403 results on '"UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004"'
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2. Not your ordinary drone: odes to the Bayraktar in the Russia–Ukraine war.
- Author
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Andrianova, Anastassiya
- Subjects
- *
MILITARY personnel , *CRITICAL discourse analysis , *HUMANITARIAN assistance ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
'Bayraktar', a pop/rap song written by a Ukrainian soldier following Russia's invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, went viral, spawning various covers, from electronic dance music to hardcore punk. I analyse this digital archive of 19 'Bayraktar' songs, including five that share only the title with Taras Borovok's paradigmatic song, and contextualise it within the broader historical and decolonial frameworks of Ukrainian resistance music, including the protest music of the Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan demonstrations, and the anti-war music produced during the Donbas war and in the first six months of the ongoing Russia–Ukraine war. I apply the method of multimodal critical discourse analysis to highlight the ways that sound, image (videos and stills) and text (lyrics and verbal descriptions on YouTube) forge nationalist and global protest rhetorics, and also function pragmatically to raise awareness, fundraise for the armed forces and humanitarian efforts, and boost morale in Ukraine and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2023
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
3. Ukraine's Balance Policy between European Union and Russia.
- Author
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TUNCER, OZAN SABRI and ERKUT, FATMA NUR
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UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,ENERGY policy - Abstract
Having declared independence in 1991, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Ukraine gained strategic importance in terms of its geographical location. It is regarded a "buffer zone" for both the European Union (EU) and Russia. There is a division within the country into the pro-Western and pro-Russian options. Ukraine's aspiration for the UE membership has faced Russia's objection since time immemorial. In the past, Ukraine preferred to pursue a balance policy between Russia and the EU. Ukraine's attempt to approach the West with the Orange Revolution, its inclusion in the European Neighbourhood Policy, its participation in the Eastern Partnership program were perceived as a threat by Russia. The Ukrainian crisis, in particular, brought these two countries face to face. This crisis also deeply affected both the EU's energy policy and its relations with Russia. After all the developments that followed, the issue of Ukraine's membership in the EU remains uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
4. The promise of the Eastern Partnership is not dead yet.
- Author
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SHERR, JAMES
- Subjects
COLD War & politics ,INTERNATIONAL relations ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Published
- 2022
5. TIME TO BEGIN RESTORING UKRAINIAN SOVEREIGNTY AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY.
- Author
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BIDEN, JOE
- Subjects
- *
SOVEREIGNTY ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,UKRAINIAN politics & government - Abstract
The article presents a speech by U.S. Vice President Joe Biden delivered to The Rada in Kyiv, Ukraine on December 9, 2015. Topics of the speech included the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, restoration of sovereignty and territorial integrity in Ukraine, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
- Published
- 2016
6. Dilemmas of Aiding Ukraine.
- Author
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Larsen, Henrik
- Subjects
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POLITICAL reform , *RUSSIA-Ukraine relations ,UKRAINIAN politics & government, 1991- ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Western benefactors must apply tougher conditionalities to encourage Ukraine's policymakers to reform and to resist elite spoilers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
7. CHRONICLE OF RECENT EVENTS.
- Subjects
UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Published
- 2019
8. Sustaining Business-State Symbiosis in Times of Political Turmoil: the Case of Ukraine 2007-2018.
- Author
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Kostiuchenko, Tetiana and Melnykovska, Inna
- Subjects
ECONOMIC elites ,PRACTICAL politics ,SOCIAL network analysis ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,BUSINESSPEOPLE - Abstract
How was the business-state symbiosis in Ukraine sustained throughout the political turbulences of the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity? Using the method of social network analysis (SNA), we demonstrate how the political – formal and informal – ties of Ukrainian big business to the different branches of state power evolved and what models of state-business relations developed during each presidency. The analysis covers the period of 2007-2018 and focuses on the comparison of the relational structures between political and business elites in Ukraine over a decade. We trace the visibility of various business cliques within political institutions during the last 10 years, and track changes in business-state relations through influential persons, positions, groups and network structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
9. THE FIRES THIS TIME.
- Author
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BERMAN, PAUL
- Subjects
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EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 , *RUSSIA-Ukraine Conflict, 2014- , *RUSSIA-Ukraine relations , *COLD War, 1945-1991 ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,UKRAINIAN politics & government, 1991- ,EASTERN European history, 1945- - Abstract
The article looks at the crisis in Ukraine involving mass demonstrations and Russia's intervention, as of March 2014, in a historical context. The author cites the 1989 uprisings in Eastern European countries such as Poland and Hungary and the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, saying the recent uprising in Ukraine represents a continuation and renewal of them. Topics include the rationale of Russian President Vladimir Putin's decision to intervene in Ukraine and the prospect of a new cold war.
