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Why do some issues receive more interest from the public, while others do not? This paper develops a theoretical and empirical approach that explains the degree to which issues expand from the elite to the public. We examine how candidates in the 2014 European Parliament elections talked about EU issues, in comparison to other political issues. We rely on data collected from Twitter and use a combination of human coding and machine learning to analyse what facilitates interactions from the public. We find that most political actors did not try to engage with the public about EU issues, and lack of engagement results in less interactions from the general public. Our findings contribute to understanding why EU issues still play a secondary role in European politics, but at the same time highlight what low‐cost communicational tools might be useful to overcome this expansion deficit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) became key actors in European regulatory governance in the 1990s, a significant share of policy-making has been carried out by organizations that are neither democratically elected nor directly accountable to elected politicians. In this context, public communication plays an important role. On the one hand, regulatory agencies might try to use communication to raise their accountability and thereby to mitigate their democratic deficit. On the other hand, communication may be used with the intent to steer the behavior of the regulated industry when more coercive regulatory means are unfeasible or undesirable. However, empirical research focusing directly on how regulators communicate is virtually non-existent. To fill this gap, this paper examines the public communication of IRAs in four countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland) and three sectors (financial services, telecommunications, and broadcasting). The empirical analysis, based on qualitative interviews and a quantitative content analysis, indicates that the organization of the communication function follows a national pattern approach while a policy sector approach is helpful for understanding the use of communication as a soft tool of regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of our research study was to describe and analyse the state of the field of public affairs (PA) in the Czech Republic. So far, PA has been outside the scope of academic interest, and no study has yet analysed the issues or development of PA in the Czech Republic. Therefore, this study not only brings a unique insight into the practice of PA professionals but is also the first of its kind. Our main focus was to describe the current situation and build a solid background of the profession and emerging field for further research: firstly, we characterise professionals working in the field (what is their professional background, education, income and goals); secondly, we want to define what are the main issues they deal with professionally (such as politics, lobbying and the energy sector); thirdly, we will describe the market itself and the level of professionalisation and institutionalisation; and finally, we wanted to analyse how PA as a field is understood and perceived by professionals. In our conclusion, we also state openly a few challenges we met during our research, and we set the next goals. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is not an academic overview on public affairs in Hungary, as this has already been written very well by many others. I would like to share my views and experience as a practitioner and give a quick insight into how public affairs is regarded in my country and how it developed after the change of the political system in Central and Eastern Europe. I will refrain from explaining what public relations or public affairs entails as I think this is unnecessary for anyone reading this. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the recent post-communist developments of linkages amongst organisations, society and government in Bulgaria. I argue that public affairs is in a very early, embryonic stage of development. This is to a large extent due to the very slow re-establishment of the non-centralised market economy; this is very specific to Bulgaria compared with the rest of the Central and Eastern European countries and can be explained by the significant heritage from the communist period. Today, the economic actors in Bulgaria are represented by two extremes-a myriad of small and medium enterprises, lacking the capacity and resources to develop government relations, and a few monopolistic groups with an unclear structure and ownership, which are influencing the government policy in a non-transparent way. Despite the exceptionally strong state tradition, the government institutions are very often paralysed by the lack of long-term political vision. As a result, the government was and is still easily subject to external influences. However, the situation is progressively changing, although not without external pressure from the European Union and the internal pressure of foreign investors. Public affairs will therefore develop at the speed of the development of political democracy, a modern corporate culture and the establishment of economic operators with long-term vision and interests. The profession of public affairs consultant, almost non-existent today, will then progressively find its natural place, acting as a catalyst for the development of business-government-society linkages. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following almost five decades of federal coalition government between Social Democrats and People's Party alongside an interest mediation system that gave exclusivity to only a few institutions, from 2000 to 2006, Austria underwent a rapid transformation in the direction of a pluralistic free-market interest mediation system. However, this short but intense interlude, which led to the development and establishment of professional public affairs in Austria, was stopped short by the return of the traditional Austrian interest mediation system. Following a series of so-called lobbying scandals, in 2013, Austria introduced a mandatory lobbying and interest representation register at the federal level. Two years earlier, the industry formed its own trade association, the Austrian Public Affairs Association. A study commissioned by this association has for the first time shed light on the young public affairs industry, its actors, and the working environment. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Public Affairs' is not a term most people in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) will recognise and associate with interest representation and lobbying as ways of linking business, society and government. The term may be seen as a euphemism for corruption-inspired 'lobbying', an artificial and confusing umbrella term or a public relations creation. It is a term in transition for a subject in transition in a part of Europe in transition. Even as part of the European Union, CEE is still different, in transition, finding its own feet like a phoenix arising from the ashes of 50 years of communism, but slowly, in bursts, réculer pour mieux sauter and very different from country to country. Which are the features and values of the 50 years of communism that will disappear, fast more slowly, which ones will linger on? What are the institutions in CEE countries that public affairs will have to deal with, and what is the view on transparency and transparency regulation in CEE? To add understanding, values, cultural differences, institutional context and other factors affecting the public affairs environment are examined. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German public affairs sector has experienced considerable growth and noticeable changes since the millennium including the shift of the government seat from Bonn to Berlin. For a long time, public affairs was characterised by an effectively tripartite system composed of an interplay among state, economy and trade unions. Nowadays, observers recognise the emergence of a multitude of new players in this field and a fundamental change to a highly fragmented and extensive public affairs landscape. This development brought new challenges to the profession of interest representation. 