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This article aims to expand our understanding of how diverse crises affect the evolution of migration governance. Building upon an interdisciplinary framework, it proposes a nuanced notion of migration crisis, qualified as 'nested', and illustrates its application through an interpretative synthesis of empirical works and primary sources on responses to the massive emigration of Venezuelans to South American countries at the peak of the outflow (2017–2019). This conceptual and analytical exercise highlights the interplay of national and regional dynamics and fills some gaps in existing accounts regarding what governability entails, and the nature, scope, and reasons of governance evolution. It shows that policy choices were embedded in and shaped by several critical structural conditions and junctures; disagreement on problem definition precluded cooperation and redefined both the role of key actors and the construction of the crisis narrative; apparent contradictions between rhetoric and practice were rather a re‐framing of complementary (humanitarian/securitization) interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forced migration is an increasingly common feature in international relations, and the mass migration of Venezuelans to Colombia provides an opportunity to analyze how strategic narratives can support a welcoming migration and integration policy. Because Colombia is a country with no history of immigration and no established anti‐immigrant group, its experience provides unique insight into the impact and limitations of positive migration narratives. While Colombia's migration policy and humanitarian narrative have garnered praise internationally, this praise has not been matched by a sense of urgency for action, attention, or funding. Domestically, the policy response to mass Venezuelan migration has met international standards. Moreover, the country has experienced relatively little unrest compared to other host countries in Latin America. There is, however, ample evidence that Colombian perceptions of increased Venezuelan migration are negative and that tension and scapegoating are on the rise. Given these contradictions, this article reviews and discusses how and why Colombia's positive, humanitarian narratives have succeeded, as well as these narratives' limitations and need for adjustments. Together, these insights can help other host nations craft more effective and truthful migration strategic narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To evaluate the association between Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART) discontinuation time and therapeutic failure (TF) in Venezuelan immigrants with HIV that restart HAART. Methods: We carried out a retrospective cohort study in a large hospital in Peru. We included Venezuelan immigrants who restarted HAART and were followed over at least 6 months. The primary outcome was TF. Secondary outcomes were immunologic (IF), virologic (VF) and clinical (CF) failures. The exposure variable was HAART discontinuation, categorised as no discontinuation, less than 6 months, and 6 months or more. We applied generalised linear models Poisson family with robust standard errors to calculate crude (cRR) and adjusted (aRR) relative risks by statistical and epidemiological criteria. Results: We included 294 patients, 97.2% were males, and the median age was 32 years. Out of all the patients, 32.7% discontinued HAART for less than 6 months, 15.0% discontinued for more than 6 months and the remaining 52.3% did not discontinue. The cumulative incidence of TF was 27.9%, 24.5% in VF, 6.0% in IF and 6.0% in CF. Compared with non‐discontinued HAART patients, the discontinuation for less than 6 months (aRR = 1.98 [95% CI: 1.27–3.09]) and from 6 months to more (aRR = 3.17 [95% CI: 2.02–4.95]) increased the risk of TF. Likewise, treatment discontinuation of up to 6 months (aRR = 2.32 [95% CI: 1.40–3.84]) and from 6 months to more (aRR = 3.93 [95% CI: 2.39–6.45]) increased the risk of VF. Conclusions: HAART discontinuation increases the probability of TF and VF in Venezuelan immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the factors that determine survival migrants' intention to stay in their host country, using a survey of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia and analysed by means of a binary regression model. A theoretical framework that explains the intention to stay was derived from the theory of return migration and confirmed the importance of both meso‐level and macro‐level factors in migrants' intention to stay. A macroeconomic comparison confirmed that macro‐level factors played a role in the decision to migrate and stay. With respect to meso‐level factors, we found that survival migrants' intentions deviate from those of voluntary migrants since ties to their home country were not significant influences on their intention to stay. In contrast, factors that strengthen or weaken structural integration and ties to the host country were often highly significant, as were factors that influenced survival migrants' knowledge of the host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Adolescent and young women (10-24 years old) are a neglected group in humanitarian settings and their sexual and reproductive health (SRH) needs are habitually ignored. Our study aims to assess main SRH issues affecting migrant Venezuelan adolescents and young women in Boa Vista, Roraima at the northwestern border of Venezuela-Brazil. Methods: A cross-sectional study with a self-responded questionnaire with information about SRH was conducted in 153 Venezuelan adolescent and young migrant women at Boa Vista, from January 18 to 23, 2021. A descriptive analysis was performed. Results: Mean age was 17.7 years and two-thirds were under 20 years old. The majority (84%) were living on the streets. Most of them (54%) reported that they had at least one previous childbirth, 10% were pregnant at the time of the interview, 30% of them were not attending prenatal care. The main SRH concern was contraception (35%); however, 75% of those interviewed who went to a healthcare service were unable to obtain the method of their choice and for 91% no other contraceptive was offered. Conclusion: Migrant Venezuelan adolescents and young women in Boa Vista have their SRH needs overlooked. Efforts to address these SRH needs, especially during the pandemic, require urgent attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue contributes to the literature on both domestic and regional immigration and refugee policies, by offering a comparison of Latin American governments' political and policy responses to the Venezuelan exodus. Examining the Brazilian government's response to the Venezuelan exodus, Zapata and Tapia Wenderoth first place Latin American approaches to refugee protection in the context of the tension between protection and control that characterizes the global refugee protection framework. Based on her theoretical discussion of foreign and domestic immigration policy determinants, Malo analyses the particularities of the Ecuadorian case, specifically how the domestic political transition from Rafael Correa to Lenín Moreno's government, which ended the ideological support towards the Venezuelan government, impacted reception policies. As of December 2021, Venezuela's political, humanitarian and economic crisis has led to the departure of over 6 million of its citizens, rendering it the second biggest and fastest escalating displacement scenario worldwide, which will likely soon surpass the Syrian exodus. [Extracted from the article]