- Published
- 2014
10. The Bear and Maidan Affair.
- Author
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Maitra, Sumantra
- Subjects
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CONSERVATISM , *PUBLIC demonstrations , *CIVILIZATION ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
The article examines that Moscow revanchism is attributed to a variety of domestic factors, such as regime-stability, crony corruption, a need for diversionary wars, to more systemic causations like Christian conservatism, hegemonic ambition and imperial expansionism, honor and wounded pride. Topics include reports that the protests in Belarus, one should remember the recent history of Ukraine and Russia and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine came as a shock to Kremlin, where a similar scenario played out.
- Published
- 2020
11. Ukraine 101.
- Author
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NOVIKOVA, MARGARITA
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UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 - Published
- 2020
12. Kiev’s Conundrum.
- Author
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Gvosdev, Nikolas K.
- Subjects
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NUCLEAR weapons ,UKRAINIAN foreign relations ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,RUSSIA-United States relations - Abstract
The article focuses on settling Ukraine's geopolitical position within Europe and greater Eurasia is entering its final stages and denouement will occur under the watch of Ukraine's populist-comedian president Volodymyr Zelensky. It mentions disposition of Ukraine's Soviet nuclear weapons legacy to the stability of Russian energy supplies to Western European markets from the formulation of the European Union's (EU) wider neighborhood policy to the prospect of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It also mentions Orange Revolution fundamentally changed the tenor of U.S.-Russia relations and strained Russia's ties with Europe.
- Published
- 2019
13. Cascades.
- Author
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Satell, Greg
- Subjects
ORGANIZATIONAL change ,SOCIAL change ,TRANSFORMATIONAL leadership ,SOCIAL movements ,SOCIAL networks ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
In the business sector, as well as in the world at large, change is constant. Organizations and movements that succeed are typically those that embrace transformative change. Making change happen, however, can be challenging. For many, the process is mysterious. In Cascades, Greg Satell discusses how and why some transformative change movements are successful, while others fail. He offers a framework for understanding network cascades and recognizing the importance of planning, organization, and discipline.
- Published
- 2019
14. "Orange Plague": World War II and the Symbolic Politics of Pro-state Mobilization in Putin's Russia.
- Author
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Luxmoore, Matthew
- Subjects
- *
SYMBOLISM in politics , *WORLD War II , *WORLD War II & collective memory ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,RUSSIAN politics & government, 1991- - Abstract
This article examines the symbolic politics of three pro-state movements that emerged from the "preventive counterrevolution" launched by the Kremlin in response to Ukraine's Orange Revolution. In 2005, youth movement Nashi played upon war memory at its rallies and branded the opposition "fascist"; in 2012, the Anti-Orange Committee countered opposition protests with mass gatherings at Moscow's war commemoration sites; in 2015, Antimaidan brought thousands onto Russia's streets to denounce US-backed regime change and alleged neo-Nazism in Kiev. I show how evocation of the enemy image, through reference to the war experience, played a key role in the symbolism of the preventive counterrevolution. Interviews with activists in these movements discussing their symbolic politics reveal an opposing victim/victor narrative based on an interplay of two World War II myths—the "Great Victory" and the "fascist threat." Moving beyond approaches that view the Soviet and Russian World War II cult as a triumphalist narrative of the Great Victory over fascism, I conclude that its threat component is an understudied element. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
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15. Why the pretense of pursuing democracy? The necessity and rationality of democratic slogans for civil revolutions.
- Author
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Yukawa, Taku and Hidaka, Kaoru
- Subjects
UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,DEMOCRATIZATION ,EQUALITY ,POVERTY ,UKRAINIAN politics & government - Abstract
While democratic revolutions are not uniform in their pursuit of democracy, they do have something in common: those calling for revolution and participating in demonstrations do so under the banner of democracy. However, studies have revealed that these citizens were not at first committed to democracy per se; rather, they took the opportunity to vent their frustration against the current regime because of their struggle against poverty and social inequality. Why, then, do citizens who are not pursuing democracy per se participate in revolutions under the banner of democracy? Previous studies have failed to clarify this point. To fill this gap, we outline three strategic rationalities and necessities behind the use of "democracy" as a common slogan to justify civil revolutions: 1) organizing large scale dissident movements in a country; 2) attracting international support; and 3) imitating successful examples from the past. Evidence from the 2003 Rose Revolution in Georgia and the 2005 Orange Revolution in Ukraine supports this theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
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16. 'Time for Intensive Change': Ukrainian Revolutions in Global Context.
