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In some instances, two basic development cooperation principles appear to be in direct contradiction: on the one hand, the Sustainable Development Goals prescribe universal social inclusion under the leitmotif of "leave no one behind", mandating an emphasis on the most marginalized. On the other hand, the cornerstone of development cooperation is "ownership", which recognizes that countries must be free to choose their own priorities and strategies. To what extent can these two principles be reconciled in "hostile environments", places where certain groups, such as LGBTQI+ people, are marginalized and even persecuted and criminalized? I argue that, while the SDGs are clear about the need for radical inclusion, the ownership principle lacks precision about who "owns" the concept. Adopting an emancipatory conceptualization of ownership, under which the ultimate beneficiaries should be the ones to determine priorities and strategies, eliminates the apparent contradiction and legitimizes support to marginalized groups even if their own governments disagree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does right‐wing populism affect public preferences for foreign development aid spending across the liberal/conservative ideological spectrum? This research examines the complex interplay between exposure to right‐wing populist messages targeting aid and political ideology at the mass level in Germany, the United States (U.S.), and the United Kingdom (UK) with data from original survey experiments. First, the experiments indicate that populist rhetoric reduces public support for foreign aid across all countries albeit to varying degrees. Second, the moderating role of political ideology is variable and complex across the different countries. In Germany, populist anti‐aid messages reduce support among voters on the center of the ideological spectrum and among those without clear ideological preferences. In the U.S., anti‐aid messages affect those on the left. In the UK, the effect of populist anti‐aid rhetoric surprisingly does not vary cross ideological groups. Our results have implications for the prospects of public support for development cooperation in the shadow of populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID‐19) pandemic, many nations relied on unprecedented amounts of health‐sector aid to efficiently vaccinate their populations. These vaccines and supporting materials came from a variety of traditional and nontraditional donors, with the majority donor differing by recipient country. Previous research has examined the political benefits to donor states of providing health aid before and during the COVID‐19 pandemic. Less is known, however, about how recipients view health aid based on the donor and whether this impacts health aid resource use. This research aims to investigate whether recipient preferences over the source of health assistance affects the efficacy of aid, while using a novel vax‐score method to account for existing trends and predictors of vaccine uptake. Using COVID‐19 vaccine donation and uptake statistics collected by the Duke Global Health Innovation Center, the IMF, and the World Health Organization, we compare vaccine uptake across many vaccine recipient countries to investigate the impact of vaccine origin (Chinese vs. non‐Chinese source). We find that while increased donated vaccines per capita significantly raises the proportion of the population vaccinated at 12 months, the source of the donated vaccines has no impact. Previously reported recipient‐side concerns over vaccine origin have no impact on population‐level uptake at 12 months. Additionally, we observe that a vax‐score metric derived from vaccine uptake of a suite of childhood vaccines predicts COVID‐19 vaccine uptake beyond differences in GDP and GDP per capita. These results have implications for health aid policy and future research into foreign aid efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article represents the first endeavor to establish a connection between foreign aid and climate‐related financial policies (CRFPs) within the European region. The findings are critical to suggest policy implications for governments in making capital flow effective, especially in mitigating environmental degradation. CRFPs represent the count of climate‐related financial policies implemented by 28 European countries annually from 2010 to 2021. We utilize four distinct indicators to capture foreign aid, namely net foreign aid, net Official Development Assistance (ODA) received development index, net ODA received share, and net ODA received per capita. Our research reveals that foreign aid has an adverse effect on CRFPs, as evidenced across all four measures of foreign aid. Notably, the net ODA received share demonstrates a nonlinear relationship with CRFPs. Additionally, we conducted a study to examine how institutional quality moderates the association between financial aid and the implementation of CRFPs. The findings suggest that good institutional quality amplifies the impact of foreign aid on CRFPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study mainly focuses on the relationship between development aid and growth as well as examines the role of the institutional development levels of countries in this relationship and makes economic inferences. Methods: The analysis is conducted for 64 countries receiving official development assistance in the 2000–2020 period. To provide robust estimates in these studies, the Driscoll and Kraay estimator is used after fixed and random effects models. Results: In almost all of the estimated models, a significant relationship between official development assistance per capita and growth is found. Moreover, the models with institutional factors and interaction terms also support the results. According to the robust estimation results, official development assistance per capita positively affects growth. Conclusion: The results for all countries do not mean that good policies and strong institutions are unnecessary. In contrast, they show that the priority is the sum of aid per capita. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Australia deploys tools of statecraft in attempts to develop influence with Pacific Island neighbours, inherent colonial legacies exist which are not always recognised, but ultimately affect relationships. We examine Australian economic tools of statecraft applied to migration, trade and development aid, and how a colonial 'logic of habit' persists within their deployment which unintentionally undermines their effectiveness. In highlighting these historical hangovers, we suggest reimagining Australiaʼs perceptions of and relations with the Pacific—from neighbours with resources to be utilised, to mutually respected trading partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an expanded analysis of NATO security burden sharing by including a variety of conglomerate security terms that involve subsets of military expenditure (ME), UN and non‐UN peacekeeping contributions, global health spending, UN environmental support, and official development assistance. In so doing, we identify components of security spending that promote or inhibit free riding on allies' security spillovers. Additionally, we examine security burden sharing when the NATO alliance is conceptually augmented to include three key Asia‐Pacific allies – Australia, Japan, and the Republic of Korea. The paper's statistical tests for security burden sharing rely on spatial‐lag panel models that account for ally connectiveness based on alliance membership, contiguity and US power projection, and allies' relative locations. Security subsets containing ME display robust free riding or reliance on other allies' security spillovers, while security subsets not containing ME indicate allies responding positively to security spillovers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper casts light on Syria's relentless war, which has caused the collapse of national electricity grids and led to recurrent power outages. The main findings indicate that the 2012 war and enduring conflicts that put Syrians in front of a “fait accompli” and forced them to adapt to new, uncongenial, and arduous circumstances unexpectedly encourage renewable energy production and surprisingly expand access to electricity. An increase of 1% in conflicts causes renewable energy production to increase by 9.71% and 5.93% in war‐ravaged Syria in the short and long run, respectively. As a matter of fact, off‐grid renewable solutions