rule of law value has focused on the roles of the European Commission, the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU. However, the Council of the EU has attracted less attention. Existing scholarship has convincingly established that the rotating Presidency can crucially influence the functioning of the Council, and, accordingly, this paper examines the discretionary impact the Presidencies have towards Art.7 procedures. Drawing on official documents and statements, this paper compares how the various Presidencies from 2018 to 2022 have used their privileged position on the Council's agenda to decide whether to move forward with hearings. In doing so, they selected appropriate agenda‐shaping strategies, shaped the Commission's perceived opportunities to exercise its agenda prerogatives, avoided compromises on the trios' agendas and, sometimes, benefited from not dealing with Art.7 to pursue other agenda priorities. The Presidency's wide room for manoeuvre hinders the Council's activity in scrutinising backsliding governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing influence of social media platforms, and the disinformation that circulates in them, has transformed the public spheres. How to deal with disinformation is an open normative, empirical and political question in contemporary democracies. In this article, we outline an agenda on the institutional strategies pursued in the European Union (EU), the normative understandings of the public sphere that such strategies imply, and the analytical challenges to undertake this line of inquiry. We argue that there is an emerging competition in the EU field of disinformation – constructed by actors coming from different pre‐existing fields, such as journalism or foreign policy – not only to define what is 'true' from what is 'fake', but also to determine the sort of the public sphere and democracy we ought to strive for. This perspective allows us to anticipate which actors might be empowered (or disempowered) depending on how disinformation is addressed in regulatory terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU policy responses to the migration crisis caused by the Russian war against Ukraine challenge existing explanations of EU migration policy, which have typically leaned on economic rationales. This study leans on public attitudes to shed light on Poland's opposition to migration co‐operation across three recent European migration crises: Syria (2015), Belarus (2021) and Ukraine (2022). Throughout these crises, Poland has become a significant migration border country and one of the top refugee‐receiving countries. We build an analytical framework for exploring how the Polish government instrumentalised 'parochial attitudes' that prioritise sovereignty, locality and the in‐group and exclude out‐groups, and we analyse Poland's (op)position to EU co‐operation on migration through this lens. Using survey data, policy documents, 83 media articles and 10 interviews with policy‐makers and experts, we demonstrate that Poland's position on EU solidarity measures has remained static despite the dynamic, evolving circumstances and aligned with parochial attitudes amongst the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Euroscepticism has become prominent across the European Union, also in countries that were originally seen as pro‐integrationist such as the Netherlands. Based on a qualitative analysis of claims in three major Dutch newspapers, I examine the mainstreaming of Euroscepticism in the Netherlands in the context of the 2009, 2014 and 2019 European Parliament elections. Mainstreaming refers to a process in which an idea becomes an integral part of debates in the public sphere. I examine the mainstreaming of Euroscepticism through a two‐part analysis that centres around a fourfold typology, which distinguishes between supportive, Euroalternative, soft Eurosceptic and hard Eurosceptic claims. I find that Euroscepticism has indeed become mainstream, in debates revolving around arguments for and against the European Union. Furthermore, Euroscepticism has not just become more prominent but has also moved from an outsider to an insider perspective. Yet, it often remains unclear what Euroscepticism actually entails. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's (EU) external governance enjoys significant attention in the literature. Yet its outcomes are usually assessed with reference to strategic documents or scholars' self‐designed criteria. This article contributes to the ongoing debate with a discourse analysis focusing on the perceptions of anti‐corruption reform outcomes in Ukraine by actors on different levels in the EU. Simultaneously, structural factors are incorporated into the analysis. It demonstrates that although constant progress is officially proclaimed by the EU, even technical advisers disagree on how success in this crucial domain is understood and how to measure it. High‐level representatives face a balancing act between conditionality demands, sovereignty limitations and geopolitical considerations. This explains the official signalling by the EU and the development of its rule‐of‐law reform conditionality. The outcome is a potential state of moral hazard and raise the question whether EU external governance has not become a victim of its 'own success'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies on European solidarity ('bonding') during COVID‐19 lack a baseline comparison with outside states. We, therefore, cannot say whether European solidarity is universal or geared towards European Union (EU) insiders ('bounding'). We thus ask whether European solidarity is 'bounded', that is, whether it relies on differentiation between European insiders and outsiders. We argue that if existent, bounded solidarity constitutes a long‐term and thick basis for institutional building. To explore this 'bonding–bounding' dynamic, we use a vignette experiment embedded into an original survey collected in eight European countries (n ∼ 8900), covering all European regions. Our design varies the countries receiving solidarity, and the channels (EU level vs. member state level), policy domains (health vs. economy) and instruments (loans, grants, medical equipment, vaccines) through which solidarity is provided. Regarding bounding, we find that most countries are more solidaristic with EU countries than an outsider, baseline state (Peru), Italy excepted. There is, nonetheless, a strong heterogeneity between countries: France, Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden mostly want to help themselves and Southern member states, but not Central Eastern European member states, which we show is due to their perceived obstructionism related to the Rule of Law debate. Concerning the nature of solidarity, we find