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The Warsaw Framework for REDD+ (WFR) is an international framework for the cooperation between developed and developing countries to reduce forest‐based greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, adopted by COP 19 in 2013 and anchored in article 5.2 of the Paris Agreement. In this article, the authors identify six reasons for why REDD+, as defined in the WFR, enjoys unfaltering importance to Parties' climate action. Within international law and governance, the WFR provides a unique structure for forest protection through international cooperation within a multilaterally agreed framework with clear rules, robust methodologies, independent oversight and safeguards for recognising the environmental and social values of forests beyond carbon sinks. Its uniqueness becomes obvious when contrasted against the international community's long‐standing struggle to include forests in any other international legal outcome. The WFR has also built critical capacity of countries for the implementation of the Paris Agreement, in particular the reporting obligations under its Enhanced Transparency Framework. The experience gained under the WFR could be valuable for other sectors within the climate regime. However, the authors also argue that while REDD+ might be more relevant than ever on the course to global net‐zero CO2 emissions, the full potential of REDD+ at scale, as defined in the WFR, has yet to be explored. As it is to be expected that forests will play a role in the context of carbon markets and other cooperative approaches under article 6 of the Paris Agreement, the paper also explores latest developments in this matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power transitions among major states have shaped the course of cooperation in the history of the international system. We study this relationship from a public opinion angle by examining the effect of a potential power transition on attitudes towards bilateral trade liberalization. Power transitions can spur political and economic conflict because the rising power gains greater influence over the course of world politics, including trade rules, allowing it to assert its national interest and the interests of its citizens. This implies that citizens in the rising power are more supportive of bilateral economic cooperation than citizens in the declining power. Empirical findings from parallel, survey‐embedded experiments in China and the United States lend support to this conjecture. Great Power competition, therefore, interferes with current international economic affairs – an aspect that has received less attention in previous research on trade politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Responsive photonic crystals (RPCs) exhibit dynamic chromism upon trigger by various solvents, showing potential applications in qualitative identification and quantitative analysis of multicomponent solvents. However, distinguishing similar solvents, especially traces of cosolvents, remains challenging due to the limited sensitivity of RPCs. To address this, we herein introduce brush‐like polymeric gels inside photonic crystals, forming a brush‐like polymeric photonic gel (BPPG) that can trace tiny component changes. In this BPPG system, the acrylate backbones and polyethylene glycol (PEG) side‐chains stretch incrementally due to the cosolvency of ethanol‐water mixtures, resulting in highly sensitive chromatic responses within ethanol‐rich concentrations. With water content varying slightly from 0 to 1 vol %, the reflection wavelength of BPPG can sharply redshift over 30 nm, leading to very noticeable changes in structural color. This enhanced sensitivity makes BPPG suitable for real‐time, in situ purity monitoring of absolute ethanol during storage, transportation, and other applications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eastern Nile Basin (ENB) countries of Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, and Ethiopia are subject to pronounced water, energy, and food (WEF) insecurity. There is a need to manage the WEF nexus to meet rapidly increasing demands, but this is extremely challenging due to resource scarcity and climate change. If countries that rely on shared transboundary water resources have contradictory WEF plans, that could diminish the expected outcomes, both nationally and regionally. Egypt as the most downstream Nile country is concerned about ongoing and future developments upstream, which could exacerbate Egypt's water scarcity and affect its ability to meet its WEF objectives. In this context, we introduce a multi‐model WEF framework that simulates the ENB water resources, food production, and hydropower generation systems. The models were calibrated and validated for the period 1983–2016, then utilized to project a wide range of future development plans, up to 2050, using four performance measures to evaluate the WEF nexus. A thematic pathway for regional development that shows high potential for mutual benefits is identified. However, the WEF planning outcomes for the region are sensitive to climate change, but, if social drivers could be managed (e.g., by lowering population growth rates) despite the difficulties involved, climate change impacts on WEF security could be less severe. Plain Language Summary: The countries of the ENB ‐ Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, and Ethiopia—each have problems with the three key sectors of water, energy, and food. It is challenging to manage these sectors when resources are limited, population is rapidly growing, and climate is changing. The four countries share the water resources of the Nile River, and if they do not coordinate planning, WEF conditions are likely to deteriorate, for each country and for the region as a whole. Egypt, the most downstream country, is concerned that upstream plans may significantly affect its Nile water supply. Hence a modeling study was carried out to understand how the water, energy, and food sectors are connected in the region. This included projecting alternative future plans and showed that few could work well for all countries. However, the outcomes can be greatly affected by climate and socioeconomic changes. We suggest that it is crucial to coordinate WEF planning in the region for the countries to face these challenges together. Key Points: A framework for the assessment of future WEF plans in the Eastern Nile Basin (ENB) countries is introducedThe analysis reveals significant WEF planning tradeoffs among the basin countries; specific plans with reduced tradeoffs are highlightedClimate change results in high uncertainty in planning outcomes; this requires a high level of cooperation between the ENB countries [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses whether and how fairness