proved to be effective in reducing the suffering of Syrians, whose lives were ruined by conflicts and the 2012 war. The results also illustrate that foreign aid can play an undeniably crucial role in making renewable‐generated electricity more accessible and affordable for Syrians. As an inevitable consequence of the US and EU sanctions imposed on the regime of Bashar al‐Assad, Syria is unable to access the foreign aid and international funding it needs to restore its destroyed energy sector, rebuild its damaged electricity infrastructure, and embark on its renewable energy plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formal education in Nauru can only be fully understood in the light of the external influences, mostly Australian in origin, acting upon it as a small island state in the Central Pacific. Australia's influence began in the early 1900s as a leading stakeholder in Nauru's lucrative phosphate reserves. In the last few decades Nauru's dramatic economic decline has meant it has come into the orbit of Australia's official development assistance (ODA) to the Pacific region. However, Australia has ties to Nauru that go beyond mere economic and development assistance, for example, the country is a crucial site in Australia's own immigration policy and the offshore processing of asylum seekers bound for Australia. Geopolitically, Nauru is also important to Australia as one of a decreasing number of Taiwan‐loyal Pacific nations in the face of China's increasing assertiveness in the region. The nature of the relationship with Nauru has meant that for many decades Australia has provided an almost exclusive conduit of educational ideas, values, beliefs and practices flowing into the country to uniquely shape formal education provision. The purpose of this article is twofold. Firstly, via a synthesis of research literature and debate, it critiques the long‐running, primarily, Australia‐facing relationship Nauru has in terms of the educational assistance it receives, including the Nauru Education Program, a significant Australian development assistance initiative about to commence through to 2030. Secondly, with a basis in the advocacy literature of the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative, the article highlights the possibility of a much more Pacific regionally facing Nauru over the next few decades as a result of relatively recent regional instrumentalities such as the Pacific Island Forum's 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation Purpose Approach and methods Findings Policy implications Qatar's humanitarian role in Afghanistan, a less‐explored example of a non‐traditional actor, is crucial in understanding international responses to geopolitical crises. Examining Qatar's involvement provides insights into the complex dynamics of humanitarian assistance, diplomatic efforts, and post‐crisis challenges.The study examines Qatar's multifaceted role in Afghanistan since 2021, highlighting its impact as a non‐traditional actor in complex humanitarian operations and diplomacy.The research combines a desk review of online sources, academic literature, reports, non‐governmental organization documents, and media articles with first‐hand observations and informal stakeholder interviews. It also analyses international aid statistics from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs' Financial Tracking Service and the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development's Development Assistance Committee.Qatar emerged as a key humanitarian player in Afghanistan, adopting a whole‐of‐society approach. Its efforts encompassed emergency relief, evacuations, educational support, and humanitarian diplomacy, effectively bridging the Taliban with international actors after the takeover.This research highlights the impactful role of non‐traditional donors, as seen with Qatar in Afghanistan, emphasizing their potential in complex humanitarian scenarios. The study advocates recognizing and leveraging the unique capabilities of smaller states and non‐traditional actors in humanitarian responses, promoting capacity building to harness their institutional agility and societal resources effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: China does not participate in the development co‐operation reporting mechanism of the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development's (OECD) development co‐operation reporting mechanism, nor does it voluntarily publish overseas development finance data. Despite recent quantitative research on China's foreign aid to other sectors, such as health, no precedent exists for quantifying China's international education co‐operation (IEC). Purpose: This article will use AidData's Chinese Official Finance Dataset (AidData 2.0) to estimate the IEC using the OECD's internationally standardized definitions of development finance and frameworks for classifying IEC projects. Approach and methods: We thoroughly examined all types of IEC projects, including official finance projects other than those that meet the definition of official development assistance (ODA). In our comparative analysis of educational aid between China and traditional donors, we focused on ODA‐like projects and examined the number of projects and funding amounts to determine China's IEC priorities. Findings: The result shows that, between 2000 and 2017, China's IEC commitments totalled 1,524 education‐related international projects, representing 12% of the total international finance project portfolio, most of which are in Africa. Compared to the OECD framework, China prioritized higher education (n = 784, 51%) and education facilities and training (n = 244, 16%). An estimate of cumulative funding between 2000 to 2017 showed that China was the 10th largest donor of education aid to African countries, behind France, the World Bank, Germany, the United States, the EU, the United Kingdom, Canada, Japan, and the Netherlands. Policy implications: The findings of this study help our understanding of China's IEC finance. With China's involvement in education development aid growing in recent years and donors looking for solutions to developing countries' debt crises, this will allow for more effective collaboration, co‐ordination, and resource mobilization for both donor and recipient countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Despite a plethora of studies on the relationship between foreign aid and economic growth of the recipient countries, there is no consensus. We argue that the size of the winning coalition dictates the decision on how the aid capital is used because the top priority of national leaders is staying in power. To this end, we investigate how the size of the winning coalition affects the relationship between foreign aid and economic growth. Methods: To empirically test the effects of the size of the winning coalition on the aid‐economic nexus, we test 82 developing countries from 1960 to 2010. To address the methodological issues including heteroskedasticity, autocorrelation, overdetermination, and endogeneity, we employed a two‐step generalized method of moments estimation technique. Results: Our analysis reveals that the size of the winning coalition affects how the aid capital is used, which in turn significantly affects economic growth. The larger the winning coalition, the better economic growth. Conclusion: The size of the winning coalition significantly affects the economic effects of foreign aid on the recipient country's economic growth. In terms of policy implications, international donors may specify how the aid capital is allocated to improve the recipient country's economic infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is one of the highest donors in the world, who also receives substantial amount of aids from various entities and countries. This paper aims to investigate the on going nexus between economic growth (EG) and foreign aid (AID) in Turkey; utilizing yearly data between 1960 and 2022 by employing wavelet analysis tools: namely the power spectrum, wavelet coherence, wavelet cohesion and Continuous Wavelet Transform (CWT) causality approach, which provides information of both long‐run and short‐run linkages for separate subperiods of time and frequencies. Our results reveal that; (a) the result of the power spectrum indicates that at different frequency and period, there is evidence of significant variation in EG and AID; (b) the outcome of the wavelet coherence confirms that there is comovement at varying frequencies and varying periods between EG and AID, with AID leading; (c) the outcome