- Author
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Channell-Justice, Emily
- Subjects
- *
RUSSIAN Revolution, 1917-1921 , *POLITICAL change ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
This paper engages with the analytical category of 'revolution', drawing from contemporary and historical examples. Based on ethnographic research with leftist activists in Ukraine during the entire period of Euromaidan in 2013–14, I question the assumption that this should be accepted as a revolutionary event. Grounding my analysis in historical discussions of the Russian and Ukrainian revolutions of 1917–21, and comparing Euromaidan with other post-socialist revolutions, I argue that 'revolution' must be understood as a complex process with multiple claimants. Using definitions from political science, anthropology and philosophy, I suggest that revolutionary change is not simply the replacement of political figures at the head of a state. Rather, revolution should be seen as a long process that includes both social and political change. The case of contemporary Ukraine and the Euromaidan protests do not necessarily fulfil this understanding of revolution, but the unquestioned application of the term to these events provoke an essential challenge to understanding contemporary and historical political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
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17. The “Frozen Conflict Perspective” in Eastern Ukraine and its Influence on Identity Construction.
- Author
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Shelest, Hanna
- Subjects
RUSSIA-Ukraine relations ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Published
- 2019
18. The Election of a Kleptocrat: Viktor Ianukovych and the Ukrainian Presidential Elections in 2010.
- Author
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Bennich-Björkman, Li, Kashyn, Andriy, and Kurbatov, Sergiy
- Subjects
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PRESIDENTIAL elections , *PRESIDENTIAL candidates , *PRESIDENTS ,UKRAINIAN politics & government, 1991- ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
In 2010, Viktor Ianukovych, a candidate whose democratic credentials were disputed and whose shady background hardly inspired feelings of admiration or trust, was elected president of Ukraine. By asking the voters themselves on the eve of the election how such an individual could have won their votes, this article shows that when Ukrainians went to vote in 2010, they evaluated the qualities and the policy-issues associated with Ianukovych higher than those ascribed to his opponent, Iuliia Tymoshenko, even if only slightly so. In a Ukraine that since the Orange Revolution in 2004 has come increasingly to embrace democracy, the 2010 presidential elections marked a certain democracy fatigue that in the end came to favour Ianukovych's "strong hand" image. Regional belonging is a usual factor in Ukrainian voting, and it played a role in the political assessments of the 2010 presidential election. However, issues of identity and language were among the lowest ranked in both eastern and western Ukraine, far behind the heated topics of jobs, unemployment, and welfare services. Later, identity-politics became more accentuated in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 and the ensuing war between Ukraine and Russia. In 2010, what united many voters regardless of region was a stronger concern for jobs and welfare services than for democratic commitment in the candidates, or for identity politics. Those more personal issues paved the way for Ianukovych to become the president of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
19. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate as a Potential 'Tool' of Russian Soft Power in the Wake of Ukraine's 2013 Euromaidan.
- Author
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Hudson, Victoria
- Subjects
- *
EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 , *PUBLIC demonstrations , *CULTURAL relations , *SOVEREIGNTY ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
This article considers the religious and spiritual aspect of the Euromaidan protests; specifically, the role of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate and to what extent the UOC(MP) can justifiably be seen as a tool of Russian 'soft power' cultural and ideational influence. It examines the degree of institutional and ideological leverage that Moscow is able to exercise over the Ukrainian church, and then explores the position of the church during the protests, and how this has affected the authority and legitimacy of its standing as an opinion leader in Ukrainian society in the wake of the 'Revolution of Dignity'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
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20. Does fraud trump partisanship? The impact of contentious elections on voter confidence.
- Author
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Wellman, Elizabeth Iams, Hyde, Susan D., and Hall, Thad E.