considerations affect citizens' support of European Union (EU) policies and integration. While past literature has revealed that perceptions of procedural and substantive fairness impact on public opinion at the level of the nation state, we know less about the fairness‐support nexus when it comes to international cooperation. We here make use of the case of differentiated integration (DI) to experimentally dissect normative and utility‐oriented considerations in the evaluation of EU policies. DI as an instrument to overcome heterogeneity‐induced gridlock has been linked to both autonomy and dominance, and it can generate winners and losers in the EU. Our experiments reveal that citizens largely support DI. However, they are opposed to forms of DI which impose negative externalities on a subgroup of EU member states. This holds irrespective of the affectedness of citizens' own member states. We take these findings as a first experimental confirmation that citizens, indeed, care about the fairness of the EU and its policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the pressing global issue of water security, exacerbated by climate change and environmental degradation. It emphasizes the need for a networked approach leveraging international cooperation to address water security challenges. The "Water Beyond Europe" working group has made significant progress in advancing water diplomacy and security through strategic reports, organizing international events, aligning activities with global agendas, and facilitating major projects. The group's success is attributed to active engagement, alignment with international water agendas, and the publication of white papers that have become key references in achieving international cooperation on water. Challenges include coordinating diverse stakeholders and aligning network goals with working group objectives. Recommendations for future initiatives include maintaining strong connections with international partnerships and aligning activities with strategic directions. The article concludes by highlighting the importance of collaboration in addressing global water challenges and the need to continue and strengthen partnerships for a sustainable and water-secure future. [Extracted from the article]

The machinic moving image has the power to engage with a larger audience than a drawing. It often strips away ambiguity, getting its message across fast and indelibly, coupled with the troubles of our age – particularly the mitigation of climate change, the need for profound international cooperation, and the sheer scale of the intervention required to ease these problems. Marissa Lindquist evokes Australian artist and filmmaker Liam Young's Great Endeavor film project that relishes a new technological sublime – long a preoccupation in his work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Cardiovascular diseases (CVDs) remain the leading cause of mortality, especially in low‐ and middle‐income countries, many of which are in the Arab region. We aimed to conduct a bibliometric analysis to assess the scientific output concerning CVDs in the Arab region and the Middle East over the past decade. Methods: A bibliometric search was conducted on PubMed and Scopus between 2012 and 2022. The study analyzed the number of publications, countries, institutional sources, authors, journals, and keywords. Visualization analysis was executed using various software tools, including R, VOSviewer, and CiteSpace. Results: PubMed and Scopus yielded 5340 documents related to CVDs at the time of data collection. A total of 1263 documents were retrieved after screening based on specific inclusion criteria that guarantee the inclusion only for Arab region studies and authors. There has been a consistent increase in annual publications in recent years. The countries that contributed the most to research in this field were Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. Although Egypt stood out as the most productive country, the institute with the highest number of documents was in Qatar. In addition, the Top 3 authors hailed from Qatar. Saudi Medical Journal leads the field as the most productive journal, followed closely by PLoS One and Angiology. Research topics of significant interest in the realm of CVDs include specific diseases such as heart failure, risk factors related to CVDs, genetic aspects of CVDs, and congenital disorders in infant's cardiac health. Conclusion: This study provides a comprehensive overview of the current status of CVD research in the Arab region. It includes research hotspots that can guide authors in determining the necessary future investigations within this field. There is a clear call for further exploration of various aspects of CVDs in the Arab world. Strengthening cooperation between countries and institutes is needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the organization of the Universal Christian Conference on Life and Work in Stockholm in 1925, its significance for the 20th‐century ecumenical movement, and the central role played by Swedish Archbishop Nathan Söderblom. It describes Söderblom's repeated efforts during the First World War to bring churches together to work for peace and how he originally hoped that what might become the Stockholm conference would be organized by the World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship through the Churches, as well as his determination that Orthodox churches should be present in Stockholm. The article then gives an account of the proceedings of the Stockholm conference and how it demonstrated the diversity of the unity of the church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the history of the International Association of Geomorphologists (IAG), an organization formally established in 1989, but with the foundations laid at the First International Conference on Geomorphology in Manchester in 1985. It recreates the spirit of the 1980s, when the need for more efficient international cooperation on an equal basis was argued for, and outlines steps which led to its setting up. The model of operation of the IAG is presented, emphasizing membership by countries, followed by milestone institutional developments, listing of IAG officers and its Honorary Fellows. Key IAG activities are conferences, projects run by working groups, training and support programmes for early career geomorphologists, and publications. A summary of major achievements and challenges for the future concludes the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil's diplomatic stance on the Ukraine War should be understood within the context of broader geopolitical tensions. Brazil's position goes beyond geopolitical hedging and represents a strategic alignment with the global South based on a vision aimed at stimulating economic development through