of the wavelet cohesion shows a positive/negative connection in the short and medium term, but a negative connection in the long term; (d) the result of the CWT causality approach confirmed the 'feedback hypothesis' at the aggregate level, in‐phase and out‐phase condition. As a result, policymakers should be more effective in supporting EG at high frequencies and only under the rule of the economic cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a panel threshold regression approach, we consider multiple dimensions of socioeconomic inequalities and examine their heterogeneous relationships with sectoral foreign aid. Conditioned on the level of socioeconomic development, three types of inequality and four channels of sectoral foreign aid are considered. We use a comprehensive dataset covering 65 aid‐recipient countries from 1990 to 2017 and find that education aid effectively reduces inequalities but only when the level of institutional quality and other socioeconomic factors is above its 75th percentile value in our sample. These results are robust to alternative measures of income inequality, aid and estimation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation Purpose Approach and methods Findings Policy implications Donors allocate huge sums for assistance intended for poverty reduction to countries that arguably do not need it. For example, the United States spends more in Jordan—with no extreme poverty—than it does in the six countries with the highest poverty rates in the world combined, including the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Somalia. Prior studies have suggested that if global aid were allocated according to need, it could roughly double its impact on poverty reduction.Country need can be broken down into the magnitude of the development challenge and the domestic resources available. This study examines these two components of development need to determine which countries have the greatest need for foreign assistance.I produce a set of data‐driven observations documenting the magnitude of the challenge and the resources available. I first explore which countries have the highest rates of absolute and multidimensional poverty. I then examine which countries have the ability to redistribute by comparing their poverty gaps with the potential domestic resources available. This produces the marginal tax rate (MTR) required for a country to finance its own poverty eradication.There is a clear trend in the magnitude of the challenge: low‐income countries (LICs) have the highest poverty rates by far; lower middle‐income countries (LMICs) are more mixed; and upper middle‐income countries (UMICs) have comparatively little extreme poverty, except in a small handful of countries. The implied MTRs required to close a country's extreme poverty gap are excessively high for LICs and most LMICs but easily manageable for most UMICs. This strongly suggests that both the magnitude of the challenge is much greater and the resources available much lower in LICs and LMICs.The policy implication is that LICs and LMICs should be strongly favoured in terms of aid allocation. The two different components of country need point in the same direction and both suggest a strong focus on allocating assistance towards the poorest countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The June 2024 issue of Politics & Policy covers a wide range of topics including narrative policy, ethnic voting, government transparency, public opinion, development, foreign aid, income inequality reduction, tariff liberalization, international organizations, and globalization. The articles explore various aspects of these topics, such as the effectiveness of narratives in generating support for policies, the impact of government spending and financial development on income inequality reduction, the power of international organizations in framing global health challenges, and case studies from sub-Saharan Africa and Asian countries. The issue provides valuable material for researchers and scholars in these fields. [Extracted from the article]

Pakistan's economy since its creation has remained heavily dependent on foreign aid, especially to manage the ever‐widening gap between the available financial resources, development expenditure, fiscal deficit, and current account deficit. This article critically evaluates the effectiveness of foreign aid in Pakistan from 2000 to 2022 via an in‐depth literature review and the rational actor model (RAM). Furthermore, a mixed‐method approach based on descriptive quantitative and in‐depth qualitative research methods was adopted for this study. The article demonstrates that RAM can assist policy makers, enabling them to make decisions vis‐à‐vis foreign aid while safeguarding national interests, particularly economic interests. However, this study finds that for Pakistan to achieve sustainable economic growth, increasing exports and attracting more foreign direct investment hold greater potential than continued reliance on foreign aid. In conclusion, the article prescribes policy measures to restructure Pakistan's political system to foster socioeconomic development through trade liberalization and good governance. Related Articles: Asongu, Simplice A., and Joseph Nnanna. 2019. "Foreign Aid, Instability, and Governance in Africa." Politics & Policy 47(4): 807–48. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12320. Dobransky, Steve. 2014. "Violators amongst Us: International Regimes and the Role of Compliance, a Case Study on Official Development Assistance." Politics & Policy 42(4): 593–634. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12082. Scarlato, Margherita, and Giorgio d'Agostino. 2019. "The Political Dimension of Cash Transfers in Latin America and Sub‐Saharan Africa: A Comparative Perspective." Politics & Policy 47(6): 1125–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12332. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work explores China's African public relations and image‐building effort, focusing on Nigeria. Thus, the paper's purpose is twofold: first, to investigate whether China's conduct of public diplomacy through its soft power resource—development assistance—has effectively shaped positive Nigerian public perception of China, and second, to determine the media's role in advancing China's public diplomacy in Nigeria. Specifically, it explores the interaction of economic development assistance, media, and public relations. I do this by comparing China's foreign direct investment (FDI) in Nigeria (2010–2019) with the public's perception of the FDI's influence on the Nigerian economy (2016 and 2020) and the media's role in shaping public support toward the investments. Utilizing a range of datasets, I find that Chinese economic investment alone is insufficient to substantially shape positive Nigerian public perception of China. Within a framework of mediated public diplomacy, I demonstrate that the Chinese image‐building effort in Nigeria would likely enhance when the country links economic investments with public relations to make the investments more visible through effective media representation. Related Articles: Ayhan, Kadir Jun, and Nancy Snow. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue—Global Korea Scholarship: Empirical Evaluation of a Non‐Western Scholarship Program from a Public Diplomacy Perspective." Politics & Policy 49(6): 1282–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12440. Hodzi, Obert, and John H. S. Åberg. 2020. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Strategic Deployment of the China Model in Africa." Politics & Policy 48(5): 804–14. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12378. Huijgh, Ellen. 2017. "Indonesia's 'Intermestic' Public Diplomacy: Features and Future." Politics & Policy 45(5): 762–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12221. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analysis how official development aid (ODA) flows impact the international growth opportunities and processes of private firms in donor and recipient countries. It explores the differentiated impact of bilateral and multilateral aid flows, as well as flows coming from the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and non‐DAC donors. The study relies on a systematic literature review of the empirical articles published between 2005 and 2021 in internationally recognised academic journals. The review provides a comprehensive overview of the topic and identifies conclusive findings, existing gaps, avenues for future research and policy implications. Overall, the literature shows a positive impact of ODA flows on the international growth opportunities for firms in donor countries, whether derived from their direct engagement in aid‐financed projects or from non‐direct effects like the reputational capital and positive image accrued by donor countries in recipient ones. Conversely, empirical evidence relative to the impact on firms in recipient nations is mixed and points to the existence of factors that condition the impact of ODA flows, among them, the institutional strength in recipient countries and the formulas through which ODA flows are channelled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Previous studies on the effectiveness of capacity building training, drawn from the experience of traditional donors, have been limited in their understanding the impact of the diversity of trainees and the diversity of training on the effectiveness of training. This is particularly problematic given the increasing prevalence of such training and the emergence of new donors with different approaches. Purpose: This article investigates the effectiveness of capacitybuilding training across different participants and different training types, through the case of an emerging donor, the Republic of Korea (Korea). Korea is distinctive and under-researched as a country relatively late to join the OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC), with several policies explicitly locating capacity-building training as a diplomatic strategy. Korea has made repeated efforts to diversify participants and types of training to gain a comparative advantage in international development and co-operation. Methods and Approach: The study constructs a generalized linear mixed model (GLMM) to analyse the effectiveness of training across layers of individual diversity (gender, rank, level of national income and extent of democracy) and group diversity (types of trainings). It draws on survey responses from 789 government officials in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Findings: Training effectiveness differs for diverse participants and training types. Effectiveness tends to decrease as job rank and national income rise, while it increases with the level of democracy. Training that fosters diverse interactions and experiences, such as multi-country training and invitational training, tends to be more effective than other types. Policy Implications: Our results suggest implementing more collaborative and customized training to suit the heterogeneous needs of diverse participants. The results emphasize the need to develop and operate various training types that promote diverse interactions and experiences among participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Despite an increased focus on inclusive development, we know little about the extent to which development aid reaches politically excluded groups or how this varies across different donors. Purpose: Addressing this knowledge gap, we develop and test a framework arguing that (1) areas where politically excluded groups live are less likely to receive development aid, and (2) there are differences between donor countries and organizations in how they instrumentally address inclusive development. Methods and approach: Using a geographically disaggregated panel dataset of aid projects covering sub-Saharan African countries from 1996 to 2013, we combine sub-national data on the location of aid by donor and type, and data on politically excluded ethnic groups. Findings: For World Bank aid projects, we do not find evidence that areas with excluded groups are generally prioritized. However, when disaggregating by sector, we find that aid projects related to health and water access are significantly more likely to be allocated to areas with excluded groups. Furthermore, we see little indication that Chinese aid is targeted towards areas of political exclusion. Conversely, aid allocations made by donor countries whose development strategies emphasize inclusive and needs-based approaches are more likely to be established in areas with politically excluded groups. Policy implications: We argue that these results indicate diverse underlying political motivations behind the provision of development aid by various donors. These motivations become evident when examining aid allocation by sector and type of donor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: In European policy debate, conflict, economic crisis, lack of development, population growth, and climate change are often seen as the root causes of migration from Africa. To deter irregular migration to Europe, aid has thus been directed towards these perceived causes. This seems, however, not to deter irregular migration. Purpose: We explore the discrepancy between the official discourse of root causes and insights from research on migration decisions; and how discourse and evidence relate to aid. We ask what kind of policy change is needed if aid is possibly used to influence irregular migration. We focus on the motivations and drivers of migration and how development co-operation may influence these. Methods and approach: Considering African migration to Europe, we examine the official European discourse on root causes of irregular migration, highlight recent developments in the academic understanding of migration aspirations and drivers, and investigate various attempts to analyse the impact of foreign aid on assumed “root causes” and migration. Findings: Migration is influenced by drivers that differ according to the specific context in which potential migrants decide to migrate or not. Aid to influence migration must be thoroughly adapted to the circumstances of potential migrants. Addressing so-called root causes may be irrelevant to many potential migrants and will require longterm change to have any impact. It may even increase migration in the short term. Foreign aid that adopts a blueprint regardless of context is unlikely to deter irregular migration in the short or medium term. Policy implications: If irregular African migration to Europe is to be deterred through development co-operation, European policy-makers and development practitioners need to elaborate and differentiate between aid-supported activities through careful understanding of the migration dynamics specific to individual localities and societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia has historically been a prominent diplomatic partner for the Pacific Island countries, providing development assistance to support their social and economic progress. China gradually heightened its political and economic influence in the Pacific area by integrating the region into its Belt and Road Initiative. This development has encouraged scholars to examine Australia's diplomatic engagements in the Pacific region in response to China's growing presence. This article approaches this issue by using the concept of economic statecraft as an analytical tool. It argues that Australia's reactions to China's presence through the infusion of strategic motivations into foreign aid and the use of multilateral agreements and initiatives can be seen as positive economic statecraft with two characterizations: emulation of China's successful strategies and differentiation from Chinese approaches through the incorporation of multilateral and ideational methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official Development Assistance (ODA) is defined by a motive: the promotion of the economic development and welfare of developing countries. This review article considers the motives of one donor, South Korea, with a close reading and comparison of three authoritative texts. It argues that Korean ODA is primarily motivated by increasing status and influence, and supporting the overseas expansion of Korean companies. There is also a contribution from secondary motivations more clearly related to the definition of ODA: humanitarianism and being a good global citizen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the role of accounting in disaster mitigation and the importance of transparency to avoid corruption. During the Ukrainian war, accounting has allowed the redistribution of war material, the quantification of economic aid, or the efficient management of humanitarian aid. This paper aims to set a research agenda on transparency and corruption in foreign aid to a fragile and conflict‐affected country. In order to analyze the situation of corruption in Ukraine during the war, first a review of the latest corrupt events is carried out and its position in the