'Lobbying' has become a highly discussed topic in the public debate carrying a rather negative connotation. Do we notice an increasing lack of transparency due to a multitude of players? How can we win back trust? First, this paper describes the need for interest representation and the necessity of defining political conditions for the public affairs sector within Germany. Second, the paper focuses on the development of the profession and addresses issues relating to the changes that have taken place in the course of time. Lastly, this article concludes with an evaluation of how public affairs and politics cope with the rising external and internal pressures in order to address current challenges and provide an outlook for future directions. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the first literature review of work using Lees-Marshment's product-oriented party (POP), sales-oriented party (SOP) and market-oriented party (MOP) process models with the aims of assessing the models' usefulness to academics, practitioners and educators. This is motivated by an urgent need to evaluate models that claim to balance explanatory power, practical applicability and pedagogic value. Our literature review demonstrates that although the process models can be used in a classroom setting, empirical results are ambivalent as to the usefulness and even existence of the MOP process in contrast to the POP and/or SOP processes. We conclude that academics need to revisit the conceptualisation of the process models, that practitioners need to be aware of the strengths and weaknesses of the process models, especially the assertion that the MOP process is normatively 'superior' to the SOP and POP process models, and that educators can use the process models to introduce political marketing before moving on to more comprehensive models. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political potency of national history has been understood for generations. Yet there has been an unquestionable surge in history's political influence over the last twenty or thirty years, as the various history wars that have broken out around the world attest. Australia has been no exception: disputes over its national story continue to generate considerable controversy in the media, in politics and in public debate. But how has this politicisation of the past affected Australian political history in the present? This paper examines how history is practised in contemporary Australian politics — and notices an increasingly strategic use of the past by politicians in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In simple and precise terms, empathy is feeling what another person feels. It is the perception of another person's emotions. A debate over the importance of empathy in political leadership has generated considerable controversy since the 2008 election. However, Barack Obama's presidency is not the first to be affected by empathy; it has played an influential role in presidential leadership throughout American history. Focusing on the presidencies of Abraham Lincoln, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush, this essay explains why empathy is a critical governing and political resource, and argues that a paucity or excess of empathy can prove a dangerous liability for presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jeffrey Tulis based his book “The Rhetorical Presidency” on the empirical assertion that pre-twentieth-century presidents avoided communicating with the public on policy matters and instead directed their policy-oriented communications to Congress, in writing. Subsequent scholarship, however, has demonstrated that many of these presidents actually did communicate extensively with the American people on policy matters, rather than going through Congress. Some gave speeches or wrote public letters, while others utilized the façade of a presidential newspaper that featured commentaries widely understood to reflect the president's views. Presidential communications behavior during this era was much more variable, and far less influenced by one constitutional norm, than Tulis portrays in “The Rhetorical Presidency.” The variability is due to presidents attempting to accommodate conflicting views of their appropriate role in the constitutional order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mel Laracey has done a singular service to presidency studies by highlighting how early premodern presidents were engaged in public discourse. His attempt to consign Jeffrey Tulis's scholarship in The Rhetorical Presidency to the dustbin of history, however, is premature. On a small scale, some of Laracey's evidence countering Tulis's thesis is unconvincing. On a larger scale, much of Laracey's analysis appears to be a case of disputes over definitions, a dispute that does not address the enduring insights of Tulis's work concerning the consequences of constitutional reinterpretation. Finally, the attempt to construct a Kuhnian paradigm shift fails, as much of Tulis's diagnosis of the problem of presidential power in republican government remains valid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most discussions of evaluation policy focus on the substance and process of doing evaluations. However, doing evaluations in government requires careful consideration not only of evaluation but also of the larger political structure into which it is expected to fit. I argue in this chapter that success for evaluation in government depends as much on the political context within which evaluation operates as it does on the merits of the evaluation process itself. For convenience, I divide the contextual governmental pressures on evaluation into three kinds: those stemming from the overarching structure of our democracy, those stemming from the bureaucratic climate of a particular agency, and those stemming from the dominant professional culture within that agency. I then examine how those three kinds of pressures have, in my experience, affected the independence, credibility, and ethical position of the evaluation units and evaluators concerned. Finally, I offer some suggestions for evaluation policy in the hope of avoiding a repetition of past evaluative failures that resulted either from unawareness of political relationships in government or from the inability of small evaluation units to protect their work in the face of much more powerful political forces. © Wiley Periodicals, Inc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No civilian government agency in the United States has received as much attention from authors as the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Much of the early writing consisted of laudatory pieces that parroted the output of the agency’s extensive public relations apparatus. This was followed by a reactive era of critical literature following the Watergate scandal and the death of J. Edgar Hoover. This article surveys the key literature on this controversial agency, including both perspectives and insider memoirs, Hoover biographies, and recent scholarly works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• A majority of US cabinet departments now have an assistant secretary for public affairs. As a subcabinet office, such appointments are presidential nominations and require Senate confirmation. Given Congress's general hostility to public affairs in the US executive branch, how did such a position first come into being, thereby creating the precedent and a template for other departments? This historical inquiry identifies the US State Department as the first with an assistant secretary for public affairs. However, the office only gradually emerged as a staff position, with Congress never having an opportunity to vote on the principle of creating such a subcabinet office. Once established, other cabinet departments gradually followed suit, to the point that such positions are now routine in Washington, DC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of left-wing politics in the present Latin America. The author argues that because the political process should be regarded as a left-wing turn as drawn from the meanings of the "left" in Latin America in the past century. He examines the movement which resulted from the continuous protests and shift in government alliances. He mentions major transformations in Latin American politics, such as the development of welfare programs, increased autonomy from U.S. foreign affairs, and the election of leaders that would seem unimaginable in the government ten years ago. Other elements related to left-wing politics are also presented including its relationship with populism, the two different lefts, and the role of revolution in this type of government.