- Subjects
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PARTISANSHIP , *CORRUPT practices in elections , *PUBLIC opinion polls , *VOTERS ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Fraudulent elections can reduce citizen trust in elections and other political institutions. But what about the impact of contentious elections that resolve successfully, leading to democratizing change? Do national movements toward democracy trump individual experiences with electoral manipulation? Using public opinion survey data collected before and after the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, we evaluate changes in voter confidence in electoral practices, political institutions, and democracy. Although national trends show increased voter confidence overall, subnational variation suggests pervasive partisan differences in opinions about election quality and institutional confidence. Remarkably, we find that direct exposure to fraud matters far less than anticipated; voters who were personally exposed to fraud felt no more or less confident than their co-partisans. We show that partisanship and the national electoral context may interact in ways that complicate the effects of democratizing elections, suggesting important avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
21. Volodymyr Vynnyčenko as Diarist, Historian and Writer. Literary narratives of the "Ukrainian Revolution".
- Author
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Schmid, Ulrich
- Subjects
UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,SOCIAL order - Abstract
Volodymyr Vynnyčenko portrayed the "Ukrainian Revolution" in four different literary genres: in his diary, in an historiographic epic, in a drama, and in a short novel. In each of these representations, another aspect prevails. The diary focuses on Vynnyčenko's personal role in the Ukrainian nation-building project. The epic endows the failure of the independent Ukrainian state with a historiosophic necessity. The drama translates the social and national dilemmas in Ukraine into a family tragedy. The short novel portrays the hero not as an agent in history, but as an evolving consciousness. Behind all four literary elaborations, a quite heterogeneous mix of philosophical sources can be observed. Vynnyčenko shares with Hegel the belief that every free nation should be in possession of a state. He follows Marx in his economic criticism of capitalist exploitation and his contempt for the bourgeoisie. Finally, he reveres Nietzsche for his concept of the irrational will and his appreciation of 'great men' in history. It was clear for Vynnyčenko, that he himself was predestined to play an important role in history. However, he used his historiosophic musings in the four literary genres to prove an essential point: the failure of his Ukrainian project was not his personal shortcoming, but must be ascribed to the belated historical development of the Ukrainian nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
22. EU Mediation Practices in Ukraine during Revolutions: What Authority as a Peacemaker?
- Author
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Natorski, Michal
- Subjects
- *
EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 , *INTERNATIONAL mediation , *MEDIATION , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *CONFLICT management -- International cooperation ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,FOREIGN relations of the European Union - Abstract
This article compares two different experiences of EU engagement in mediation in Ukraine: the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Euromaidan crisis in 2013-2014. This comparison reflects two different outcomes of EU mediation practices under similar circumstances of political conflict between domestic political actors. The changing degree of collective EU authority recognized by other actors is the main driver behind varying EU mediation practices and outcomes. Authority conferred on the EU as a collective actor represents the legitimacy of its power, resources and competence to conduct mediation. However, such authority is always circumscribed by crisis-specific circumstances and volatile configurations of forces. Therefore, differing degrees of authority explain shifts in the effectiveness of EU mediation. To capture the authority of EU mediators in specific crisis situations, this article employs and interprets firsthand accounts of the experiences of actors directly involved in mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
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23. Post-Soviet Saviours? Ukraine, Russia and the Dark Side of the War against Corruption.
- Author
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Clarkson, Alexander
- Subjects
POLITICAL corruption ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Published
- 2018
- Full Text
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24. Monumental Landscapes and the Politics of Place: The First Lenin to Fall.
- Author
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Malaia, Kateryna
- Subjects
- *
MONUMENTS , *DECONSTRUCTION , *STATUES , *GEOPOLITICS ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
On August 1, 1990, there was an unprecedented event in the Ukrainian town of Chervonohrad: a crowd gathered at the central square and, for the first time in the USSR, demolished a monument to Lenin. The demolition caused a political scandal and was the first of a chain of Lenin statue topplings all over Soviet Ukraine and beyond. Chervonohrad's deconstruction is often compared to the array of Lenin statue demolitions that took place during the 2013-14 Ukrainian Revolution. Yet, this historic comparison does not answer the question: why was Chervonohrad, out of all the Soviet political centres and peripheral towns, meant to go down in history in this monumental way? Although the transformation of monumental landscapes has been among the most studied aspects of the post-Soviet condition, it has often been approached unilaterally. The studies of dismantled monuments have explored the largest scale of national and international politics, national imageries, and historic myth. The overwhelming attention paid to major metropolitan areas overshadowed the importance of place politics, local actors, and power relationships within former Soviet republics. As a result, the transformation of Soviet monumental landscapes has been sometimes misread as a top-down geopolitical process over the plain and ghostly backgrounds of post-Soviet metropolitan cityscapes. This article questions the scales and methods used to study monumental deconstruction. While national politics were undoubtedly an integral part of Chervonohrad's milestone event, this study aims to understand the complex causes that led to the removal of the monument through Chervonohrad's politics of place, the history of urban displacement and appropriation, and the agents and constellations that made this demolition possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