Corruption Perception Indicator is analyzed. Subsequently, we analyze the aid that Ukraine has received from other countries and institutions, and whether it is transparent. The possible dependence of the Corruption Perception Indicator on the transparency index of each country in the management of aid to Ukraine is studied. This article links corruption, transparency and accounting in the context of the Ukrainian war, highlighting the important role of auditing and financial controls, and presents proposals for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global economy has been adversely affected by the COVID‐19 pandemic, leading to setbacks in development progress. Against this backdrop, donor countries have increased their expenditure on medical aid as part of their foreign assistance. As an emerging donor from the developing world, China has also been actively involved in providing medical assistance to other countries since 2020. This paper intends to investigate and elucidate China's motivation to offer medical aid to other countries amid the COVID‐19 pandemic. To this end, it utilizes a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods. Specifically, the Tobit model is employed to conduct regression analyses on China's medical assistance during the pandemic. Additionally, two case studies, namely Chinese aid to Pakistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, are examined to gain insights into the specific motivations driving China's medical aid. The results of this paper indicate that China's motivation for providing medical assistance during COVID‐19 is multifaceted, including self‐interested economic and political‐diplomatic factors rather than purely altruistic motives. Furthermore, the allocation of China's medical aid is significantly influenced by whether the recipient country is involved in the Belt and Road Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The enormous volume of literature has widely discussed the aid–growth correlation while identification of their causal relationship remains elusive and mixed. The main objective of this article is to investigate whether aid sources matter for explaining the aid–growth causal nexus among African low‐income countries (LICs) during 2000–2017. A novel feature of this study is that it takes into account three proxies of aid (i.e. total aid [TA], traditional donors' aid [TDA], non‐TDA [NTDA]), unlike most studies that use aid solely from TDs (TDA). It employs a dynamic panel causality model in a multivariate setting using investment and consumption as key conditioning variables to account for omitted variable bias. The study found a short‐run bidirectional causality between aid and growth for TA and TDA proxies but not for NTDA in neither direction. In the long‐run, the study found unidirectional causality from growth to aid for TA and NTDA aid but not for TDA. The overall result shows that the aid–growth causality among African LICs depends on the aid proxies used and the time horizon assessed. A key policy implication is that donors' aid allocation decisions in LICs should take into account the specific causal relationship between aid and growth by aid sources and time periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyse the relationship between Qatar's foreign policy and foreign aid in the Horn of Africa (HoA), with a particular focus on Somalia. Since the 2017 blockade, the HoA has become increasingly important to Qatar's foreign policy and aid efforts, intensifying political and economic competition with other Gulf players. This research describes Qatar's foreign policy strategies and tools in the HoA from 2011 to 2021, observing the evolution of humanitarian aid interventions in Somalia and the impact of Gulf competition in the country. The research aims to combine neoclassical realism with small‐state theory in the analysis of foreign aid, examining Qatari foreign aid interventions in Somalia as a foreign policy tool for exercising autonomy and as an outcome of the Qatari elites' decision‐making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the intention that sanctions, by design, should not harm civilians' welfare, evidence shows that they can negatively affect health outcomes. In this study, I measure the impact of sanctions on international trade in medical supplies and cross‐country mortality rates. I find that sanctions, particularly those imposed by the United States, decrease the volume of medical exports to targeted countries, potentially leading to worse health outcomes. I also discover that sanctions increase mortality rates in the targeted countries, particularly for women with HIV/AIDS infections. Termination of foreign aid, blockades, and partial embargoes have the most damaging effect on mortality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares two East African unconditional cash transfer (UCT) programs and how they have been interpreted by their target populations. While the US‐American NGO GiveDirectly focuses on poor households in Western Kenya in an allegedly unbureaucratic and digital way, the Tanzania Social Action Fund (TASAF) distributes cash transfers in a bureaucratic and analogue manner in Tanzania. While the narrative of "free money" instilled fears about occult actors and skepticism toward political hierarchies in some recipients, others considered UCTs as offering an opportunity to enlarge their individual freedom. We argue that this radical difference with regard to how our interlocutors interpreted UCTs was catalyzed by the portrayal of "free money" as a context‐independent carrier and store of value or, in other words, by UCT's socially produced "indeterminacy." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of Israeli architectural aid in Sub-Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization and the Cold War. It highlights how Israel positioned itself as a postcolonial nation-state and used its settler colonial experience to offer an alternative development model to African countries. The author examines specific projects in Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Ethiopia to demonstrate how Israeli architects adapted their knowledge to suit the unique challenges of each country. The article suggests that further research should explore the agency of African stakeholders and how they transformed or resisted the built environment created through these collaborations. [Extracted from the article]

Motivation: Investing in girls' schooling in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) is seen as central to improving gender equity. It is argued that interventions to promote girls' enrolment are appropriate as girls face gendered barriers to school enrolment and completion and investing in girls' schooling has high economic and human development returns. But is this fair to boys and enough for girls? Purpose: We ask how appropriate it is to direct development assistance towards improving girls' school enrolment, compared to prioritizing schooling for both girls and boys, and addressing barriers to gender equality throughout the life course. Methods and approach: We frame the enquiry through a human development framework with three distinct but interdependent domains: protection of human development potential; realization of human development potential; and use of human development potential. Using publicly available data, we identify indicators that are likely to be correlated with the degree to which human development potential is protected, realized, and utilized in LMICs. We compare male and female outcomes on each of these indicators to assess gender parity at different life stages. Findings: In most regions, girls are ahead of boys in both school enrolment and completion. Girls have better outcomes than boys in several other indicators in early life and childhood. In adolescence and adulthood, girls and women fall behind boys and men. This is especially apparent in workforce participation, in unemployment, in pay, and in share of unpaid care work and political participation, where women have less favourable outcomes than men. The bias against women is most marked in South Asia and sub‐Saharan Africa. Policy implications: A focus on girls' schooling should be tempered by ensuring quality pre‐primary, primary, and secondary schooling for both boys and girls. At the same time, we must address causes of gender inequality, including labour market discrimination and social norms that justify the exclusion and exploitation of women and girls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Elaborated in their current