that most respondents prefer solidarity to be channelled through the EU and loans, with evidence suggesting a freeriding mechanism behind this preference. All in all, our results indicate that EU citizens form a distinct community of solidarity which, in line with a Rokkanian understanding of polity formation, plays a key role in political development and consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops a novel approach for studying the influence of supranational institutions in international cooperation. While earlier research tends to treat member states as a collective yielding influence on supranational institutions, we unpack this collective to explore differentiated supranational influence. To this end, the article makes three contributions. First, it develops a method for measuring differentiated supranational influence that makes it possible to identify which member states give ground when a supranational institution is influential. Second, it theorizes the sources of differentiated supranational influence, arguing that states are more likely to accommodate a supranational institution when they are more dependent on the resources of this institution. Third, it illustrates the usefulness of this approach empirically through an analysis of the influence of the European Commission in European Union bargaining. The analysis suggests that our approach can measure and explain differentiated supranational influence under conditions of both heightened crisis and everyday politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to investigate the bisphenol A (BPA) release from four CAD/CAM splint materials: three polycarbonate‐based (DD BioSplint C, Splint Plus Biostar, Temp Premium Flexible) and one polymethylmethacrylate‐based (Temp Basic) material. From each material, ten cylindrical samples (n = 40) were immersed in high‐performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) grade water following ISO 10993‐12 and incubated for 24 h in an incubation shaker at 37°C and 112 rpm. Following BPA derivatization, analysis was performed by high‐performance liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (HPLC‐MS/MS). After 24 h of incubation, all investigated materials released significant amounts of BPA compared to water blanks. The material‐dependent elution increased in the following order: DD BioSplint C < Splint Plus Biostar < Temp Basic < Temp Premium Flexible. Subtracting extraneous BPA, the concentrations ranged between 2.27 ng/mL and 12.65 ng/mL. After extrapolating the concentrations in relation to the average surface area of occlusal splints, the amount of BPA per mL exceeded the Tolerable Daily Intake (TDI) set by the European Union for a person weighing 70 kg by 1.32–6.16 times. Contrary to the release from previously investigated materials, BPA elution from CAD/CAM splint materials was highly elevated. Considering the increasing adaptation of CAD/CAM techniques, elution from them may represent a relevant BPA source in daily dental practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: Salmonella infections are significant causes of foodborne outbreaks in the European Union. This study investigates a sudden increase in gastroenteritis patients in the hospital district of Central Finland in June 2021. The primary aim was to study the outbreak's magnitude and source of the outbreak. Methods and Results: Epidemiological, microbiological, environmental and traceback investigations were conducted. Over 700 persons fell ill during the outbreak caused by Salmonella Typhimurium associated with a daycare lunch. Similar S. Typhimurium was found in the patients and a vegetable mix containing iceberg lettuce, cucumber and peas served during lunch. The traceback investigation revealed that the batch information of vegetables from the wholesaler was not complete. The wholesaler had received quality complaints about the iceberg lettuce from the central kitchen. The manufacturer did not test the suspected batch for Salmonella since the production plant had given a certificate declaring it Salmonella negative. Conclusions: The most suspect ingredient was one batch of iceberg lettuce due to quality complaints. The lettuce had not been served in two daycare centres without cases. We recommend that in order to enable thorough microbiological investigation, institutional kitchens store the food samples separately as part of the internal quality control and that food items should always be tested when Salmonella contamination in an outbreak is suspected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: The importation of rabid animals poses a continual threat to rabies freedom in the European Union (EU). Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the European Commission eased the rules on companion animal importations for Ukrainian refugees through derogations to the EU Pet Travel Scheme (EU PETS). As Ukraine remains endemic for canine rabies, this paper aimed to quantitatively assess whether the change in regulations affected the risk of rabies introduction to the EU. Method and Results: Transmission pathways for both EU PETS and derogations to this scheme were considered, as well as the scenarios of 100% compliance and reduced compliance within both schemes. Stochastic modelling was performed via a Monte Carlo simulation to calculate the median and 95% confidence intervals of the annual risk of rabies entry and the years between rabies entries into the EU. Following 100% compliance, the derogation scheme posed a significantly lower risk at a value of 3.63 × 10−3 (CI 95% 1.18 × 10−3–9.34 × 10−3) rabies entries per year in comparison to EU PETS where the risk was 4.25 × 10−2 (CI 95% 1.44 × 10−2–9.81 × 10−2). Despite a significantly lower risk as compared to EU PETS under 100% compliance, the derogation scheme was more sensitive to a reduction in compliance which resulted in a 74‐fold increase in risk. Given this, even under reduced compliance, the annual risk remained lower under the derogation scheme, although this was not statistically significant. Conclusion: The findings of this study suggest that a 4‐month period of quarantine, as modelled for the derogation scenario, could reduce the annual risk of rabies entry. This scheme may present a viable solution for the management of companion animal influxes in future crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sediments are an integral component of aquatic systems, linking multiple water uses, functions, and services. Contamination of sediments by chemicals is a worldwide problem, with many jurisdictions trying to prevent future pollution (prospective) and manage existing contamination (retrospective). The present review assesses the implementation of sediment toxicity testing in environmental regulations globally. Currently, the