25. There will be no singing revolution in Russia.
- Author
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SIEGIEŃ, WOJCIECH
- Subjects
REVOLUTIONS ,PUBLIC demonstrations ,RUSSIAN music ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,TULIP Revolution, Kyrgyzstan, 2005 ,BELARUSIAN history - Published
- 2019
26. Growing up with a country: Fifteen years of election monitoring in Ukraine.
- Author
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Smith, Julia
- Subjects
UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,PRESIDENTIAL elections ,DEMOCRACY ,CORRUPT practices in elections - Published
- 2019
27. Learning from past experience: Yanukovych's implementation of authoritarianism after 2004.
- Author
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Hall, Stephen G.F.
- Subjects
AUTHORITARIANISM ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 - Abstract
This paper argues that an important concept of authoritarian learning is missing. This is how leaders learn from domestic experience. Using Yanukovych's defeat in the Orange Revolution, the paper illustrates how he adapted to stop a new Colour Revolution. Through using Party of Regions resources, Yanukovych improved his image, developed Party of Region's electoral success, controlled institutions and the political system, coerced the opposition, built-up security forces and pro-regime groups and created a family. While the paper finds that Yanukovych adapted to the failure of the Orange Revolution these adjustments contributed to the Euromaidan and the learning from domestic experience resulted in ultimate failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
28. Dancing with the devil: explaining the European Union's engagement with Ukraine under Viktor Yanukovych.
- Author
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Kubicek, Paul
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRATIZATION , *EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Viktor Yanukovych's ouster from power in 2014 was widely celebrated in Europe as a step forward for democracy in Ukraine. What is now somewhat forgotten, however, is that the European Union (EU) was closely engaged with the Yanukovych regime, offering it a favorable Association Agreement even as the country regressed with respect to democracy. This article examines the EU's policy toward Ukraine during Yanukovych's presidency (2010-2014), highlighting the disconnection between the EU's rhetorical commitment to democracy and events in Ukraine. It explores the attempt by the EU to impose conditionality, arguing that EU frustration with Ukraine eventually led it to water down its demands in the hopes of claiming success in furthering EU-Ukraine ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
29. Russian Neo-patrimonialism and Putin’s ‘Cultural Turn’.
- Author
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Robinson, Neil
- Subjects
- *
PATRIMONIALISM (Political science) , *CONSERVATISM , *POLITICAL systems , *HISTORY ,RUSSIAN politics & government ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Russian politics has been characterised by increasing cultural and political conservatism since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency. This article argues that Putin’s turn to cultural conservatism is a reaction to a crisis in Russia’s neo-patrimonial system. The article presents a model of neo-patrimonialism and argues that the turn to cultural conservatism under Putin is only a partial solution to the problems of neo-patrimonialism in Russia. This is because the turn towards cultural conservatism does not define any internal transformational tasks for Putin to fulfil. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
30. Social Media and EuroMaidan: A Review Essay.
- Author
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MacDuffee Metzger, Megan and Tucker, Joshua A.
- Subjects
- *
EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 , *SOCIAL media & politics , *POLITICAL movements , *TWENTY-first century ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,UKRAINIAN politics & government - Abstract
As more than a billion people had done previously, on November 21, 2013, Ukrainian journalist and activist Mustafa Nayem wrote a Facebook post; this post, however, would have a much larger impact on subsequent political developments than most that had preceded it. Frustrated with President Viktor Yanukovych’s decision not to sign a long-promised association agreement with the European Union, Nayem asked others who shared his frustration to comment on his post. Even more importantly, Nayem wrote that if the post received at least 1000 comments from people willing to join him, they should all go to Independence Square to protest. And indeed they did: starting with just a few thousand people, the protests would swell to be the largest since Ukraine’s independence, particularly after police used force against protesters at the end of November 2013. Eventually, these protests led to the resignation of the government, the exile of the former president, and indirectly to the secession of Crimea and the ongoing conflict in the eastern part of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