form in Busan in 2011, and reiterated in Geneva in 2022, the four Principles of Effective Development Co‐operation comprise country ownership, focus on results, inclusive partnerships, and transparency and mutual accountability. Framed to guide more effective development assistance, their measurement and impact has not been systematically studied. Purpose: We ask, what do we know about adherence to the principles and better development outcomes? What can we learn about this relationship using the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co‐operation's (GPEDC) monitoring framework? Methods and approach: We define and measure adherence to the four principles using the GPEDC framework and indicators. We then explore the association between these indicators and development outcomes (for example, economic growth and poverty) using correlation, descriptive analysis, and analysis of data quality. Finding s : Across countries, the empirical relationship between the currently available GPEDC data and the development outcomes is tenuous at best. Shortcomings in the data explain much of the lack of evidence. Some shortcomings could be easily fixed with adjustments to the indicators and data collection, but many relate to inherent challenges in measuring the four principles. Policy implications: A more precise definition of indicators of adherence to the principles, with a wider coverage of countries and with annual measurement, would help—not necessarily for their instrumental value, but as much, if not more, to raise the profile of the principles themselves. The universally agreed objectives of strengthening international partnerships and co‐operation, as well as of building inclusive, effective, accountable, and transparent institutions as declared in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, are goals well worth pursuing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations literature generally tells us that donor countries see foreign aid as a key instrument of foreign policy to promote political interests. According to research, donor countries usually hope to get favorable voting at the United Nations (UN) arena in return, meaning that the motivation for foreign aid is not so altruistic. This article examines these claims and discusses the link between foreign aid, bilateral relations, and voting patterns in the UN General Assembly while focusing on Israeli foreign aid to five East African countries, using data on Israel's foreign aid and data on voting patterns from 2012 to 2021. The results testify that Israel foreign aid has helped to promote ties with Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan, Uganda, and Tanzania, but has not helped to promote voting patterns in favor of Israel. The results reveal a duality according to which the bilateral relations between Israel and East African countries have improved, but there has been no improvement in their voting patterns in a way that raises questions about the success level of using foreign aid as a tool to promote a favorable UN voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does foreign aid reshape citizen views on governments? How does Chinese aid relate to corruption perception in African local governments? Studying 33 African countries from 2000 to 2014 (175 590 respondents), Chinese aid heightens perceived corruption in local councillors and officials. Corruption scandals likely contribute to negative views of both China and local governance. Control variables like World Bank aid and Confucius Institutes disprove alternate theories. Heterogeneous effects demonstrate that China's aid is unwelcome among low‐skilled individuals who feel threatened by its expansion, magnifying corruption perception. This suggests that Chinese aid's unfavourable image fosters scepticism among African citizens and undermines collaborating local governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Amid the highly polarized discourse on development aid in Pacific Islands, few studies explore the perspectives of local people. Missing from the literature is how the subjective experiences of Pacific Islands people responding and adapting to a sudden global disruption influence their perceptions of foreign aid. Faced by the sudden shutdown of export markets, tourism, and labour migration, the COVID‐19 pandemic offered an opportunity to investigate how disruptions from international events affect Pacific Island peoples' perception of foreign aid. Purpose: We investigated how the lived experiences of people in the Cook Islands and Tonga during COVID‐19 may have influenced their perceptions of foreign aid. Methods and approach: Semi‐structured interviews guided by open‐ended questions were conducted with 25 individuals in the Cook Islands and 24 in Tonga. Interviewees were purposively selected from staff in government ministries and environmental non‐governmental organizations; from people working in tourism and private enterprise; from members of youth empowerment groups; and from among traditional leaders, faith leaders, high school teachers, fisherfolk, and farmers. The interviews explored their subjective experiences during the COVID‐19 pandemic and the meanings they attributed to them. Findings: The pandemic closed down tourism and interrupted labour emigration in both countries. In response, people switched to farming and fishing and found ways to redeploy their skills. The pandemic saw increased local innovation, strengthened traditional practices, increased local agricultural output, and enhanced collaboration between foreign donor partners and recipient countries in the development of local human capacity. Policy implications: Rather than repeating history by integrating Pacific Island societies into the globalized economy, or providing bail‐outs through economic restructuring, donors should strive to support the agency and self‐determination of Pacific Islands people. They should start by recognizing the resourcefulness and capacity to adapt shown by participants during the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a special issue of the Development Policy Review journal that aims to elevate the voices and perspectives of Pacific scholars on foreign aid and development issues in the region. The special issue was prompted by the low publication rates for authors from the global South in development journals. The articles in the special issue cover a range of topics, including power asymmetries in aid relationships, the importance of adapting aid to diverse contexts, the need for donors to listen to local voices, and the resilience of Pacific communities. The authors hope that this collection of articles will provide valuable insights and promote a better understanding of aid in the Pacific. [Extracted from the article]

Motivation: Pacific aid research has largely focused on national issues and social justice, rather than spatial justice and the development of remote outer islands. In particular, the perspectives of remote outer island populations on aid have not previously been assessed. Purpose: This study explores the experiences and views of the population of a remote Pacific outer island, Mauke in the Cook Islands, on the foreign aid they receive. By listening to and learning from local people living with aid on a remote outer island, this article seeks to address spatially insensitive Pacific aid research and policy. Based on these insights, the article derives policy implications for aid and development actors working on Mauke and other remote outer islands in the Pacific. Methods and approach: Employing a mixed‐methods approach, this article draws on field research conducted on Mauke, involving in‐depth semi‐structured interviews and a quantitative survey. Findings: The people of Mauke are divided about whether the island should receive more or less aid. Those calling for more aid tend to be younger; they stress the need for infrastructure development. Those advocating for less aid tend to be older; they argue that aid has harmed Mauke by decreasing endogenous initiatives and creating social tensions, both of which reduce social cohesion among the remote island population. Policy implications: Rather than investing in "community‐based/−led development"—doing development with the community, aid to remote Pacific outer islands should focus more on "community development"—with the aim of enhancing social cohesion among peripheral islands. Donors, governments, and development partners must carefully reflect on the degree to which their interventions may harm social cohesion and the endogenous development