Search

Strengthening community engagement in stewardship can help to improve management of coastal and freshwater environments (blue spaces). Research suggests that recreational users of natural areas may be more willing to engage in stewardship. However, little research at a population scale has examine how recreation experiences shape psychological ingredients for stewardship.We surveyed 3271 residents of South East Queensland, Australia and quantified willingness to engage in blue space stewardship. We then quantified frequency of different types of blue space recreation, perceptions about threats to blue spaces (threat appraisal) and protective actions (coping appraisal), and satisfaction with blue spaces. We then examined pathways from recreation to stewardship intentions using mediation analysis.Results show that many types of recreation were associated with stewardship intentions. Specifically, higher frequency of social activities and nature‐appreciation activities were associated with greater intentions for individual stewardship (e.g. picking up litter, reducing use of household chemicals). Higher frequency of social activities, nature appreciation, exercise and fishing/boating was associated with stronger intentions for collective stewardship (e.g. attending a public meeting or riparian management event)Mediation analysis showed that most forms of recreation did not influence perceptions about severity of threats to blue spaces. Rather, the relationships between recreation and stewardship were mediated by greater place satisfaction, perceived vulnerability to blue space degradation, and feeling more able to contribute to waterway protection (efficacy).These findings indicate that many types of recreation (not just nature appreciation activities) can be a foundation for engaging in nature stewardship, and reinforce the importance of building efficacy when promoting stewardship. The finding that both place satisfaction and perceived vulnerability to environmental degradation suggests that there may be an optimal motivational window for stewardship: people need to connect a place with positive experiences, and have some recognition of a potential threat, but where the potential threat has not yet eroded the natural values of a place. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Disasters is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of People & Nature is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is mounting concern that people living more urbanised, modern lifestyles have fewer and lower quality interactions with nature, and therefore have limited access to the associated health and well‐being benefits. Yet, variation in the different types of nature interactions and the factors that influence these interactions across populations are poorly understood.We compared four types of nature interactions by administering surveys across two cities that differ markedly in urbanisation pattern and population density—Singapore and Brisbane—: (a) indirect (viewing nature through a window at work or at home); (b) incidental (spending time in nature as part of work); (c) intentional interactions in gardens; and (d) intentional interactions in public urban greenspace.Our results show that Singapore respondents spent about half as much time (25.8 hr/week) interacting with nature as Brisbane respondents (52.3 hr/week), and indirect interactions were the most prevalent across both cities.Nature orientation, age, income and gender significantly predicted the duration of nature interactions in both cities, while self‐reported health, education and ethnicity additionally predicted the duration of nature interactions only for Brisbane. Also, the relationship(s) between each factor and duration could differ in direction and effect size between the types of nature interactions.As such, we conclude that there is much local variation in the dynamics of interactions between people and nature, and that focused studies are needed to develop effective interventions addressing declines in nature interactions in different locations. A free Plain Language Summary can be found within the Supporting Information of this article. A free Plain Language Summary can be found within the Supporting Information of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fostering widespread concern for conservation problems requires a robust understanding of the life experiences that positively contribute to an individual's conservation attitudes and behaviours. However, few studies have assessed a comprehensive range of social and experiential predictors of conservation concern.Using survey responses from 391 undergraduate students enrolled in various course disciplines across Australia, we describe the relationships between five major constructs of early‐life experiences and two measures of conservation concern: a preference for a conservation career and positive conservation attitudes.We find that conservation career preferences are positively associated with childhood preferences for nature‐related books, movies and school subjects, biospheric family value orientations and environmental volunteering. Conservation attitudes were positively associated with biospheric family value orientations and environmental volunteering.Both constructs were negatively associated with egoistic family values and childhood experiences of nature were not a significant factor in either of our models.This suggests that limited nature experiences do not necessarily impede the development of conservation concern in young Australians, and that family values and experiences with environmental organizations, nature‐related storylines and school subjects may help to foster greater conservation concern. A free Plain Language Summary can be found within the Supporting Information of this article. A free Plain Language Summary can be found within the Supporting Information of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely believed that people living in cities have fewer and poorer daily experiences of nature, and that this contributes to the biodiversity crisis on the basis that if people do not know nature, they will not care for its conservation. In 1978, Pyle coined the term 'extinction of experience' to reflect the loss of opportunities to experience nature as urbanization progresses.However, evidence of an emotional disconnect from nature arising from an extinction of experience remains poorly documented. Here we repeat a study conducted in 1996 comprising household surveys and bird surveys in a neighbourhood of Singapore, one of the world's most densely populated cities. We investigate empirically whether experiences of nature, opportunities to experience nature and the emotional connection between people and nature have changed across 22 years.We discover that emotional connection with nature has actually increased among greenspace users and non‐users, while the frequency and duration of greenspace visits remained unchanged. Among greenspace users, the number of different nature elements experienced also remained unchanged and more frequent users demonstrated a stronger emotional connection with nature. We further found an increase in opportunities to experience