31. Russian Journalists in Ukraine: Caught in Limbo?
- Author
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Malyutina, Darya
- Subjects
UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 ,JOURNALISTS ,SOCIAL background ,EMIGRATION & immigration - Abstract
Since the 2004 Orange Revolution, Ukrainian media have provided a number of Russian journalists an alternative place to continue their career, whether they were looking for a comparatively free and pluralistic media space, a new job, or safety. The number of Russian media professionals in Ukraine increased in the subsequent years. Euromaidan and the annexation of Crimea in 2014, followed by Russia's military intervention in Donbas, have contributed to decisions to move or extend their stay in Ukraine. However, these events have also complicated the position of Russian journalists in Ukraine. This paper seeks to explore the challenges connected with being a Russian journalist and working in Ukraine-based media during Russia's hybrid war against Ukraine. This population of migrant media workers has arrived from an aggressor country, where mainstream media have been producing manipulative anti-Ukrainian discourse. They are diverse in terms of social backgrounds and migration histories, but mostly are qualified and experienced professionals. They do not form a tightly knit migrant community, and do not work for media outlets targeting such a community. This article addresses the experiences of a number of these media personalities, drawing upon a series of interviews conducted in late 2015, and open source materials. I argue that the Maidan, the annexation of Crimea, and the ongoing conflict have had a significant impact on Russian migrant journalists in Ukraine, by providing a migration context, influencing their work ethics and making them particularly sensitive to the ideas of responsibility and journalistic subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
32. Sovereign Commitment and Property Rights: the Case of Ukraine's Orange Revolution.
- Author
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Markus, Stanislav
- Subjects
- *
PROPERTY rights , *SOVEREIGNTY , *CORRUPTION , *ECONOMIC development ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Conventional wisdom in new institutional economics suggests that property rights become more secure following sovereign commitment. The article tests this axiom in the crucial case of the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine. I show that despite the wide-ranging constraints imposed after the Revolution on the upper executive, the security of property rights declined. Theoretically, the article argues that the link between sovereign commitment and secure ownership hinges on vertical accountability in the state apparatus. While institutionalizing commitment by the presidency, the Revolution simultaneously exacerbated principal-agent dilemmas within the bureaucracy. Methodologically, the article contributes by triangulating available historical narratives and cross-national quantitative studies. Instead, the focus on one contemporary developing country and the use of qualitative process tracing dissects sovereign commitment and shows the mechanisms through which it can be subverted at lower administrative levels. Sixty-four semi-structured interviews with entrepreneurs and government officials from six Ukrainian regions, as well as analysis of the local media, provide the data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
33. Fencing the bear? Explaining US foreign policy towards Russian interventions.
- Author
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Böller, Florian and Werle, Sebastian
- Subjects
FOREIGN relations of the United States ,RUSSIA-United States relations ,PUBLIC administration ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Despite the burgeoning literature on Russia’s renewed power politics, little attention has been paid to the fact that US reactions towards Russia’s military interventions were all but coherent. The USA has chosen weak measures in Georgia in 2008 (shaming) compared to its assertive response in Ukraine in 2014 (sanctions, hard deterrence). This article assesses the explanatory power of neorealist, liberal and constructivist theories for the variation in US reactions towards Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. Our argument is that the constructivist perspective explains the cases best as it highlights the power and communality of normative assessments. The Ukraine crisis was perceived by the USA as a violation of core international norms, especially the non-use of force and the principle of territorial integrity. Relevant international norm carriers shared this assessment of the conflict. In contrast, the perception of the Georgian war centred on the issue of democracy promotion. While democracy is an important aim of US foreign policy, it does not summon the same normative importance as general principles of international law. Furthermore, the perception of the Georgian war remained contested among Western allies, which decreased the communality of the normative assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
34. POLITICAL AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN UKRAINE'S REGIONS: WHERE DOES THE CENTER FIT?
- Author
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Pohorila, Nataliia
- Subjects
NATIONALISM ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,UKRAINIAN politics & government - Abstract
This article is devoted to the issue of national identity and political preferences of the region of Central Ukraine. The essence of the "in-the-middle" position is tested using a national representative survey known as "Ukrainian Society" for the period of 2000-2012. Th is longitudinal survey allows for the delineation of tendencies of well-articulated political identities. This includes Galicia being compared to Crimea and Donbas. In this study these areas are compared to those of the Center, a region with an identity lacking thorough study. The specific trends in the development of a national identity and of political preferences are defined and compared within rural and urban populations in the analysed regions. The Center was chosen as a comparison to other Ukrainian regions as it characterizes the mobilization of political support in the formative years of Ukraine, commencing with the Orange Revolution in the fall of 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