potential of remote outer island populations. These implications matter given the persistence of uncritical (mis)representations and (mis)conceptions of remote Pacific outer island populations as harmonious and mutually supportive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Through a Fiji case analysis, this article elaborates on how well‐intentioned foreign aid initiatives can result in maladaptation for local communities. When most well‐intentioned foreign aid institutions become aware of development problems in the Pacific Island Countries, they start planning development interventions. However, maladaptation can occur where there is insufficient community input, creating conditions that worsen situations and make communities more vulnerable. Purpose: The study highlights a way to improve the sustainability and effectiveness of development projects with local communities by analysing two case studies. One is a community project driven by a civil society organization (CSO) and the other is community‐driven development (CDD) project in Fiji. Approach and methods: The researcher engaged in community field studies while working as a civil servant in Fiji for 12 years and has continued these studies as a researcher for five years. The data used in this article are both experiential and research‐based. Action research took place when the author supported CDD programmes based on traditional farming. This study provides a longitudinal view that includes critical auto‐ethnography and talanoa. Findings: This study finds that the CSO did not appreciate community aspirations and local knowledge, leading to community maladaptation in response to their programme intervention. By contrast, CDD in the same locale saw community members take control of strategizing, carrying out development activities, and monitoring. This directly contributed to community resilience and collective well‐being, in addition to making the CDD activities more sustainable than those dependent on donor funding. Policy implications: This article showcases the value of CDD for Pacific communities and the importance of accounting for local aspirations and worldviews. Thus, policies in Pacific Island Countries should ensure that any community development programmes respect people's culture and understand their notions of well‐being and resilience, and so contribute to more self‐determined development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: As in much of the Pacific, Samoans understand their culture through Western religious lenses. Christianity and fa'a‐Samoa (culture and practices) are entangled; they determine Samoa's daily reality of governance, society, and economic development. To discuss Samoa's development over the past two centuries without addressing Samoan agency in maintaining the Christian mantle to navigate their worldviews would be to misrepresent modern Samoa. Policy and investment for economic development, especially foreign aid, is largely determined at national level. Samoa's most vital communities to effect change, however, are local: church congregations and their leaders. Purpose: I examine the intersections of religiosity and Samoa's development. Should foreign aid donors consider Samoa's religious communities to implement effective education, poverty, and development programmes if religion is regarded as a cultural entity? Methods and approach: I used talanoa to collect data from discussions with directors of two leading aid donors in Samoa, the United Nations (UN) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the Aid Coordinator for the Government of Samoa. Talanoa is a face‐to‐face dialogue often used in Pacific communities. Finding s : Religion plays a significant role in Samoan society. Samoans view economic development, the improvement of the lives of ordinary citizens, job stability, and education as part of the manuia (blessings) of Samoa's religious and political status and community tapuaiga (prayers). That said, religion is not considered in formal discussions of aid and development. The interviewees agree that aid donors should understand the role of religion in daily society. Policy implications: Perhaps it is time for aid donors and Christian Pacific Island countries to use these unorthodox methods for positive economic and social changes. As stated in Samoa's World Summit on Sustainable Development Assessment Report, "the potential influential standing and the extensive outreach of the church within the community makes it a valuable vehicle to drive pro‐harmony strategies" (Government of Samoa, 2000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: This research brings a Pacific Islands‐centred perspective into the discussion of foreign aid and climate mobility. Climate‐related migration is a crucial issue in Oceania as climate change is increasingly affecting Pacific Islanders. In this context, the Pacific Islands are typically seen as migrant‐sending countries to places outside the region. Inter‐Pacific Islands migration (IPIM) is barely recognized. Purpose: Should foreign aid consider climate‐related IPIM? This article focuses on Fiji to: (1) assess current knowledge on migration between the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICTs) and Fiji's role therein; (2) maps aid‐funded climate mobility initiatives in the Pacific Islands; and (3) explores Fiji's national polices and local Fijian perspectives on regional climate‐related immigration to Fiji. Methods and approach: This study draws on a combination of statistical analysis, policy document analysis, expert interviews, and semi‐structured interviews and an in‐depth online survey involving local Fijians. Additionally, it incorporates the author's personal work experience as a Pacific Islander and a Fijian traversing climate mobility aid and policy spaces relating to Oceania. Findings: Current aid policies and initiatives addressing climate mobility have insufficiently considered IPIM. Migration from other PICTs to Fiji is significant, both in terms of numbers and in its current and potential impacts on local Fijians. Neither research, nor Fiji's national policies, nor donors have sufficiently considered this issue to date. Policy implications: Aid policies and initiatives targeting climate‐related migration in PICTs need to be refocused to give more attention to IPIM. Donors must expand their support to migrant‐receiving communities in PICTs such as Fiji. By recognizing and investing in IPIM, donors can foster mutual benefits for Fiji, other PICTs, and donor countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decision of the United Kingdom government to reduce its Official Development Assistance by £ 4.6 billion in 2020 was framed by its proponents as a nationalist response to a domestic financial crisis. This Conservative‐led austerity measure triggered the early closure of hundreds of aid projects globally. Concerned British politicians equated the cuts to moral failures as humanitarian and civil society actors claimed the lost funding would devastate the world's most vulnerable populations. In the vast space between British funders and the so‐called 'beneficiaries' of aid is a diverse cadre of mid‐level actors 'doing' and, in this case, 'un‐doing' development programming. This article examines their experiences in prematurely closing British‐funded projects in one postcolonial context, Malawi. Drawing upon semi‐structured interviews, the article explores the emotional, material and relational consequences of austerity. It builds on Didier Fassin's theorization of moral economies to argue that the timing and approach of this funding withdrawal violated the accepted moral economies of aid, breaching obligations between Malawian mid‐level aid workers and community members (including family) as well as among institutions. It concludes by considering how this particular rupture to the relational infrastructure of aid has prompted demands for recalibrated resourcing futures in Malawi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: We draw on social contract theory and resource curse literatures to assess the relationship between government revenue composition and forest loss in low‐ and middle‐income nations that collect higher levels of revenues from a broad base of individuals and companies should have less forest loss. Methods: We use two‐stage instrumental variable regression models to test how a government's revenue source impacts forest loss for a sample of 83 low‐ and middle‐income nations. Results: We find support that low‐ and middle‐income nations that collect more revenue from broad‐based taxes tend to have less forest loss. Conclusion: We move the cross‐national research frontier forward by applying insights from the fiscal contract and resource curse literatures to forest loss. We find that a government's revenue source is related to forest loss with low‐ and middle‐income nations that rely more on broad‐based taxes having lower levels of forest loss than revenues collected from other sources including natural resource rents and foreign aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The positive impacts of Aid for Trade (AfT) have been well examined on various aspects such as trade, trade liberty, inward foreign direct investment (FDI), infrastructure and so forth. However, the environmental effects of AfT have never been examined, while the environmental impact of foreign aid is already confirmed in the literature. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper that investigated the connection between AfT and the quality of the environment in recipient countries. Using data from 100 countries from 2003 to 2019 with system generalised method of moment (GMM) estimator, our research results confirmed that AfT has a negative impact on the environmental quality of recipient countries, and we offer further explanations about this. However, the negative effect of AfT on environmental quality can be varied depending on the institutional quality and level of economic development of recipient countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simone Dietrich's book, "States, Markets, and Foreign Aid," explores why some OECD donors choose to withhold government-to-government aid in response to bad governance, while others continue to provide substantial amounts. The book argues that donor countries' aid-giving strategies differ in how they adapt to mitigate implementation risks in recipient countries. Donors can either continue to provide aid directly to state officials while working to build up the capacity of the recipient government, or they can bypass the state and distribute aid through international organizations and civil society groups. The book also examines the differences between neoliberal and traditional aid agencies and how their preferences for aid delivery tactics are shaped by their bureaucratic rules and practices. The author provides empirical evidence to support the theoretical framework, including cross-national statistical analysis and surveys with aid professionals. While the book has some limitations, such as assumptions about rational expectations and the lack of control for ideological orientation, it offers valuable insights into the factors influencing aid-giving tactics. [Extracted from the article]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including localization in the aid industry; international aid; and humanitarian negotiations.

Developing countries have commonly adopted financial management information systems developed by prominent international organizations or developed countries to modernize their fiscal functions. However, these systems face limitations in effectively meeting the specific needs of recipient countries and maintaining their built-in functionalities. This field report aims to investigate the module based adoption of South Korea's Integrated Financial Management Information System as a customized strategy that aligns with the demands and capacities of recipient countries. The implications of this report provide practical pathways to integrate the push for modernization efforts of donor countries and the pull for localization goals of recipient countries, improving the effectiveness of financial management systems in developing countries and promoting self-sufficiency and adaptability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory development has become, 'development orthodoxy', receiving widespread proclamations of support from foreign aid agencies. Participatory development engages international development beneficiaries in making decisions about project activity selection and design. Yet, many foreign aid donors deliver project assistance through top-down, highly controlled systems that may constrain the flexibility needed to delegate decision-making power to project beneficiaries. This paper explores whether and under which conditions these foreign aid agencies delegate decision-making power to project beneficiaries, focusing on the key mechanism for delivering foreign aid: government contracts. The analysis relies on a novel dataset of U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) projects that incorporates contract specifications for beneficiary decision-making during project implementation. Despite an expectation that delivery system constraints would prohibitively exclude contract specifications for beneficiary decision-making, donors are found to commonly use contracts to delegate decision-making power to beneficiaries, but within pre-determined parameters. The results suggest that USAID is using contract specifications to engage in bounded delegation, providing some decision-making power to beneficiaries, but using boundaries to ensure the right 'fit' with institutional goals and constraints. By focusing on contract specifications and variation within these specifications, this study identifies widespread use of a 'middle ground' in how donors motivate participatory development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aid in support of gender equality and women's empowerment has gathered significant momentum over the past decade and has also sparked a renewed debate over the effectiveness of foreign aid. Is gender aid a panacea that will help the recipient countries confront the challenges of the gender inequality deeply ingrained in their societies, or is it just a placebo pretending to be effective? Is there any difference between gender‐focused aid and gender mainstreaming aid in terms of aid effectiveness? To answer these key questions, this article examines the impact of gender aid on gender inequality using a sample of 116 recipient countries that covers the period from 2010 to 2019. By adopting a hybrid method that incorporates fixed‐ and random‐effects models, we obtain results indicating that increasing amounts of gender mainstreaming aid over time successfully reduce gender inequality and close the gender gap. In stark contrast, gender‐focused aid lacks the statistical significance needed to prove its potency. In addition to confirming gender aid's effectiveness, this article provides further policy implications regarding the gender mainstreaming strategy in the field of international development, particularly when considered in the context of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Motivation: Most weather‐related disasters occur in the world's poorest countries, which have the least capacity to cope. Due to the absence of a clear classification of DRR aid, donors and recipient countries have not known the amount of DRR aid flowing or its effectiveness in terms of supporting disaster risk management in developing countries. Purpose: In 2018, the OECD DAC created a new policy marker for DRR to help donor countries to monitor and report the progress made on mainstreaming DRR into their development activities. Drawing on this DRR marker, this study identifies trends and patterns as well as limitations in the DRR mainstreaming process to guide donor countries to successfully deliver the DRR goals. Methods and approach: When reporting to the OECD DAC, donors are asked to provide information on the purpose of individual projects/programmes, and screen against all policy markers in the reporting system. Using this data, this study conducted an in‐depth analysis of donor countries' development portfolios to provide a comprehensive and granular picture of the funding streams and practices concerning DRR. Findings: This study revealed that current spending on DRR remains a tiny fraction of total development aid. Even after the creation of the DRR marker, which raised donors' awareness of the importance of integrating DRR into development planning, no substantial increase in DRR funding has been made. This implies that most official development assistance from DAC members still fails to consider DRR in any meaningful way. Policy implications: Important areas for improvement include a more comprehensive understanding of disaster risk, increased funding for activities that principally target DRR, financial stability, and further integration of DRR and climate change adaptation into development projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]