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The number of people experiencing homelessness has continuously increased in the United States in the last decade. Researchers have shown that permanent supportive housing is an effective method for addressing chronic homelessness. However, housing programs and policies often meet with opposition from people in the community. Using theorizing from the dual‐process model of prejudice and the stereotype content model, we examined whether ideological orientations of right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) predicted opposition to permanent supportive housing through different stereotypes and emotional prejudices. Across two studies (NTotal = 579), we measured Californians' ideological orientations (RWA, SDO), stereotypes and emotional prejudices toward homeless individuals, and their attitudes toward housing programs. Study 1 focused on permanent housing in a community, while Study 2 focused on a state‐wide policy that funds permanent housing. Across both studies, stronger SDO predicted negative competence stereotypes, less pity and more contempt toward homeless individuals, and opposition to housing programs. SDO consistently predicted opposition to social programs through stronger contempt and less pity. RWA is differently related to outcomes across the studies. Results suggest that people's preference for maintaining hierarchy and power structures, which underlies SDO, is a key predictor of people's housing attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group schisms are ubiquitous, but little is known about what predicts how people will break away from a group. We hypothesized that different domains of identification (national, regional, ethnonational) would predict support for different types of exit. Study 1 focused on Serbs in the Republic of Srpska within Bosnia‐and‐Herzegovina (N = 188), while Studies 2 (N = 115) and 3 (N = 318) focused on people who identify as Irish in Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom. Across all three studies, weaker national identification predicted support for subgroup exit. Stronger ethnonational identification consistently predicted support for the subgroup joining an existing group, while regional identification had differing relationships with support for the subgroup becoming an independent entity across the samples. Individual exit intentions were predicted by different domains of identification across the three samples. These findings suggest that various domains of identification can predict how people will leave a group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What motivated Trump Supporters to storm the US Capitol in protest of the US Election results? We examined how different dimensions of an identification (Trump, Republican) predicted intentions to engage in activism or radicalism in the wake of the 2020 US Presidential Election. We sampled self‐identified Republicans 3 weeks before (N = 273), and 10 days after (N = 277), the US Capitol Insurrection. We separately measured identification as a Republican and Trump Supporter before assessing people's perception that the 2020 Election was illegitimate. We then assessed two emotions (anger, contempt) and two forms of collective action intentions (activism, radicalism). Both studies showed that stronger Trump identification, but weaker Republican identification, predicted perceptions that the 2020 US Election was illegitimate. Perceptions of illegitimacy predicted feelings of anger and contempt, which differently predicted normative and nonnormative collective action. Results suggest that different dimensions of identification predispose people to different perceptions of events and, consequently, harbor different action intentions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigated whether stronger religious fundamentalism predicted negative attitudes toward church–state separation as a consequence of perceiving low in‐group prototypicality (IGP). Across two studies (N = 635), Christians from the United States reported their religious orientations (intrinsic, extrinsic‐personal, extrinsic‐social, fundamentalism) before we measured (or manipulated) their perceptions of IGP. The dependent variables were attitudes toward church–state separation (S1, S2) and attitudes toward religious–national integration (S2). Results showed that stronger religious fundamentalism predicted negative attitudes toward church–state separation. Results also showed that fundamentalists' negativity toward church–state separation was stronger when Christianity was not perceived as prototypical of America's identity. Religious fundamentalism did not predict attitudes toward church–state separation when perceiving high IGP. Religious fundamentalism predicted support of religious–national integration irrespective of IGP. The results suggest that fundamentalists will oppose the separation of church and state when they perceive their religion is not prototypical of their national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although group‐related uncertainties have been shown to drive subgroups' pursuit of autonomy, it is unclear whether all group‐related uncertainties motivate subgroup autonomy. We hypothesized that social identity‐uncertainty, not politico‐economic uncertainty, about one's subgroup is a key driver of support for subgroup autonomy. We measured Sardinian participants' (N = 174) relative subgroup (Sardinian) and superordinate group (Italian) identity‐centrality, identity‐uncertainty, and politico‐economic uncertainty to predict support for subgroup autonomy and superordinate group fragmentation. Results showed that subgroup identity‐uncertainty, not politico‐economic uncertainty, elicited stronger support for subgroup autonomy, especially among highly identified subgroup members. Superordinate group fragmentation was predicted by relatively weaker superordinate identity‐centrality. Results suggest that subgroups' pursuit of autonomy is driven by the hopes of reducing identity‐uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]