cooperation. This article highlights Brazil's reluctance to criticise Russia, articulates its grievances with the West and explains the Brazilian government's conviction that a stronger alliance with the global South can result in economic gain. Ultimately, Brazil's new foreign policy is shifting from its historical commitment to non‐alignment and pragmatism and reveals a growing inclination to challenge liberal international norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have most Latin American countries – traditionally pro‐Atlantic and staunch defenders of non‐intervention – remained conspicuously neutral during the Ukraine War? We argue that in an increasingly bipolar context, fence‐sitting produces clear strategic gains through partner‐diversification and bargaining power. However, this strategy becomes riskier with polarisation and, at a certain point, these risks may upset benefits. We formalise this argument and examine the foreign policy trajectories of several Latin American countries in the context of the Ukraine War to illustrate how their room for diplomatic flexibility has shrunk with polarisation. As a corollary, we think of scenarios where the costs of fence‐sitting can outweigh its advantages, forcing the region to align. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America has promoted the nonintervention principle as a fundamental tenet of the international order. The region defends this principle to prevent abuses of force by great powers. Why, then, have Latin American governments been reticent to support Ukraine against the ongoing Russian invasion? The Latin American reactions to the Russian invasion do not represent a normalisation of aggression or a rejection of the international order. The Latin American responses are anchored in two regional approaches to the international order favouring nonintervention: republicanism promotes collective responses while pluralism defends non‐Western values. If the West wants to win more Latin American support for Ukraine, it is necessary to disentangle supporting Ukraine and defending the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The heterogeneity of Latin American stands regarding the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has puzzled observers in Europe and the United States. Different explanations have been offered to account for the seemingly paradoxical willingness of Latin Americans to oppose the invasion when voting for United Nations resolutions, but then to refrain from condemning it discursively and to directly refuse requests to supply arms to Ukraine. This article aims to document the response of Latin American countries to the war and to assess the factors underpinning it. We show how predominant explanations fell short of providing an adequate account and argue that the region's reaction to the war can be better understood as a pursuit of peripheral autonomy. Our study is structured as a congruence analysis, based on an eclectic array of theoretical and conceptual explanations and a corpus of qualitative and quantitative information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Latin America's response to the Russia–Ukraine War by navigating the delicate balance between tradition and pragmatism. Historically championing self‐determination and non‐intervention, the region faces challenges in coordinating responses due to ideological divisions. Analysing reactions from Brazil, Mexico, Nicaragua and Venezuela, the study reveals various responses, ranging from diplomatic neutrality to outright support. Economic dependencies, power dynamics and domestic priorities influence approaches. As Latin America struggles with internal challenges and external pressures, the study advocates a nuanced understanding of the role of the region in the evolving international order, emphasising the need for cohesive diplomatic strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) institutionalisation by Mexico (2020) and Chile (2023), this study analyses their differentiated responses to empirically assess FFP's promised potential to achieve autonomy in foreign policymaking. Through a thematic analysis, we examined the official stances towards the war, diplomatic interactions, and specific cooperation policies proposed or supported by the two countries. The results are twofold: (1) theoretically, FFP challenges conventional theories on international relations and foreign policymaking by fostering a nuanced understanding of the war thus creating conditions for developing autonomous discourses and policies, and (2) empirically, FFP has practical limitations evidenced in Mexico and Chile's heterogeneous – and sometimes unexpected – responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ambivalent stance of Latin American governments towards Russia's actions in Ukraine. Using Proyecto Élites Parlamentarias de la Universidad de Salamanca (PELA‐USAL) data, it explores ideological self‐placement, Putin's approval and alliance preferences among Latin American Members of Parliament, highlighting the influence of anti‐imperialism and multilateralism on their international alignments and support for Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit (2023) in virtual format only exposed the growing disconnect between India and the members of this multilateral framework. Given the precarious state of India's relations with its immediate neighbors, China and Pakistan, and the growing camaraderie between Beijing and Moscow, this article examines the reasons behind New Delhi's continued need to engage with this multilateral framework. While India seeks to use the SCO as a "bridge" to improve its ties with Central Asian nations and act as a "check and balance" within the organization, Beijing's ascendancy as the "primary" external actor in the Af‐Pak and Central Asia region has meant that India's ability to gain advantages from its association with the SCO will be severely limited. As the protracted war in Ukraine continues unabated, India's attempts to find a "middle ground" between competing interests and principles will be put to the test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Fermentation has been studied to improve the chemical composition and sensory profile of coffee, of interest to the food industry and farmers seeking competitiveness in the international market. This study addresses the influence of biotransformation on the synthesis of flavour precursor compounds and correlates subsequent processes, such as roasting, and chemical mechanisms responsible for the formation of coffee's sensory profiles. The results indicate that coffee fermentation contributes to the formation of precursor metabolites of volatile compounds and the different fermentation techniques favour the production of high‐quality coffee. Bibliometrics analysis from 2012 to 2022 highlighted