incorporation of sediment toxicity testing in regulations is most common in the European Union (EU), North America, and Australasian regions, with some expansion in Asia and non‐EU Europe. Employing sediment toxicity testing in prospective assessments (i.e., before chemicals are allowed on the market) is most advanced and harmonized with pesticides. In the retrospective assessment of environmental risks (i.e., chemicals already contaminating sediments), regulatory sediment toxicity testing practices are applied inconsistently on the global scale. International harmonization of sediment toxicity tests is considered an asset and has been successful through the widespread adoption and deployment of Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development guidelines. On the other hand, retrospective sediment assessments benefit from incorporating regional species and protocols. Currently used toxicity testing species are diverse, with temperate species being applied most often, whereas test protocols are insufficiently flexible to appropriately address the range of environmental contaminants, including nanomaterials, highly hydrophobic contaminants, and ionized chemicals. The ever‐increasing and ‐changing pressures placed on aquatic resources are a challenge for protection and management efforts, calling for continuous sediment toxicity test method improvement to insure effective use in regulatory frameworks. Future developments should focus on including more subtle and specific toxicity endpoints (e.g., incorporating bioavailability‐based in vitro tests) and genomic techniques, extending sediment toxicity testing from single to multispecies approaches, and providing a better link with ecological protection goals. Environ Toxicol Chem 2024;43:1697–1716. © 2024 The Authors. Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of SETAC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilateral trade relationships between countries vary across products. Such heterogeneity poses challenges when assessing the economic impacts of trade agreements. This paper estimates bilateral trade elasticities at the product level and explores these impacts using a hypothetical no‐deal Brexit as an example. Our findings indicate that the European Union's demand for the United Kingdom products is often less elastic compared to products from other trading partners. We also observed substantial heterogeneity in the elasticities across products and a negative correlation between these elasticities and tariffs. These factors mitigate extent of trade welfare losses compared to a scenario using homogeneous elasticities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, a factor‐augmented version of the New Keynesian Phillips curve (NKPC) is assessed using a data set comprised of a large panel of European Union (EU) member countries. The factor‐augmentation is natural given that country‐level inflation rates are highly co‐moving. The presence of unattended common factors is important because it raises the issue of omitted variables bias, as the real marginal cost, which is a regressor of the NKPC, is likely to load on the same factors as inflation. One possibility here is to employ the regular instrumental variables approach. However, if the external instruments load on the same factors as the error term of the NKPC, the instruments would be invalid and the results would therefore likely be misleading. Motivated by this last observation, the present paper proposes a new estimator of the NKPC that allows for very general forms of factor dependencies and endogeneity. Our results provide evidence in support of the NKPC, but only after the presence of common factors has been appropriately accounted for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The environmental and health problems caused by plastics throughout their life cycle have attracted considerable public attention over the past decade, triggering policy responses in many constituencies. Similarly, interdisciplinary research on plastics has been burgeoning in the past few years, and political science contributions have covered the manifold root causes and consequences of this shift in public policy including media coverage, evolving discourses and policy agendas. In view of this policy relevance that drives scholarly inquiry, it is surprising that we lack a systematic assessment of the actual policy outputs. This article fills this lacuna by developing a policy portfolio approach to plastic regulation. To illustrate and substantiate our approach, we provide an exploratory analysis of EU plastics regulation over the last twenty years, complementing this with Denmark, Germany, and Poland as diverse cases of member state regulation. Overall, our research shows that the number of policy measures targeting plastics has massively increased both at the supranational and national level. This policy growth, however, varies across policy targets and instruments. Our findings highlight first, that the policy targets addressed are mainly located at the end of the plastics life cycle; and second, that the instrument choice is privileging the use of hierarchical forms of intervention over the use of market‐ or information‐based instruments. We discuss these features of the policy portfolio approach in light of existing research on plastics and life‐cycle‐oriented policy approaches such as the Circular Economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, European Union member states have hastened energy policy deliberations to address supply and sustainability concerns, placing a significant emphasis on nuclear energy as a means to achieve decarbonization goals. However, despite its significant role in power generation, nuclear energy faces significant challenges linked to fuel reprocessing and waste disposal, that hinder its broader expansion. In this context, the separation of technetium represents a concerning issue. Indeed, technetium's catalytic activity can impede the extraction of uranium, neptunium, and plutonium, affecting waste reprocessing efficiency. Additionally, the stable form of technetium in aerobic conditions, pertechnetate (TcO4−), poses risks of groundwater contamination due to its mobility and solubility. Hence, sensing and separation of TcO4− is imperative for both nuclear fuel processing and minimising radioactive contamination in the environment. However, the binding of TcO4− and its separation from contaminated solutions present challenges due to the acidic (or basic) waste components and the high ionic strength in real matrices. Supramolecular chemists have addressed these issues by designing receptors inspired by molecular recognition principles. This article explores recent advancements and future directions in TcO4− sensing and separation (using extraction and