The article focuses on Latin-American leftist politicians and left-wing governments. It argues that the dichotomous classification of Latin-American left-wing governments is defective in various respects. It presents historical events which show that Latin Americans choose politicians that are considered lefties. It examines two kinds of left, the republican, which is associated with economic policies and democratic principles, and the populist, which is associated with the opposite traits. Besides the flaws in a left-wing government, it also discusses whether left-wing presidents implement left-wing policies, as well as the and the fondness of Latin-Americans lefties for democracy.

• Francis Fukuyama asks: '... is liberal democracy prey to serious internal contradictions, contradictions so serious that they will eventually undermine it as a political system?' This paper argues that one of these 'internal contradictions' is the political communications process and it can be sufficiently serious to undermine the democratic system -- but such an undermining is not inevitable. The problem can be described as follows: Democratic systems require that citizens are kept fully informed by governments (and others) in the interests of transparency and ultimately accountability. Hence, all political communications have, as their final objective, the accountability of politicians at the ballot box. Thus all political communications have what can be described as 'above' and 'below' the line content. The above-the-line is the actual content of the message, the below-the-line is the implicit one of 'think better of me and my colleagues think worse of my opponents'. Consequently, no matter how personally honest and open an individual politician might be, the democratic system requires her or him to be always thinking about securing a successful result at the ballot box. Thus we have the 'political communications paradox'. Voters want politicians to be honest and accountable but this very demand means that politicians, implicitly, always have to have another agenda in operation when they are communicating with the public, i.e. securing their approval and then their support. As a result the trust which is a fundamental to the workings of a democratic system is constantly being undermined. This has two effects. First, that governments are obliged to make communications, rather than delivery, their real priority and second trust, not just in politicians but in the political system as a whole, tends to wane over time, which in turn endangers the very system it was designed to underpin. But this decline is not inevitable because the system has some in-built self-correcting mechanisms These include: the rise of new parties and/or leaders who portray themselves as 'new' and 'untainted'--New Labour, New Conservatives, etc., an almost regular 're-balancing' of the power relationship that exists between politicians and the civil service, particularly in the communications field, the rise of new forms of communication that seek to by-pass the institutional roadblocks that are perceived as being the cause of the problems and finally increased attention by journalists and academics to the process of political communications makes it more difficult for politicians to continue with 'business as usual' as far as their communication activities are concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most discussions of legitimation focus on factors that are expected to contribute to it, such as tradition, expertise, or prosperity. Less attention has been paid to “the dark side” of legitimation, which depends heavily on evading attention. A potentially informative approach is to learn from professionals with special expertise in evading attention while making things “disappear”—magicians. Rather than seeking overt control over the audience, they perform in plain view, largely by using well-timed distractions, or “misdirection.” Preliminary evidence suggests that similar techniques may be widely used in political contexts, with some of the most effective forms of misdirection involving diversionary reframing—diverting attention away from any questions about existing distributions of privilege, not by brute force, but by changing the subject, especially by raising questions about the legitimacy of critics. These and related techniques clearly deserve to be the focus of additional research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trust in government has been declining for more than three decades now. E-government has been proposed as a way to increase citizen trust in government and improve citizen evaluations of government generally. Using two-stage models to analyze recent Pew survey data, this research explores the relationship between e-government use, attitudes about e-government, and trust in government. There is a statistically significant relationship between trust and use of a local government Web site, as well as other positive assessments of federal and local governments. The evidence suggests that e-government can increase process-based trust by improving interactions with citizens and perceptions of responsiveness. The findings are theoretically important for reconciling the conflicting research on the effects of e-government and for understanding variations by level of government. Citizen attitudes toward government, including trust, are core concerns for democratic governance and public administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the importance of the close connections between trade unions and leftist parties on the inception of New Labour Party in Great Britain. The link between the unions and Labour or Democratic parties was characterized with intimate, defining and constructive relationships, which helped the parties to survive. The New Labour Party was conceived to restrengthen the link that was weakened by economic transformation and restructuring in the 1970's.