Brazil and China with a high number of research, scientific collaborations, and international cooperation, indicating a current trend in research focused on sensory modulation. Fermentation technologies point to a promising scenario with the possibility of producing coffee with previously defined sensory characteristics. This market is in full development and corroborates the growing pace of coffee consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This summary discusses two books, "Accidental Conflict: America, China, and the Clash of False Narratives" by Stephen Roach and "The United States vs. China: The Quest for Global Economic Leadership" by C. Fred Bergsten, which provide insights into the dynamics of the US-China relationship and its impact on global governance. The books examine economic ties, cultural and political differences, and propose solutions for balancing competition and collaboration. They emphasize the importance of understanding diverse perspectives for achieving global stability. [Extracted from the article]

Research shows that information cues influence public opinion on international cooperation, yet it is unclear whether all cues are equally effective in the context of a global crisis. This paper sheds light on this issue by analysing how frames in public discourse influence support for multilateral vaccine cooperation during Covid‐19. Building on research on in‐group favouritism, decision‐making under uncertainty, and public support for multilateralism, the paper argues that frames emphasizing vaccine nationalism are more potent than those emphasizing international cooperation and that nationalist political identities moderate these framing effects. An original survey experiment in the United Kingdom confirms this argument and shows that public support for multilateralism is substantial but vulnerable. A vaccine nationalism frame reduces support for multilateralism, while an international cooperation frame has no effect. Moreover, 'Brexit identities' moderate this framing effect, with 'Leavers' being more susceptible to the detrimental effect of the vaccine nationalism frame than 'Remainers'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops a novel approach for studying the influence of supranational institutions in international cooperation. While earlier research tends to treat member states as a collective yielding influence on supranational institutions, we unpack this collective to explore differentiated supranational influence. To this end, the article makes three contributions. First, it develops a method for measuring differentiated supranational influence that makes it possible to identify which member states give ground when a supranational institution is influential. Second, it theorizes the sources of differentiated supranational influence, arguing that states are more likely to accommodate a supranational institution when they are more dependent on the resources of this institution. Third, it illustrates the usefulness of this approach empirically through an analysis of the influence of the European Commission in European Union bargaining. The analysis suggests that our approach can measure and explain differentiated supranational influence under conditions of both heightened crisis and everyday politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dependency relationship in economic and trade cooperation between countries has long been a subject of ongoing debate among scholars of international relations. Albert Hirschman proposed his theory, known as the "Hirschman effect," which examines how profit‐making groups influence the foreign policies of nations. However, this article contends that interest groups alone cannot fully account for the Hirschman effect. Through examining cases involving Southeast Asian countries and China, it becomes evident that security needs and interest preferences collectively influence the strength of the Hirschman effect between small and large countries. Specifically, Cambodia, Malaysia, and the Philippines illustrate varying degrees of the Hirschman effect, with Cambodia exhibiting a positive effect, Malaysia demonstrating a composite effect, and the Philippines displaying a negative effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commercial applications of nanotechnology in the food industry are rapidly increasing. Accordingly, there is a simultaneous increase in the amount and diversity of nanowaste, which arise as byproducts in the production, use, disposal, or recycling processes of nanomaterials utilized in the food industry. The potential risks of this nanowaste to human health and the environment are alarming. It is of crucial significance to establish analytical methods and monitoring systems for nanowaste to ensure food safety. This review provides comprehensive information on nanowaste in foods as well as comparative material on existing and new analytical methods for the detection of nanowaste. The article is specifically focused on nanowaste in food systems. Moreover, the current techniques, challenges as well as potential use of new and progressive methods are underlined, further highlighting advances in technology, collaborative efforts, as well as future perspectives for effective nanowaste detection and tracking. Such detection and tracking of nanowaste are required in order to effectively manage this type ofwasted in foods. Although there are devices that utilize spectroscopy, spectrometry, microscopy/imaging, chromatography, separation/fractionation, light scattering, diffraction, optical, adsorption, diffusion, and centrifugation methods for this purpose, there are challenges to be overcome in relation to nanowaste as well as food matrix and method characteristics. New technologies such as radio‐frequency identification, Internet of things, blockchain, data analytics, and machine learning are promising. However, the cooperation of international organizations, food sector, research, and political organizations is needed for effectively managing nanowaste. Future research efforts should be focused on addressing knowledge gaps and potential strategies for optimizing nanowaste detection and tracking processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ouster of President Hosni Mubarak in 2011 marked a turning point in Egypt's modern history. The long‐persecuted Muslim Brotherhood immediately became a key political player, and its candidate, Mohamed Morsi, won election to lead the country. But despite those two years of popular engagement and victories at the ballot box, Morsi was ousted and the movement banished once again after a confrontation with the military in July 2013. Why did the Brotherhood choose to risk a conflict with the armed forces and not seek a compromise? This article contends that the decision was driven by the Muslim Brotherhood's