sorption) with a focus on molecular hosts. Metal‐organic receptors will also be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, European Union member states have hastened energy policy deliberations to address supply and sustainability concerns, placing a significant emphasis on nuclear energy as a means to achieve decarbonization goals. However, despite its significant role in power generation, nuclear energy faces significant challenges linked to fuel reprocessing and waste disposal, that hinder its broader expansion. In this context, the separation of technetium represents a concerning issue. Indeed, technetium's catalytic activity can impede the extraction of uranium, neptunium, and plutonium, affecting waste reprocessing efficiency. Additionally, the stable form of technetium in aerobic conditions, pertechnetate (TcO4−), poses risks of groundwater contamination due to its mobility and solubility. Hence, sensing and separation of TcO4− is imperative for both nuclear fuel processing and minimising radioactive contamination in the environment. However, the binding of TcO4− and its separation from contaminated solutions present challenges due to the acidic (or basic) waste components and the high ionic strength in real matrices. Supramolecular chemists have addressed these issues by designing receptors inspired by molecular recognition principles. This article explores recent advancements and future directions in TcO4− sensing and separation (using extraction and sorption) with a focus on molecular hosts. Metal‐organic receptors will also be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For about 30 years, the European Union has been politically active in the field of Education and Training with a broad set of aims, measures and tools. All member states were involved in these politics, creating a kind of European profile. Adult education was an important pillar. A number of adult educators involved in various organisations at both the European and national levels carried out the activities. Many of them were recognised for their contributions and were inducted into the International Adult and Continuing Education Hall of Fame. In this qualitative review, the reflections of 16 of these experts on a number of key issues, including achievements, challenges and obstacles in this period are presented. They evaluate European policy‐making in adult education and training, including the systems, the funding, the participation and the professional developments, in a structured way. A common understanding of adult education and its prerequisites can be noticed, as well as critical reflections on achievements, and further needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant destination states of the Global North generally seek to stem irregular migration while remaining committed to refugee rights. To do so, these states have increasingly sought to externalize migration control, implicating migrant origin and transit states in managing the movement of persons across borders. But do externalization policies actually have an impact on unauthorized migration flows? If yes, do those impacts vary across different migrant categories given that both asylum seekers and other migrants can cross borders without prior authorization? We argue that these policies do have an impact on unauthorized migration flows and that those impacts are distinct for refugees and other migrants. Using data on “irregular/illegal border crossings” collected by Frontex, the Border and Coast Guard Agency of the European Union (EU), we first find that the geographical trajectories of refugees and other migrants who cross EU borders without authorization are distinct. Using a novel method to estimate whether individuals are likely to obtain asylum in 31 European destination states, we find that “likely refugees” tend to be concentrated on a single, primary migratory route while “likely irregular migrants” may be dispersed across multiple routes. Through an event study analysis of the impact of the 2016 EU–Turkey Statement, a paradigmatic example of externalization, we show that the policy primarily blocked likely refugees while deflecting likely irregular migrants to alternative routes. Our findings ultimately highlight how externalization policies may fail to prevent unauthorized entries of irregular migrants while endangering refugee protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is portrayed as a “normative power” that promotes democracy. How does identifying with the EU identity predict citizens' responses to a war between two non‐EU countries, where one (Ukraine) appears as the victim (i.e., a nation suffering significant harm as a result of military aggression by another country) and the other (Russia) as the aggressor (i.e., a nation initiating military aggression against another country)? This study tested two contrasting, yet not mutually exclusive hypotheses. Based on the underlying idea that Ukraine is perceived to share similar (European) values while Russia is perceived to deviate from these values, the “humanitarian influence of the EU identity hypothesis” hypothesized that identification with the EU identity predicts increased support for the victim group (Ukraine) and condemnation of the aggressor group over time. Based on the “protective effect of EU identity hypothesis,” however, a reverse temporal order was also hypothesized. We conducted a two two‐wave study among Greek participants. Our findings provided full support for the first hypothesis and partial support for the second hypothesis. Identification with EU identity predicts increasingly stronger opposition to an intergroup conflict between non‐EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the determinants of the overeducation phenomenon among migrants in Lombardy, Italy, and how it has evolved over the last 14 years. The target population consists of legal and undocumented individuals with original citizenship from countries defined as ‘high migratory pressure countries’, who declared themselves as ‘employed’. Italy has one of the highest rates of overeducation among non‐EU citizens in the European Union, and there is also a significant gap between the overeducation rates of Italian nationals and non‐EU citizens in the country. The study explores various factors contributing to overeducation and how the individual and migratory characteristics affecting it evolved. The chosen period encompasses years affected by the consequences of the economic crisis and the pandemic emergency. A significant time effect, different according to gender, is detected: more specifically, a decrease in the probability of being overeducated in the post‐crisis years in comparison with the preceding ones for men. More years since migration and having attended primary or