local nature, as measured by bird species richness and abundance.While we found no evidence for an extinction of experience or an emotional disconnect from nature in this particular setting and timeframe in urban Singapore, similar studies elsewhere are necessary to explore whether there may be geographical, cultural or temporal variations. A free Plain Language Summary can be found within the Supporting Information of this article. A free Plain Language Summary can be found within the Supporting Information of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over 50 years, scientists have sounded alarms that the burning of fossil fuels is causing changes to the Earth's climate, and that failure to take action on climate change will have devastating consequences. Despite this urgency, CO2 emissions (and global temperatures) continue to climb. Progress on mitigating climate change is slowed by the stubborn persistence of climate skepticism, as well as a failure for nonskeptics to translate their concern about climate change into meaningful action. The goal of this article is to describe and synthesize research on how to understand (and reduce) this public inaction on climate change. In the first half of the article, we examine the question of how to understand (and overcome) climate change skepticism. We review international evidence regarding the role of demographics, ideologies, and conspiracist worldviews in shaping people's willingness to believe in the reality of human‐caused climate change. We then review theory and research on how to successfully capture the attention of—and change the behavior of—people who traditionally resist climate change messages, such as those high in conservatism and free‐market beliefs. In the second half of the article, we examine how to promote more climate‐friendly behaviors among people who believe in the reality of climate change. Evidence will be reviewed suggesting that many people agree that climate change is caused by humans, but are not yet willing to make the necessary investments and sacrifices to respond to this threat. We then draw on relevant literatures to critically discuss three strategies for promoting proenvironmental behavior: (i) optimistic versus pessimistic messages; (ii) in‐group versus out‐group messenger effects; and (c) the use of descriptive and injunctive norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various reports within the issue, including one by Guy, Kashima, Walker et al. on knowledge and attitudes about climate change, one by Van der Linden on how affect and cognition relate to climate change perceptions and one by Leviston, Price and Bishop on the role of affect in climate change responses.

Securing water supplies in urban areas is a major challenge for policy makers, both now and into the future. This study aimed to identify the key determinants of household water use, with a view to identifying those factors that could be targeted in water demand management campaigns. Objective water use data and surveys were collected from 1008 households in four local government areas of southeast Queensland, Australia. Results showed that demographic, psychosocial, behavioral, and infrastructure variables all have a role to play in determining household water use. Consistent with past research, household occupancy was the most important predictor of water use. Households in regions recently exposed to drought conditions and higher-level restrictions also used less water than those who had less experience with drought. The effect of water efficient technology was mixed: some water efficient appliances were associated with less water use, while others were associated with more water use. Results also demonstrated the importance of considering water use as a collective behavior that is influenced by household dynamics. Households who reported a stronger culture of water conservation used less water. These findings, along with evidence that good water-saving habits are linked to water conservation, highlight the value of policies that support long-term cultural shifts in the way people think about and use water. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research integrates core aspects of social identity theory with the theory of planned behaviour to investigate factors influencing engagement in sustainable agricultural practices. Using a two-wave prospective design, two studies were conducted with samples of farmers (N = 609 and N = 259, respectively). At Time 1, a questionnaire survey assessed theory of planned behaviour variables in relation to engaging in riparian zone management (a sustainable agricultural practice). In addition, intergroup perceptions (i.e. relations between rural and urban groups), group norms and group identification were assessed. At Time 2, self-reported behaviour was measured. There was support for the integrated model across both studies. As predicted, past behaviour, attitudes and perceived behavioural control were significant predictors of intentions, and intentions significantly predicted self-reported behaviour. Group norms and intergroup perceptions were also significant predictors of intentions providing support for the inclusion of social identity concepts in the theory of planned behaviour. More supportive group norms were associated with higher intentions, especially for high-group identifiers. In contrast, more negative intergroup perceptions were associated with lower intentions and, unexpectedly, this effect only emerged for low-group identifiers. This suggests that in the context of decisions to engage in riparian zone management, an important sustainable agricultural practice, high identifiers are influenced predominantly by in-group rather than out-group considerations, whereas low identifiers may attend to cues from both the in-group and the out-group when making their decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This experiment examined members' evaluations of a group leader and the group in contexts where a superordinate group comprised two subgroups and the group leader was aligned with one or other subgroup. The design varied group leader (ingroup, outgroup) and leader behavior (ingroup favoring, outgroup favoring) as well as the broader comparative context (intragroup, intergroup). Across a number of measures, results indicated a consistent Group Leader × Leader Behavior interaction that was independent of comparative context. Although group members were most satisfied with an ingroup leader who favored the ingroup, ingroup leaders were perceived positively irrespective of their behavior. Outgroup leaders who unexpectedly favored the other subgroup were also perceived positively. However, outgroup leaders who favored their own subgroup were perceived as less fair and as more biased than other leaders. They also engendered less identification with the superordinate group and a less unified perception of the group. Results demonstrate the importance of social identity concerns to leadership in nested group contexts and emphasize the fact that perceptions of leader fairness and concern for the common group mediate responses to the superordinate category. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]