long history of persecution, its broad base of support, its impressive successes after Mubarak fell, and its fear of losing the presidency. These set the Brotherhood on a course of action that suited its experiences and preferences. This path led the movement to ignore several facts suggesting it must seek to coordinate with the armed forces: The Brotherhood and the military did not enjoy cordial relations after Morsi's election in 2012; the movement's grassroots power was substantial, but there was no evidence it could prevail over the military's demand for Morsi to step down; and the military maintained its internal cohesion. Therefore, the Muslim Brotherhood's historical path guided its decision to avoid cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the ambivalence among Middle Eastern states about the war in Ukraine stems from multiple sources, Russian influence is a significant, if underappreciated, factor. Several of these countries see Moscow as an external balancer and hedge against the possibility of a broader US pullback from the region. At the same time, Russia maintains significant coercive capabilities thanks to its military presence in Syria and burgeoning strategic partnership with Iran. Many aspiring regional powers are also sympathetic to Moscow's calls for an international order less centered on the West. This article analyzes these concerns and perceptions, and it shows how they have shaped the way states in the region have responded to the invasion of Ukraine. Broadly speaking, these states see it as a peripheral concern—especially following the outbreak of war between Israel and Hamas in October 2023—though one that could destabilize the region by stoking inflation or further emboldening Iran. While they are wary of confronting Moscow or facing regional instability, many also directly benefit from Russia's economic decoupling from the West. These countries share President Vladimir Putin's assessment that the war in Ukraine is inaugurating a new age more friendly to middle powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To systematically and efficiently study the relationship between the design parameters and the strength and performance of the laminated coupling, it is expected to provide a theoretical basis for the design and selection of the coupling. Based on ANSYS parametric design language, parametric modeling and analysis were carried out on four different types of membranes, namely circular, multilateral, joint and plum‐pattern membranes. The loads and constraints were parameterized and the automatic grid division and analytical parameter control were realized, so as to obtain the stress distribution rule of the membranes. Based on Python language and parameterized commands, the secondary development of the membrane parametric finite element analysis tool was provided. The influence law of the factors such as angular displacement, torque, thickness, and the number of holes on the membrane performance was studied respectively, so as to achieve efficient finite element analysis. Results show that stress concentration exists near the hole edge of the membranes under the action of torque and angular displacement. Both the increase of torque and angular displacement will maximize the equivalent stress of the membranes, and appropriately reducing the thickness of the single membrane can lower the equivalent stress of the membranes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary aim of this work is to prognosticate and evaluate the trajectory pertaining to the realization of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) contingent upon the income levels prevalent within a diverse cohort of 349 countries. Employing Holt's forecast method, we classified SDGs in three bundles, namely higher needs, basic needs, and governance. Our analysis concludes that nations endowed with greater income levels exhibit a discernible amelioration in their SDGs indices, while countries with low and lower middle‐income strata manifest an alarming worsening of their trends. These empirical findings bear significant implications for policymakers ensconced within nations committed to the achievement of these goals, supranational institutions, non‐governmental organizations (NGOs), and scholars. The widening developmental gap urges for greater institutional attention from the international community before the situation further deteriorates. Tailored policies and strategic initiatives might effectively address the idiosyncratic challenges faced by these nations. Concurrently, fostering international cooperation and collaborative endeavors stand as potent prerequisites, substantively bolstering the concerted pursuit of sustainable development goals and enduring sustainability for the entirety of humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers essential insights into Southeast Asiaʼs transition to clean energy, a cornerstone for global climate objectives. Based on 27 interviews with regional energy and climate experts conducted between September 2022 and October 2023, the research distils key factors into 3Ds: Demanding, Doable, and Dependent. Highlighting these aspects would foster readiness, persuade stakeholders, and secure international support, all of which are pivotal for advancing the energy transition towards net‐zero emissions in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I develop a general equilibrium framework to analyze the welfare consequences of product regulations and their international harmonization. In my model, raising product standards reduces a negative consumption externality, but also increases the marginal and fixed costs of production. When product standards are set noncooperatively, the effects of standards on other countries' wages and number of firms are not internalized, giving rise to an international inefficiency. The World Trade Organization's nondiscrimination principle of national treatment only partly addresses this inefficiency. Welfare losses from abandoning national treatment average 2.8%, whereas the maximum welfare gains from efficient cooperation average 11.8%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and the United Nations (UN) have set up a growing number of partnerships to transfer Chinese domestic development policies across the South. By examining these partnerships through a power shift lens, we suggest that UN‐endorsed policy transfer processes can function as a window into shifting international cooperation dynamics. The paper first provides an overview of the evolution and key characteristics of China–UN policy transfer partnerships, focusing on China's trajectory as a provider of policy solutions. It then analyses the extent to which the evolving partnership landscape contributes to and reflects shifts in China's compulsory, institutional, structural and productive power. Overall, we argue that policy transfer partnerships contribute to comprehensive power shifts in the making: while empirical data point to China's often (still) limited and evolving ability to influence the actions of others, our findings provide evidence for increasing levels of Chinese influence in and through policy transfer partnerships across all power types. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Development Bank (NDB)'s partnership and cooperation with other international organizations and other financial institutions has been a key element of the strategic vision, design and institutional development of the Bank. For the NDB 'partnering' and 'partnerships' became part of the agenda of the NDB. But how the NDB would actually do 'partnerships' or 'partnering' was not predetermined. This article examines how the NDB responded to the challenge of strategic partnerships. It asks whether the NDB has developed its own partnership modalities, or to what degree? The main argument is that NDB adopted a varied approach of partnering, with each approach depending largely on the nature of the partner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the role of political parties in influencing a democratic state's international security cooperation policy. It focuses on Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries pushed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The LDP as the ruling party saw Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries as an effort to success Abe's "Take Back Japan" campaign and to overperform the previous Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) administration. Moreover, Japan was able to expand its security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries because LDP and its junior coalition partner New Komeito, using its preliminary review system in foreign and security policy making, and its stable power in parliament, were able to pass security legislations allowing Japan's to have more security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this article is to explore the significance of the objectives by focusing on activity theory, as well as the legal and institutional establishment of the Ministry of National Defense (MND) Agency for KIA Recovery & Identification (MAKRI), the subject of the Korean War remains excavation project, and the implications of expanding the excavation of remains in the DMZ and the repatriation of the remains of US and UN soldiers on the 70th anniversary of the Armistice Agreement. The excavation project, which began in 2000, aimed to build public trust by realizing the noble will of national unlimited responsibility that "the state is responsible for those sacrificed for the country forever." Thus, it has allowed social integration beyond ideological and generational conflicts. It expanded the issue of excavating remains from South Korea to Arrowhead Hill and White Horse Hill in the DMZ area under the September 19 Inter‐Korean Military Agreement in 2018. Also, the ROK–US MOU was signed in 2000 in terms of international cooperation in the excavation of remains and carries out joint identification and repatriation of remains. The repatriation of the remains of Chinese troops and the remains of UN combatant countries has important implications for strengthening military diplomacy in legal and humanitarian aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1970, Middle East and North African (MENA) countries have witnessed evolutionary industrial development and long-running terrorist and inter-country conflicts. Additionally, the risk of accidental, deliberate or natural chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) threats has also increased, requiring a collaborative review of the health sectors' preparedness for potential CBRN risks within the region. This study aimed to explore the opinion of multidisciplinary experts interested in disaster management research in MENA about perspectives and challenges on readiness for potential CBRN incidents. A modified interview online link was sent to the participants. A qualitative thematic analysis was performed on the responses using Nvivo®12 software, following semistructured modified interviews using the Phonic® application. A total of 29 participants were sufficient to reach the data saturation. Through an inductive coding approach, five themes were identified: 'CBRN-Related Incidents are a Threat', 'Inadequate National Practice and Policy', 'Need for International Cooperation', 'Importance of Better Mass Gathering Management', and 'Ineffective Hospital Preparedness'. With the assistance of the World Health Organization, there is a consensus on the need for cooperation between the MENA countries to ensure adequate healthcare preparedness for CBRN threats. Suggested measures should be considered, such as creating a unified database and liaison officer designation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from her own personal experience, in the First Part of the article, the author reconstructs how the specialized sectors of cognitive evaluation and rehabilitation evolved in Western countries (Europe, the United States, Canada, and Australia, in particular) during the second half of the last century and the first decades of this century. In the Second Part, she describes her personal experience in setting up a rehabilitation centre dedicated to traumatic brain‐injured subjects and her commitment to international cooperation (Bolivia, Rwanda, Myanmar, Tanzania) in the field of cognitive evaluation and rehabilitation in favour of people with congenital and acquired cerebral pathology, especially in the paediatric age, since there is an almost total lack of diagnostic, but above all, rehabilitative procedures for cognitive functions in low‐middle income countries. In the Third Part of the article, the author carries out an extensive review of the international literature on the differences in access to cognitive diagnostic evaluation and cognitive rehabilitation in middle‐ and low‐income countries – but not only – underlining the urgent need to launch a major international collaborative effort to reduce and eliminate these discrepancies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although East Asia remains the center of the US‐China rivalry, other regions are emerging to play key roles. After years of somewhat peaceful coexistence and even a degree of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, the Gulf, with its deep ties to both sides, undoubtedly has become one of them. This new situation creates challenges for all the parties involved, from the two great powers to the regional actors looking for new ways to reposition themselves. This article introduces the contours of the debate taking place among the studies in this special issue, dedicated to the exploration of the Persian Gulf subregion and US‐China relations. It first discusses the position of the Gulf as a barometer of the evolving global power dynamics. The focus then shifts to outlining the implications of the end of American unipolarity for Beijing's and Washington's West Asia policies. Finally, it explores the challenges and opportunities of this systemic shift for the Gulf states. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino‐American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an unprecedented global crisis, like the COVID‐19 pandemic, when vertical global governance plays a relatively minor role, government leaders must obtain policy information cues from other governments' behaviors horizontally. This study builds on the policy diffusion literature to examine the distinct role of geographic, cultural, and institutional peers in influencing a country's policy adoptions throughout a diffusion episode. We theorize that in the case of COVID‐19, policy‐culture fit enhances policy learning, leading cultural cues to exert a more pronounced diffusion influence than geographic and institutional cues over time. Our empirical analysis leverages worldwide data tracking the daily adoption of nine universal COVID‐19 non‐pharmaceutical policies from January 1, 2020 to June 1, 2021 in nearly 100 countries. We show that geographic and institutional proximity are initial sources of policy cues affecting adoption. But their effects fade over time while that of cultural cues grows in the later stage of a diffusion episode, illustrating the role of policy learning fueled by cultural fit. This research deepens our understanding of policy diffusion dynamics, shedding light on the role of national culture in policymaking and design in comparative policy studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay deals with the enhancement of the legal framework for informal readmissions at internal borders enshrined in the former Schengen Border Code (now Union Code on the rules governing the movement of persons across borders), which in turn requires enhancement of bilateral police cooperation. It focuses on the impact of the new rules on the prohibition on police controls equivalent to border checks to highlight that the case‐law of the Court of Justice on the matter creates a huge grey area which is critical for the ideal of a border‐check‐free Union. Increased use of video surveillance and other technologies also faces the legal bottleneck of prohibition on police controls having equivalent effects to border checks, as well as raising serious concerns about fundamental rights. It is argued that the situation resulting from these amendments to the former Schengen Border Code should be considered in terms of an impending rule of law crisis at internal borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Friendship dams" are an explicit, yet underexplored, materialization of hydropolitics that illustrate the potential role of water in international cooperation. Via a case study analysis of the Syria‐Turkey Friendship Dam project proposed for the Asi/Orontes river, we trace the process of cooperation that led to the use of this notion of "friendship" in transboundary cooperation. Using a transversal analysis of different phases of cooperation and non‐cooperation, we consider broad, big‐picture political and diplomatic factors related to water and beyond. Our analysis shows that two key variables shaped how water was used as an instrument of cooperation in this case: (1) security and (2) the dynamics of international cooperation undertaken by the riparians, namely Turkey. The friendship dam label can be considered a manifestation of strategic international friendship that the two riparian countries invoked to achieve security and bilateral cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global trade in environmental goods (EGs) has provided a new vision for international cooperation in response to sustainable development goals (SDGs). However, there are ongoing debates over whether developing countries can achieve sustainability during their trade participation. This study proposes a conceptual framework to observe countries' current trade status and potential for benefit from global EG trade. By tracing the changing status of 142 countries in the conceptual framework during 2001–2019, this study finds that global EG trade reduces inequality among developed countries while it increases inequality among developing countries. Some emerging market countries may enhance their status in the global trade network, but their upgrading within the global value chain remains slow. The current poor EG trade state and limited benefit potential of most developing countries will have a non‐significant impact in terms of achieving the SDGs. The study suggests that regional trade will give developing countries a better chance to integrate into trade markets and support them toward achieving the SDGs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processes of globalisation, sustainable development, the Covid‐19 pandemic, and other current circumstances influence the development of higher education. Higher education institutions in Ukraine also face challenges related to the military aggression by the Russian Federation since 2014, martial law since February 2022 and efforts to prepare for a post‐war recovery. The article outlines key areas that merit closer attention including an analysis of changes occurring in higher education in Ukraine before and during the war; the network of higher education institutions in Ukraine; admissions processes; trends in higher education quality assurance and enhancement; and international aid for the support and development of higher education in Ukraine. The analysis outlines changes that have taken place in higher education in Ukraine as a result of the destruction of infrastructure and a decrease in institutional capability of universities in eastern Ukraine and Crimea, as well as massive migration. We identify main innovations and specific features of the admissions process in 2022 compared to admissions processes in 2021. The government of Ukraine, following martial law, introduced restrictions that affected international academic mobility, which is carried out online, or to the extent possible as blended learning. Finally, we outline tasks for post‐war higher education recovery and development and underline the key role of universities in the post‐war recovery of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since gaining independence, Ukraine has recognised the need to reform its vocational education and training (VET) system to better align with new economic realities. This necessity was largely driven by the country's increasing openness to the world and its desire to integrate with the European