In spring 2000, three events—two political statements by Bill Clinton and Tony Blair and a breakthrough announcement by Celera Genomic—had a major impact on biotechnology stocks. We analyze their effects over a comprehensive set of biopharmaceutical companies, using a composite return-generating model with an industry-specific patent-based factor. Our results show that stocks can be clustered according to their responsiveness to political and scientific events. Furthermore, we emphasize different impacts on the market value of intangible assets for each cluster, suggesting that growth options are valued with different criteria for therapeutics, and technology-based subsectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about Central European party politics. Communist successor parties (CSPs) have come to form an important part of the post-communist left across east central Europe. In Poland the left is dominated by a CSP that espouses broadly social democratic ideals and has largely distanced itself from its previously anti-democratic past. The nature of the organisational reform that CSPs undertook in the immediate period after the collapse of state socialism placed them on a programmatic trajectory which has proven difficult to successfully modify in later years.

The article presents information on the report of Lord Hutton and Lord Butler regarding British government's decision making process and governance in government. The Butler Report recorded concerns of two former British Cabinet members about the informal nature of much of the Government's decision-making process and the relative lack of use of established machinery. The changes to be implemented in order to make the process efficient do not mean that the government will match the standards of governance which most other bodies in the country, notably private sector company boards. The article also include other information about the report.