35. From the Orange Revolution to the Revolution of Dignity.
- Author
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Reznik, Oleksandr
- Subjects
- *
SOCIAL movements , *EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 , *COMMUNISM , *LINGUISTIC identity ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
The article examines the determinants for participation in two Ukrainian revolutions, the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014. These revolutions were proof of the social movement that accompanies post-communist transition in an Eastern European country. This social movement, in a transitional society in the process of redefining traditional ethno-cultural identities, defined a value-rational understanding of democracy and market economy. A result of Ukrainian government action, these two revolts (which occurred less than ten years apart) have both similar and different features. The methods of binary logistic regression used in this research reveal that both protests are the result of macroregional division and the Ukrainian population’s foreign policy priorities. However, in determining participation in the Orange Revolution, these factors also combined with principles of linguistic identity, age, and status differentiation. In contrast, participation in the Revolution of Dignity was shaped by support for democratic and market values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
36. Restrictive National Laws Affecting Human Rights Civil Society Organizations: A Legal Analysis.
- Author
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Wilson, Elizabeth A.
- Subjects
HUMAN rights organizations ,CIVIL society laws ,TERRORISM financing ,COUNTERTERRORISM ,INTERNATIONAL finance ,ROSE Revolution, Georgia, 2003 ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,GOVERNMENT policy - Abstract
Following the attacks in the United States on 11 September 2001, a new dilemma for foreign donors to human rights-related civil society organizations has arisen. In an attempt to choke off the financial networks that fund terrorism, global counterterrorism efforts, spearheaded by the United States, have led to a backlash against human rights that has increasingly taken the form of national laws designed to restrict the activities of civil society organizations (CSOs), in particular to limit foreign funding. In some cases, these laws seem to have been adopted in response to democratic social movements such as the Rose and Orange Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine respectively, as a global trend towards increasing democracy has been turned back. In other cases, they have been adopted in response to directives from international organizations like the United Nations Security Council or intergovernmental standard-setting bodies. The post-9/11 context has created an environment of potentially conflicting legal obligations and related policy choices. Providers of support for human rights-related CSOs face pressing questions of whether to operate in states that have passed such laws, and whether to comply with such restrictive laws if they do. This context has created confusion for well-intentioned states and an ideal pretext for repression for states that are eager to roll back democratic gains. This article clarifies the two most important legal questions facing donors to human rightsrelated CSOs: first, are national laws restricting the activities of CSOs, particularly limitations that affect funding, legal under international human rights law; and second, if such laws are illegal, what actions are donors entitled to take in response? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
37. Tobias Zielony.
- Author
-
van Bruggen, Arnold
- Subjects
UKRAINIAN social conditions ,PHOTOGRAPHY of LGBTQ+ people ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,GENDER nonconformity ,LGBTQ+ rights - Abstract
The article offers information on photographer Tobias Zielony, and discusses the Maskirovka photography series by him. Topics discussed include the Orange Revolution that took place in Ukraine in 2004, the photography of LGBT community by Zielony in Kiev, Ukraine, and the gender-nonconformity in the subjects of his photographs. Also mentioned are the campaigns against LGBT rights in the country by the country's far-right nationalist party.
- Published
- 2017
38. The Ukrainian Crisis in the Mirror of Polish Conservatism.
- Author
-
Smirnov, A.
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
The article talks about the Ukrainian crisis, its effect on the Polish-Ukrainian political interaction and discusses topics including Polish conservatism and the Orange revolution in Ukraine in 2004.
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
39. Foreign Area Observations from Maidan.
- Author
-
Harvey, James H.
- Subjects
- *
AMERICAN diplomatic & consular service , *EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 , *PUBLIC demonstrations ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
The article consists of the author's observations while being assigned to the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv. The key points covered are the cause of the EuroMaidan Revolution, protester tactics, and a summary of the situation as of May 2014. It is written first-person and without citations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
40. The Game of Ukraine : Conflict in Donbass as an Outcome of the Multilayered Rivalry.
- Author
-
LAKOMY, Miron
- Subjects
EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
This paper analyzes the war in Ukraine as an outcome of multilayered rivalry combined with unintentional mistakes committed by all possible sides. The first layer of competition concerns domestic differences visible between the Western and Eastern part of Ukraine. The second layer covers the regional rivalry between Poland and Russia, which has significantly contributed to the instability of Eastern Europe for several centuries. Finally, the third layer concerns the geopolitical game for influence between the West, led by the United States, and Russia along with several satellite states. Ukraine proved to be just another object of this competition, composed of such events as the Kosovo intervention, the Orange Revolution, the Caucasus war in 2008 and the Syrian chemical crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