Union, which became especially pronounced after the Euromaidan protests in 2014. As a result, the government has pursued policies that are more closely aligned with the European Union. This led to greater international cooperation in the sphere of VET in Ukraine. The study on which this article reports analyses the impact of international organisations and cooperation programmes, as well as actions, initiatives and projects, on the changes and reforms in the Ukrainian VET system from 2013 to 2022 on normative and institutional levels. We adopt a theoretical framework that explains the areas and instruments of influence on policymaking in education used by international organisations. The method applied in the study is interviews with experts from international projects and initiatives currently active in Ukraine. Our findings indicate that international cooperation programmes have had a significant impact on the development of vocational education in Ukraine, particularly in areas such as the governance of the VET system, public‐private partnerships, quality assurance, qualifications frameworks, and digitalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author examines with a specific focus on the Insolvency Practitioner to what extent the Recast European Insolvency Regulation's provisions on communication, cooperation and coordination between the main actors in group companies' insolvency proceedings allow for efficient restructurings of those group companies. In doing so, the author will, at points, compare the provisions in Chapter V of the Recast European Insolvency Regulation to—and draw inspiration from—the German provisions on groups of companies that were adopted into the German Insolvency Act (Insolvenzordnung) and the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law's Model Law on Enterprise Group Insolvency. The author also aims to outline, among other things, the various forms of (cross‐border) communication, cooperation and coordination that the Recast European Insolvency Regulation obligates insolvency practitioners of groups of companies to engage in, how they should implement those forms of 'CoCo' and what would happen if they fail to comply with those obligations. This article is Part I of a diptych on this topic, Part II of which will be published in a subsequent issue of this journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on analysis of Brazilian‐Spanish cooperation in Latin America, this article aims to contribute to the discussion on whether South–South Cooperation (SSC) represents an alternative model with specific and differentiated objectives, or if it largely reproduces the constraints and interests traditionally associated with the North–South model, but with new institutions and actors. We start by analysing the main criticisms levelled at cooperation in the literature, emphasising the identification, review and comparison of the mechanisms of domination and dependency that derive from the bilateral and multilateral practices of traditional development cooperation. We then construct a synthetic dependency index to measure the ability of Spain and Brazil – as representative cases of North–South Cooperation (NSC) and SSC with Latin America – to influence the foreign trade, investment and foreign policy decisions of aid recipients, and to empirically contrast the lower level of verticality that much of the available literature assumes about SSC schemes. The empirical analysis suggests significant differences between NSC and SSC in terms of their ability to reproduce dependency patterns and validate the discourse that tends to identify the latter as an alternative cooperation model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In establishing an equitable and reasonable use of a transboundary watercourse, States are to take into consideration a variety of factors, including the availability of alternative uses. This article seeks to provide a framework for assessing such alternative uses by first exploring treaty practice and relevant cases across the fields of international environmental law and international water law. Three key components are identified: comparable feasibility, practicality and cost‐effectiveness of alternatives. These components are then explored through a case study of Central Asian transboundary waters. The results demonstrate that the use of alternatives after analysing key components would help reduce the hidden cost of low efficiency and assist in finding optimal water use solutions in transboundary water cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of World Water Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Irrigation & Drainage is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Migration is a complex phenomenon that has significant implications for migrant workers' access to social protection and for social security systems in both origin and destination countries. As the number of migrants continues to rise worldwide, policy makers face a multitude of challenges in adapting social protection programmes to meet the needs of an increasingly diverse population. This article explores the relationship between migration and social protection, highlighting key issues and trends that have emerged in recent years. It examines the impact of migration on social security systems in both sending and receiving countries and reports on the ways in which migration patterns can create both opportunities and challenges for these systems. The article provides an overview of social protection measures and gaps in selected countries and considers the need for policy makers to take account of the unique needs and circumstances of migrant populations. The article also explores the role of international cooperation in addressing the social protection challenges and opportunities posed by migration. It considers some of the emerging trends and innovations to support the governance of social protection schemes that may help to address some of the legal and practical challenges faced by migrant workers and social security institutions. The article highlights the importance of understanding the complex relationship between migration and social protection to develop policies and programmes that are responsive to the needs of all members of society, regardless of their country of origin or immigration status. It also underlines the importance of quality administration and good governance for the effective implementation of social protection measures. In support of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals agenda, a call is made for continued dialogue and collaboration among policy makers and stakeholders to ensure that social security systems are equitable, effective, inclusive, and sustainable in an increasingly globalized world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]