secondary education in Italy appear to significantly lessen the likelihood of overeducation. Predicted probabilities demonstrate that being a woman and originating from certain countries, such as some eastern European non‐EU countries (Ukraine and Moldova) and the Philippines, disadvantage foreign workers in terms of overeducation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) Battery Regulation aims to establish a circular battery production and sets minimum battery material recycled targets for new batteries from post‐production and post‐consumer waste batteries. However, it is uncertain whether these targets can be met due to dynamic market developments and if their compliance results in environmental benefits. Therefore, this study examines the circular battery production in the EU and its impact on material flows and the environment from a market perspective. We combined a system dynamic market model with process models for battery production and recycling, using prospective life cycle assessment. According to our analysis, the projected amount of post‐consumer waste alone may not meet the specified levels of recycled materials due to long battery lifetimes. Thereby, the targets for cobalt are particularly ambitious, with a gap of between 9.8 and 14.6 percentage points for most scenarios. In the case of reduced battery lifetimes, the achievable recycled content across all materials increases by more than 75% in 2032 and by more than 85% in 2037. The avoidance of post‐production waste leads to 9% lower greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions compared to recycling with 100% recycling efficiency. Thus, attributable amounts of post‐production waste and unfavorable prolonged use of batteries create misguided incentives to meet legal targets. Additionally, the delay between production and recycling limits the potential for circular production as this depends significantly on market conditions. Our study highlights, that besides recycling, the industry should especially advance production processes including upstream material extraction and refinement to reduce environmental impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union is actively advancing the green and digital transformation of its industries by seeking to integrate disruptive and novel technologies to enhance efficiency in existing production lines. However, the introduction of these technologies, pivotal for this transformation, has encountered challenges within the current regulatory framework. This article systematically examines the legal framework to understand how authorisation procedures, influenced by environmental legislation interpreted in conjunction with the precautionary principle, might hinder the adoption of disruptive and novel technologies. Additionally, the article evaluates the effectiveness of experimentation rules, such as legal sandboxes, in addressing scientific uncertainties linked to these technologies. Despite tensions between innovation policies and environmental regulations, embracing the precautionary principle in decision‐making procedures could facilitate the adoption of sustainable innovations while prioritising long‐term environmental and societal well‐being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflexive environmental law (REL) techniques create potential for reflexivity by regulated companies. This reflexivity is fundamental to overcoming various regulatory hurdles posed by complex and dynamic sustainability challenges, such as plastics circularity. However, even when European Union (EU) environmental legislation incorporates REL techniques, Member State transposition may either undermine or enhance these techniques' potential for driving regulatee reflexivity. This article examines REL's evolution within complex, transnational legislative frameworks, taking the EU's Single‐use Plastics Directive (SUPD) as a case study. It compares reflexivity techniques in the SUPD to those in transpositions by France and Germany. Our analysis is based on the coding of 11 REL techniques and three overarching reflexive drivers—autonomy, accountability and adjustability—within four SUPD instruments. Identifying divergence in REL between the SUPD and Member State transpositions allows us to highlight three explanations as to why REL evolves in certain ways through the transposition process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the potential of high‐resolution (<0.5 cm/pixel) aerial imagery and convolutional neural networks (CNNs) for disease incidence scoring in sugar beet, focusing on two important aphid‐transmitted viruses, beet mild yellowing virus (BMYV) and beet chlorosis virus (BChV). The development of tolerant sugar beet cultivars is imperative in the context of increased disease management concerns due to the ban on neonicotinoids in the European Union. However, traditional methods of disease phenotyping, which rely on visual assessment by human experts, are both time‐consuming and subjective. Therefore, this study assessed whether aerial multispectral and RGB images could be harnessed to perform automated disease ratings comparable to those performed by trained experts. To this end, two variety trials were conducted in 2021 and 2022. The 2021 dataset was used to train and validate a CNN model on five cultivars, while the 2022 dataset was used to test the model on two cultivars different from those used in 2021. Additionally, this study tests the use of transformed features instead of raw spectral bands to improve the generalization of CNN models. The results showed that the best CNN model was the one trained for BMYV on RGB images using transformed features instead of conventional raw bands. This model achieved a root mean square error score of 11.45% between the model and expert scores. These results indicate that while high‐resolution aerial imagery and CNNs hold great promise, a complete replacement of human expertise is not yet possible. This research contributes to an innovative approach to disease phenotyping, driving advances in sustainable agriculture and crop breeding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims Methods and Results Conclussions Campylobacteriosis, caused by Campylobacter spp., is one of the most important foodborne zoonotic diseases in the world and a common cause of gastroenteritis. In the European Union, campylobacteriosis is considered the most common zoonotic disease, with over 10,000 cases in 2020 alone. This high occurrence highlights the need of more efficient surveillance methods and identification of key points.Herein, we evaluated and identified key points of Campylobacter spp. occurrence along the Spanish food chain during 2015–2020, based on the following variables: product, stage and region. We analysed a dataset provided by the