Individuals with similar political orientations may find themselves in dissimilar social and political surroundings, with important consequences for the flow of political information among citizens. Analyses of data from the post-election survey of the 1900 National Election Study show that some individuals reside within extensive networks of political discussion and communication, whereas others are politically isolated. With respect to presidential candidate preference in 1900, some citizens in networks were surrounded by discussants who agreed with their preference, others by discussants who held ambiguous and undetermined preferences, and still others by discussants who held politically divergent preferences. These preference distributions have various implications for the formation of political opinion and for levels of political engagement and turnout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on changes in the public relations for politics in Great Britain as of May 2001. Information on the term used for the public relations of British politics; Origin of the use of public relations techniques; Facts on the development of spin doctoring.

Examines how United States (U.S.) President Bill Clinton used public opinion polls to avoid impeachment and conviction. Importance of polls in presidential decision making; Media coverage of the Clinton/Monica Lewinsky sex scandal; How the polls designed the public relations strategy of Clinton in the impeachment trial.

The article presents an analysis in the difference between recognition from redistribution based on the study of the book, "Justice and the Politics of Difference," by Iris Young. It is suggested that recognition can be found in a world where worsened material inequality is present. Material inequality can be felt in situations that include, income and property ownership, access to paid labor, education and health, and exposure to environmental toxicity. Details related to redistribution or individuals and groups on higher incomes or wealth distributing to those on lower incomes or wealth is also discussed.

Suggests that United States President Theodore Roosevelt was involved in trying to lead public opinion on the environmental policies of executive administrative agencies. Roosevelt's collaboration with conservation advisor Gifford Pinchot; Series of news events organized by Pinchot that resulted in favorable publicity; Stimulation of public support for executive management of natural resources.

This article presents information on Scottish National Party. Political parties would seek election to the Convention by proportional representation. Essentially, the proposal was the embodiment of the idea of Scottish self-determination rather than sovereign independence. As such it was opposed by fundamentalist elements in the party. The most notable political figure to emerge during this period was Alex Salmond. Salmond was elected vice chairman responsible for publicity in 1985 and was important in developing the image of the party. His view that the SNP required to project a clear position on socio-economic matters did not lead to the party changing its policies so much

Correlates of aggregate party cohesion in the House of Representatives between 1901 and 1956 are examined. Hypotheses tested include the influence of presidential popular vote, size of House majority, divided control between House and presidency, and change in party control. The influence of these factors differs by party rather than by majority or minority status. Democratic cohesiveness increases as the Democratic presidential popular vote increases; it decreases as the size of the Democratic contingent in the House increases and as a Democratic majority ages. Republicans are more cohesive when they are in the majority than when they are in the minority. The attainment of majority status increases and the loss of a majority decreases Republican cohesiveness. An increase in the Democratic presidential popular vote also increases Republican cohesiveness. Democratic cohesiveness seems to be highest when the demands made upon the party are greatest and most clearly expressed. In contrast, Republican cohesiveness is highest when pressures to deviate from the party's conservative orientation are least. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various papers published within this issue including one by Dominik Meier on public affairs and lobbying, one by Otto Lumi on the policy impact of lobbying regulations, and one by Meglena Mihova on the development of public affairs in Bulgaria.

This article discusses the political innovation and social complexity. The popular participation in social process and the faith that the average man had the intellectual stature to make such participation meaningful, never envisaged a society of unbelievably growing complexity--a complexity which, in many respects, is beyond the comprehension of the average citizen. Modern science and technology have been the chief agents of this growing complexity --a complexity which has resulted in large measure from efforts to develop institutions and processes aimed at dealing with the social effects of scientific and technical advances. Most genuine problems of a social nature possess cognitive structure. It may be true that often considerations of value and humanity are relevant to a problem--considerations which far outweigh its cognitive and abstract features. This article mentions only one method of dealing politically with growing complexity. However, the author do not wish to convey the impression that he believes this would be the only methodological way of attacking the problem of measuring social complexity.