Fleeing from the country's humanitarian crisis, around 224,000 Venezuelans, half of whom requested protection as refugees, had crossed the border into Brazil as of December 2019. The paper uses a case study approach combining quantitative and documentary evidence to systematically examine the Brazilian political‐institutional response to this mass displacement. Although Brazil has been internationally praised as a model, its policy response has been far more complex and ambiguous, lacking the clear progressive character ascribed to it. Despite having a 'progressive' migration and refugee legal framework, the state's framing of this displacement as a temporary 'migration crisis' has led to the militarization of migration management and the adoption of ad hoc regularization mechanisms for the temporary settlement of Venezuelans, with little articulation with other long‐term intersectorial socio‐economic policies. This case illustrates how countries in the global south manage the tensions between securitization and human rights concerns in their migration governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political handling of Venezuelan forced migration in Ecuador has evolved since 2017. This article distinguishes three stages in this evolution. First, from 2017 to mid‐2018, Ecuadorian authorities treated Venezuelan entries as those of other South American citizens. Second, from mid‐2018 to mid‐2019, the Venezuelan exodus was managed as a humanitarian crisis. In the third phase, since mid‐2019, authorities imposed restrictive measures, including a mandatory entry visa. The article further identifies the drivers that have motivated these changes in the reception of Venezuelan migrants, that is the political, social and economic factors that directly or indirectly effected migration management. These factors include both changing foreign policy interests and adjustments in domestic policy. The latter was influenced by strained state capacities and negative trends in public opinion against the backdrop of increasing numbers of Venezuelan migrants and highly mediatized crimes. The article also discusses related literature and provides policy recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The displacement of Venezuelan citizens represents an important test for Latin American refugee policies. In mid‐2020, over 5 million people in need of international protection had left Venezuela, and there have been repeated calls for their recognition as refugees. Although fifteen countries in Latin America have included the refugee definition of the Cartagena Declaration into their domestic laws, only Mexico and Brazil have applied this definition to Venezuelan citizens. After a brief discussion of the history and scope of the Cartagena Declaration refugee definition and its incorporation into domestic legislation across Latin America, in this article, we provide a systematic legal analysis of its applicability to Venezuelan displacement. We conclude with policy recommendations and suggestions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peru is the second most important destination country for Venezuelan emigration. The country's policy response can be separated into two distinct phases: the first one, under former president Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (July 2016–March 2018), is characterized by relative openness; the second one, under incumbent president Martín Vizcarra (in office since March 2018), is characterized by policy closure and a shift towards securitization. In this paper, we apply the concept of adaptive leadership to explain the stark difference in the migration‐related governance of both presidents. We find that the policy shift can be explained by an interplay between three factors: an internal political crisis due to conflict between the executive and legislative branches of government; the change in number and social profiles of Venezuelan migrants, with a tendency towards lower social, economic and educational statuses; and the rise in xenophobic attitudes among the Peruvian population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we build on qualitative data from 37 in‐depth interviews with Venezuelan immigrants in Chile, collected in 2017 and 2018, to explore how they make sense of sudden immigration policy changes made by the Sebastián Piñera government in mid‐2018. Linked to these perceptions, we explore our interviewees' attitudes towards other immigrant groups. We contend that, while immigrant participation in policymaking often is a normatively desired form of inclusion, immigrant perceptions of other immigrants and of immigration policy are not uniform. We find that immigrants can have very negative perceptions of other immigrants, favouring restrictive policies. Immigrants influence the contexts of reception for newcomers, and—in the case of Chile—they have voting and political rights that places them in a position of casting some influence over immigration policies. Studying the Venezuelan case is particularly illuminating, as this immigration was considered a desirable or acceptable immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The displacement of Venezuelan citizens represents an important test for Latin American refugee policies. In mid‐2020, over 5 million people in need of international protection had left Venezuela, and there have been repeated calls for their recognition as refugees. Although fifteen countries in Latin America have included the refugee definition of the Cartagena Declaration into their domestic laws, only Mexico and Brazil have applied this definition to Venezuelan citizens. After a brief discussion of the history and scope of the Cartagena Declaration refugee definition and its incorporation into domestic legislation across Latin America, in this article, we provide a systematic legal analysis of its applicability to Venezuelan displacement. We conclude with policy recommendations and suggestions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oil‐rich Venezuela is being hit by the largest crisis in living