Spanish Agency for Food Safety and Nutrition using a machine learning algorithm (random forests). Campylobacter presence was influenced by the three selected explanatory variables, especially by product, followed by region and stage. Among the studied products, meat, especially poultry and sheep, presented the highest probability of occurrence of Campylobacter, where the bacterium was present in the initial, intermediate and final stages (e.g., wholesale, retail) of the food chain. The presence in final stages may represent direct consumer exposure to the bacteria.By using the random forest method, this study contributes to the identification of Campylobacter key points and the evaluation of control efforts in the Spanish food chain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural hazard‐related disasters are on the rise and have significant impacts on the public and private sector. Different mechanisms and instruments exist on the pan‐European level to deal with them, including the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF). Recently, the EUSF expanded its scope to incorporate public health emergencies and merged with the Emergency Aid Reserve to become the Solidarity and Emergency Aid Reserve. It therefore became a multi‐hazard and multi‐risk instrument to assist countries during the emergency phase of disasters. As different types of hazards and risks are drawing from the same fund there is concern about what capitalisation levels have to be assumed to make it sustainable. Hence, it is important to understand to which hazards and risks the fund is most exposed and whether there are regional differences within Europe. To address these issues, this paper takes a risk‐based approach and estimates the capitalisation levels needed for major hazards and risks, noting regional differences across Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cabbage stem flea beetle (CSFB, Psylliodes chrysocephala) is a key pest of oilseed rape. The ban on neonicotinoids in the European Union due to environmental concerns and the emergence of pyrethroid‐resistant populations have made the control of CSFB extremely challenging. In search of a solution, we have recently shown that RNA interference (RNAi) has potential in the management of CSFB. However, the previously tested target genes for RNAi‐mediated pest control (subsequently called target genes) exhibited moderate and slow‐acting lethal effects. In this study, 27 double‐stranded RNAs (dsRNAs) were orally delivered to identify highly effective target genes in CSFB adults by leveraging the findings of a genome‐wide RNAi screen in Tribolium castaneum. Our screen using 500 ng of dsRNA identified 10 moderately effective (> 50% mortality) and 4 highly effective target genes (100% mortality in 8–13 days). The latter mainly included proteasome subunits. Gene expression measurements confirmed target gene silencing and dose–response studies revealed LD50 values as low as ~20 ng in 14 days following a single exposure to dsRNA. Four highly effective dsRNAs also inhibited leaf damage (up to ~75%) and one affected locomotion. The sequences of promising target genes were subjected to in silico target prediction in non‐target organisms, for example, beneficials such as honeybees, to design environmentally friendly dsRNAs. Overall, the study provides valuable insights for the development of dsRNA‐based insecticides against CSFB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND RESULTS CONCLUSION Chestnut fruit quality is affected by fungal contamination. The study of the patterns of contamination in the postharvest is crucial to individuate the critical phases and propose solutions. To understand how fungal colonization varies on fruits, the composition of mycobiota was investigated in postharvest handling and in between tissues (shell and kernel).Fungal sequences were clustered into 308 operational taxonomic units (OTUs). Biodiversity was higher in shell than kernel tissues. Results evidenced the risk of new contamination in specific phases such as the ‘cold bath’ and storage. Genera known as mycotoxin producers were detected in all phases. Specifically, 47 OTUs belonging to Penicillium, eight to Fusarium and two to Aspergillus genera were identified. While Fusarium spp. was sensitive to ‘warm bath’ phase, Penicillium spp. was largely insensitive and accumulated in storage conditions. Surprisingly, Aspergillus spp. was poorly represented. Aflatoxin, ochratoxin A, fumonisins and T‐2/HT‐2 detection was performed for shell and kernel, and process phases. Higher contamination was observed on shell than in kernel samples. While aflatoxins were within the European Union (EU) limits for dry fruits, Ochratoxin exceeded the EU limits. The present study represents the first report of fumonisins and T‐2/HT‐2 detection in chestnuts.Fungal contamination taxa is high in chestnut fruits following postharvest handling and storage. A parametrization of process phases such as the ‘warm bath’ is functional to reduce the risk for some taxa. For other spoilage and mycotoxigenic genera strict sanitation procedures of equipment and water must be individuated and implemented to reduce their impact. © 2024 The Author(s). Journal of The Science of Food and Agriculture published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Society of Chemical Industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Social media has become a ubiquitous part of everyday life; however, evidence suggests patterns of social media use can affect sleep health in children and adolescents. This study aimed to examine the associations of intense and problematic social media use (SMU) with sleep‐onset difficulties in adolescence. Methods: We analysed data from 212,613 adolescents aged 11‐15 years (51.1% girls) from 40 European and North American countries that participated in the 2017/2018 Health Behaviour in School‐aged Children survey. Intense SMU assessed how often respondents had online contact through social media, and problematic SMU was assessed by symptoms of addiction to social media. Sleep‐onset difficulties were assessed using a self‐reported item. Multilevel mixed‐effects logistic regression was used to obtain the estimates. Results: Sleep‐onset difficulties were more common among girls than boys (27.1% vs 20.8%). Intense SMU was significantly associated with sleep‐onset difficulties in boys in 17 countries and in girls in 25 countries, while problematic SMU was significantly associated in most of the participating countries. Overall, exposure to problematic SMU alone was highly associated with sleep‐onset difficulties both in girls (OR 2.20, 2.04–2.38) and boys (OR 1.88, 1.73–2.04), while the association estimates for intense SMU were smaller and comparable across gender (Girls: OR 1.27, 1.23–1.31; Boys: OR 1.22, 1.18–1.27). Sensitivity analyses supported the above findings. Conclusions: Intense and/or problematic SMU were associated with sleep‐onset difficulties across gender with associations being higher for problematic compared to intense SMU. Prospective research with objective measures is needed to understand the causal mechanisms underlying these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population‐based organised repeated screening for prostate cancer has been found to reduce disease‐specific mortality, but with substantial overdiagnosis leading to overtreatment. Although only very few countries have implemented a screening programme on a national level, individual prostate‐specific antigen (PSA) testing is common. This opportunistic testing may have little favourable impact, while stressing the side‐effects. The classic early detection protocols as were state‐of‐the‐art in the 1990s applied a PSA and digital rectal examination threshold for sextant systematic prostate biopsy, with a fixed interval for re‐testing, and limited indication for expectant management. In the three decades since these trials were started, different important improvements have become available in the cascade of screening, indication for biopsy, and treatment. The main developed aspects include: better identification of individuals at risk (using early/baseline PSA, family history, and/or genetic profile), individualised re‐testing interval, optimised and individualised starting and stopping age, with gradual invitation at a fixed age rather than invitation of a wider range of age groups, risk stratification for biopsy (using PSA density, risk calculator, magnetic resonance imaging, serum and urine biomarkers, or combinations/sequences), targeted biopsy, transperineal biopsy approach, active surveillance for low‐risk prostate cancer, and improved staging of disease. All these developments are suggested to decrease the side‐effects of screening, while at least maintaining the advantages, but Level 1 evidence is lacking. The knowledge gained and new developments on early detection are being tested in different prospective screening trials throughout Europe. In addition, the European Union‐funded PRostate cancer Awareness and Initiative for Screening in the European Union (PRAISE‐U) project will compare and evaluate different screening pilots throughout Europe. Implementation and sustainability will also be addressed. Modern screening approaches may reduce the burden of the second most frequent cause of cancer‐related death in European males, while minimising side‐effects. Also, less efficacious opportunistic early detection may be indirectly reduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The incidental capture (bycatch) of seabirds is a global conservation issue and a top threat to European species that demands urgent conservation and management action. Here, we present the first European review of seabird bycatch data, considering all fishing gears and data collection methods available in the region. We calculate seabird bycatch numbers per species, family, country and European marine region and assess the reliability of the data available. The cumulative bycatch estimate extracted from this review suggests that about 195,000 seabirds (ranging from around 130,000 to 380,000) are bycaught in European waters annually. The most affected seabird species is the Common Guillemot Uria aalge with over 31,000 birds killed per year. The marine region with the highest bycatch estimate is the Northeast Atlantic (over 115,000 seabirds year−1). Gillnet fisheries are responsible for the highest bycatch levels, with over 95,000 seabirds year−1, followed by longline fisheries. The families most affected by bycatch are Anatidae and Alcidae. These numbers are likely an underestimation since we were unable to find bycatch estimates, or to extrapolate estimates from available bycatch data for 12 (out of 34) European coastal states. Our assessment also identified significant data gaps in key areas such as Gran Sol (in the north‐east Atlantic), the central and Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea. Combining systematic data collection with immediate implementation of mitigation measures will be crucial to fill in knowledge gaps, reduce current mortality levels and meet international conservation commitments such as those of the European Union and the Convention on Migratory Species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peach brown rot, attributed to Monilinia fructicola, presents a significant threat to postharvest peach cultivation, causing losses of up to 80%. With an increasing number of countries, spearheaded by the European Union, imposing bans on chemical agents in fruit production, there is a growing interest in mining highly active antibacterial compounds from biological control strains for postharvest disease management. In this study, we highlight the unique ability of Streptomyces lincolnensis strain JCP1‐7 to inhibit M. fructicola sporulation, despite its limited antimicrobial efficacy. Through GC–MS analysis, eucalyptol was identified as the key compound. Fumigation of diseased fruits with eucalyptol at a concentration of 0.0335 μg cm−3 demonstrated an in vivo inhibition rate against M. fructicola of 93.13%, completely suppressing spore formation. Transcriptome analysis revealed the impact of eucalyptol on multiple pathogenesis‐related pathways, particularly through the inhibition of catalase 2 (Cat2) expression. Experiments with a MfCat2 knockout strain (ΔMfCat2) showed reduced pathogenicity and sensitivity to JCP1‐7 and eucalyptol, suggesting MfCat2 as a potential target of JCP1‐7 and eucalyptol against M. fructicola. Our findings elucidate that eucalyptol produced by S. lincolnensis JCP1‐7 inhibits M. fructicola sporulation by regulating MfCat2, thereby effectively reducing postharvest peach brown rot occurrence. The use of fumigation of eucalyptol offers insights into peach brown rot management on a large scale, thus making a significant contribution to agricultural research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an action for annulment against the European Union (EU) Emissions Trading Directive, both the EU General Court and the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) found the claim to be inadmissible because the applicants did not satisfy the infamous Plaumann criteria. Conversely, at the national level, the German Federal Constitutional Court (GFCC) accepted to decide on a claim by individuals arguing that the German Climate Protection Act violated their fundamental rights. In its decision, the GFCC makes far‐reaching statements on the protection of fundamental rights in times of global climate change. Some might even argue the GFCC established a fundamental right