This article focuses on the needs and prospects in the area of intergovernmental organization. The area of intergovernmental relations is too important to depend strictly on intuitive judgment. One must make judgments on the relative merits of the federal system, the free marketplace, and the insurance principle for the provision and allocation of public money. This question is closely tied to another issue, whether the major domestic task today is to respond to urbanism and to the needs of the minority groups, or to the needs of the rural communities that are rapidly losing population. It is enormously important at this point of time for research to be concerned with the relative effectiveness of the present categorical-aid programs in contrast with income distribution activities such as social security. Unfortunately, few previous attempts at program evaluation have been advanced or reliable. In all too many cases, programs have been branded complete failures or hailed as the eighth wonder of the world on the basis of unreliable fact and unfounded statement.

The article discusses the need for the British Labour Party to alter its publicity work in 1960. It is argued that change a change is needed due to the changing nature of British social classes, particularly the growth of the middle class, during this period. The author compares Labour's publicity efforts to those of the Conservative Party. Other topics addresses include political advertising costs, raising funds through trade unions and party membership, and the use of publicity experts.

The article focuses on the political elections in Great Britain during the 1970s. Topics mentioned include the lack of quality of the political debate, the public opinion regarding this issue, and the government policy regarding education. The author also discusses the importance of the role played by the media.

The article presents an interview with a Shiite cleric and a member of the Iraqi parliament Sayyid Iyad Jamaleddine. When asked on his opinion regarding the accusation of a secular Shiite leader Kanan Makiya that the dominant Shia majority has acted irresponsibly, he relates that whatever the behind the leadership of Shia will remain as it is since Shia has still in control of power. He added that like the oil resources, Shia and Kurds has the jurisdiction while the Sunnis remains marginalized.

The front cover of the Volume 57 Issue 4 November 2018 edition of the journal is presented, in addition to information about the journal and a table of contents.

Editorial. Presents the author's view on the involvement of political association of actions in United States government finance. Three significant realities that influence government finance; Suggestions on how to increase effectiveness of the work; Desire of a public knowledge on government finance.

This article focuses on the research on the intergovernmental relations. The Office of Intergovernmental Relations in the U.S. was created by Executive Order of the President in February 1969 to help bring elected state and local officials, including governors, mayors, county officials, and legislators, into closer working relationships with each other in partnership with key federal officials. Officials perform their duties as part of the Executive Office of the President, under the general supervision of the Vice President who has been delegated the responsibility for several of the domestic functions of the government. A primary function of the office is to help state and local officials attain access to the highest executive officials of the federal government, especially those having direct impact on intergovernmental relations, so that federal programs, policies, and goals will be more responsive to state and local views and needs. Research targeted at the development of a more orderly relationship among federal, state, and local units of government should include the Legislative and Judicial Branches, as well as the Executive Branch.

No abstract is available for this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments of the paper written by T. J. Pempel titled "The Race to Connect East Asia: An Unending Steeplechase." It argues that better analysis on the five dimensions of political process of regional integration: arena of regional ties, the scope of membership, the level of proposed institutionalization, domestic political forces, and the commitment of leaders, could have been improved if a more explicit theoretical argument is given.

The article presents a recap on the Haldane Essay Competition in 1978. The are twenty-two essays that were submitted in the competition and the author commented that more essays might have been submitted if officials urged the staff to transform some reports into essays. The usual range of subject was covered which dealt with aspects of central government while some tackled important policy problems of contemporary society. Historical studies were prominent, and local government was neglected. The standard was higher than in recent years and six essays impressed the examiners for content and presentation while the majority fell short of what the competition requires.

This article presents a symposium related to needs and prospects for research in intergovernmental relations. The flood of new programs of federal assistance to states and cities enacted in the l960's was an unplanned, poorly related patchwork. The lack of a philosophy of administration, of a research rationale, and of the basic groundwork research for underpinning a coherent program created a chaotic situation. Beginning in the middle 1960's the confusion, frustration, despair, and alarm caused by the proliferation of competing administrative units forced new comprehensive federal legislation. The Intergovernmental Cooperation Act of 1968 and the proposed Intergovernmental Personnel Act and the Intergovernmental Revenue Sharing Act are examples of constructive efforts to bring about more effective administration. While the background research by the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations and the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Intergovernmental Relations necessary to construct this legislation was essential, these organizations did not have time or resources to explore comprehensively the impact of these new approaches to intergovernmental problems.