memory. Now, more than 4.8 million Venezuelans have fled the country in search of food and safety. News about migration and humanitarian aid dominate. Yet, many Venezuelans stay and seek alternative strategies to cope with scarcity and insecurity. Ad hoc solutions mainly depend on alternative economies in the borderlands that do not always fit within frameworks of human rights and rule of law, but do provide relief and produce opportunities along with new inequalities that (un)willingly sustain the crisis. Amid collapsing state infrastructures, these transborder economies tie into the global trade of basic supplies, narcotics, drugs, natural resources and human trafficking that operate in the interface of the legal and the illegal. The complex humanitarian crisis in Venezuela is as much about poverty and scarcity as it is about wealth and abundance benefiting only a very few. An 'anthropology of abundance' allows us to grasp these underlying socio‐economic dynamics that turn crisis management into crisis maintenance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction and Aims: Numerous studies have found a linear relationship between an exposure opportunity and age of first drug use. This study further tests this relationship by exploring whether a quadratic exposure opportunity best fits the data on age of first use and whether gender moderates this relationship. That is, is there a peak age in which the transition to use occurs for male compared to female adolescents?Design and Methods: A sample of 1716 adolescents from 14 public and private schools, representative of two school districts in Caracas, Venezuela, was examined using a zero-inflated Poisson modelling approach to test for quadratic effects. A series of models were tested for each set of substances (alcohol, tobacco and other drugs) to assess whether a quadratic model has better predictive ability than linear models and to test whether gender moderates the quadratic relationship.Results: After controlling for common covariates, the quadratic models for alcohol indicated the peak age of transition from an exposure opportunity to use was 10-years of age in this Venezuelan sample. Gender did not moderate these models suggesting an important move toward gender equality in substance use.Discussion and Conclusions: Focused efforts on preventing exposure to alcohol use during these windows of rapid transition is likely to have the greatest impact on delaying age of onset, which will reduce the overall prevalence of alcohol related problems among adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the public images of Colombian and Venezuelan immigrant organisations in the United States. Immigrant organisations' web pages and the expression of their main aims and goals serve to identify their major concerns as they create public images not only for the organisation but for the immigrant community itself. To interpret the immigrant organisations' public images and their goals, we offer a multilevel study that considers immigrants' contexts of exit, which are related to the motivation to migrate and the particular socio-demographic makeup of immigrant groups. This article adds the Venezuelan immigrant experience to the literature on immigrant organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Colonia Tovar is very complex, being the home of descendants of only a small fraction of immigrants arriving to the South American continent from a specific region of Germany, with a restricted number of founders, small population size and consanguineous mating, experiencing isolation for 100 years, with later migrations, a low rate of population growth and a high mean number of children per couple. How complex is its genetic structure? Do the highly polymorphic HLA genes reflect its history and confirm the story of this population described by other genes? Several studies have been made in this population, but we describe for the first time the HLA Class I variability in the population of Colonia Tovar using PCR-SSOP. Random genetic drift, founder effect and gene flow could explain the HLA allele and haplotype frequencies observed in this population but alleles at the class I loci were insufficient to identify the German origin of the community established through history. This agrees with findings obtained testing other genetic systems (ACP, AK, ESD, G6PD, GLO, PGM, PGD, ALB, CP, HP, TF), but the HLA-typing results indicate that the original gene pool has been diluted due to gene flow from the surrounding Mestizo population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

the article sheds light on socialization of children among Afro-Venezuelans. The process of socialization is intimately related to that of enculturation in general, defined as a lifelong process of copying, imitation and instruction that preserves the people's way of life by providing the individual with purpose and meaning or by means of which initially and in later life a person achieves competence in his culture. The main agents for socialization and for child-rearing are, of course, the parents or other caretakers, and today, with the growth of a formal school system, the teachers, who increasingly interfere with the traditional role of members of the immediate family. Often, their ideas do not coincide with those of the parents, which may cause problems for the children. The agents of child-rearing are responsible for the care, training and discipline of the child. There are certain universal techniques of socialization all over the world, such as reward, inciting, instruction, rules and disciplining. The rules of conduct are specified during early childhood and repeated until they are taken for ranted.

The article discusses business opportunities in Latin America. U.S. business has a great stake in Latin America not only because of the volume of trade and money invested but also because today Latin America is the battleground where the concepts of free enterprise, belief in individual rights and responsibilities, way of life, are being challenged by communism. The author had lived in Venezuela for approximately 3 years at the time of the overthrow of the Dictator Perez Jimenez. He saw professional communists operating in the country. During those last 2 years, he did a great deal of soul-searching for the answer to the violent anti-Americanism that was a part of this transition from dictatorship to democracy. He talked with Venezuelans of all walks of life. He came to understand that their revolt was one against authority government, business, church. He concluded that four groups that needed immediate attention, the youngsters up to college age, college age students and high school or college teachers, newspaper columnists and publishers and radio and television personalities, average Venezuelans who were in daily contact with North Americans.