to climate protection. By contrast, the CJEU did not yet decide on the effective protection of intertemporal rights or a right to climate protection respectively. Almost 50 years after the Solange I decision, one must ask whether there is a substantial deficit of fundamental rights protection at the EU level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Green regionalism aims to mutually reinforce environmental governance and economic integration. The article provides the first analysis of green regionalism in international law. It argues that green regionalism represents a paradigm shift in global normative endeavours towards environmental sustainability. By contextualising three waves of global regionalism, the article unveils the evolving architecture of green regionalism alongside negotiations of the World Trade Organization and multilateral environmental agreements. Moreover, it sheds light on the pertinent disputes and features of new green initiatives galvanised by the European Union, the United States and Asia‐Pacific countries. These developments are pivotal in understanding the trade‐environment nexus and fostering economic resilience in our hyperconnected world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do national political parties vary in their views on Social Europe? I focus on an aspect that has received less attention despite its growing prevalence—EU regulations with ambitions to diminish social inequality to encourage social convergence among Member States. Since the Juncker Commission, the European Commission has become increasingly active in pursuing this aspect of Social Europe. Thus, understanding parties' positions on this aspect of Social Europe has become more important. However, current literature lacks measures of national party stances towards Social Europe, and explanations for these stances. Here, I use data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (2006, 2009, 2014 and 2019) to develop an indirect measure of party positions on Social Europe. Leveraging studies in party politics and EU politics, I propose that party families and national economic conditions may affect parties' positions on Social Europe. The analyses suggest substantial variation in parties' positions on Social Europe both within and across party families. The analyses also demonstrate that socialist and green parties support Social Europe most, whereas radical right parties support it least. Lastly, I do not find systematic evidence that national economic conditions influence parties' support for this aspect of Social Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Pillar of Social Rights sits at the fulcrum of EU social policymaking. This article aims to explore its legal and political character, how it was shaped in the adoption process and its place within Social Europe. The key argument is that the Social Pillar builds on but also critically modifies previous initiatives present within the broader EU governance framework, notably in the European Semester. Key political actors like Commission President Jean‐Claude Juncker and parliamentary rapporteur Maria João Rodrigues contributed to the adoption process not only through their long‐held political views but also by bringing to bear their own critical reflections on previous EU initiatives. Methodologically, the article relies on 15 interviews with policy experts and uses an interdisciplinary approach based on legal analysis, process tracing and actor‐centred constructivist theory. The contribution of the article is threefold: (1) it helps to better understand the EU's social flagship initiative and the modifications of its governance approach compared with previous initiatives, (2) it sheds new light on the tensions and opportunities of social policymaking within the EU and (3) it shows the added value of actor‐centred constructivist approaches on a theoretical level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cohesion Policy—the European Union's (EU) policy platform for regional and local development—represents a major yet often neglected instance of Social Europe. In this article we inquire into the delivery of Cohesion Policy projects concerned with social policy objectives. Specifically, we ask: how are these projects delivered? Building on the literature of subsidiarisation in social policy, we theorise that the interaction of two processes—vertical subsidiarisation across territorial levels and horizontal subisidiarisation across sectoral levels—generates different spaces of subsidiarity, with major implications for policy outputs and outcomes. Empirically, we explore the emergence of spaces of subsidiarity in over 800 Cohesion Policy projects for quality employment and labour mobility delivered in Italy, Portugal, and Spain, during the 2010s. We show that, despite common rules, the governance framework through which the social agenda of Cohesion Policy is implemented is not a constant but a variable, one that may be leveraged by future research to explain the heterogeneous impact of Cohesion Policy across the EU. Our contribution is relevant to research on Social Europe, research on the territorial dimension of post‐industrial welfare systems as well as research on Cohesion Policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social Europe, or the social dimension of the European Union (EU), has been receiving increasing attention in academic debates. This special issue introduction discusses Social Europe through the analytical framework of multi‐level governance while asking, perhaps controversially, whether Social Europe has the potential to become a fully‐fledged welfare state. This introduction also summarises the articles included in this special issue which focus on different governance levels, including EU institutions, member states, national parties, economic sectors, workers and the general public. On this basis, the introduction identifies sources of challenges and opportunities for Social Europe from various levels of governance. We conclude that the needs and demands become more diverse when we move from European institutions to the citizens. Notably, obstacles from one governance level often carry over to another governance level. Consequently, it becomes much more difficult to design welfare policies on the EU level that work for everyone. While a more evolved EU‐level welfare state may be possible in the future, substantial obstacles make it difficult to achieve in the short run. Hence, future research should examine the multi‐level structure of Social Europe in more detail to better grasp what Social Europe can and cannot deliver and why. Such research is not only relevant in the European Union but also in other multi‐level governance systems across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]