41. Power-sharing, commitment problems, and armed conflict in Ukraine.
- Author
-
Strasheim, Julia
- Subjects
- *
HISTORY of war , *RUSSIA-Ukraine relations , *CRISIS management , *RUSSIA-Ukraine Conflict, 2014- , *TWENTY-first century , *HISTORY ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Why did the Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution initiate a peaceful democratic transition, while the 2014 protests were followed by violent conflict? This article complements previous studies on Russia’s role in Ukraine by focusing on domestic explanations of the recent violence. It shows that structural factors were already conducive to violence in 2004, making it fruitful to analyse the role of agency to explain the 2014 conflict. It demonstrates that while the 2004 transition introduced power-sharing guarantees that mitigated commitment problems for the relevant parties, the 2014 transition saw no such guarantees, making violence a rational strategy for the pro-Russian separatists. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
42. Transnistrian strategy in the context of Russian–Ukrainian relations: the rise and failure of ‘dual alignment’.
- Author
-
Istomin, Igor and Bolgova, Irina
- Subjects
- *
RUSSIA-Ukraine relations , *RUSSIA-Ukraine Conflict, 2014- , *EUROPEAN studies ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
The diversification of allegiances with several more powerful states is seen as a way for minor actors to improve their strategic position in the international system. The result, however, could become less than desirable when these relations are both essential and contradictory. This article intends to examine the challenges for Transnistrian foreign policy through the concepts of bandwagoning and balancing. It uses alternative neorealist perspectives to identify various types of alignment and then examines how this landlocked territorial entity attempts to use relations with Russia and Ukraine to protect its statehood and identity in the context of the ongoing threat from Moldova. This article identifies that twice in the last decade (after the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan), the strategy of ‘dual alignment’ failed. It claims that recent attempts by both the EU and Ukraine to weaken Russia’s position in the region by isolating Transnistria has led to a further strengthening of ties between this actor and Moscow. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
43. Half measures and incomplete reforms: the breeding ground for a hybrid civil Society in Ukraine.
- Author
-
Cleary, Laura
- Subjects
- *
CIVIL society , *GOVERNMENT accountability , *RUSSIA-Ukraine Conflict, 2014- , *EUROPEAN studies ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
In the space of 24 years, Ukraine has experienced three ‘revolutions’: the revolution for independence, the ‘Orange Revolution’ and the ‘Dignity Revolution’. On each occasion the event has been lauded as a triumph of democracy over authoritarianism and as evidence that Ukraine will soon be able to assume its rightful place as a free, democratic state in Europe. On two out of three occasions the reverse has occurred; while the people have taken to the streets to protest against flagrant corruption and abuse of power, the oligarchs have responded with only minor changes to the political system. The reins of political and economic power have remained firmly in their hands, and Ukraine’s prospects for political and economic development have deteriorated. The Dignity Revolution of 2014 is seen as different from preceding revolutions because civil society appeared to be much more active and it has succeeded, in part, in maintaining pressure on government for reform. It is important to understand, however, that despite periodic and dramatic demonstrations of outrage over the corrupt and authoritarian practices of the political elites, civil society has generally been classed as apathetic, weak and ineffectual. Thus, the current challenge for Ukrainian civil society is to overcome its own limitations so that it can better hold government to account. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
44. The European Parliament in the EU-Ukraine relations - from independence to Orange revolution.
- Author
-
MOSKALENKO, Oleksandr and STRELTSOV, Volodymyr
- Subjects
UKRAINIAN foreign relations, 1991- ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
The article provides insight into the involvement of the European Parliament in the EU-Ukraine relations for the 1991-2004 period. The article argues that the European Parliament proved to be capable of developing and actively promoting its specific "European values" agenda. It demonstrated the ability to maintain the multi-level influence on the relations with the target country by both direct and indirect means. Its involvement into the EU-Ukraine relations was one of the factors which led to the change of Ukraine's development paradigm, marked by the increasing influence of the civil society on the political system. However, the limited number of EU incentives as well as the rigidity of the conditionality patterns application decreased the potential benefits for the bilateral relations. Moreover, the fallacious assumption that the conditionality patterns which were successful for the CEE countries would also be successful for post-Soviet countries became one of the factors that facilitated the split of the Ukrainian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
45. The EU and Russia's conflicting regime preferences in Ukraine: assessing regime promotion strategies in the scope of the Ukraine crisis.
- Author
-
Smith, Nicholas Ross
- Subjects
- *
RUSSIA-Ukraine relations , *INTERNATIONAL relations ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 ,UKRAINIAN politics & government ,FOREIGN relations of the European Union - Abstract
This paper evaluates the competitiveness of the European Union (EU) and Russia's regime preferences in their foreign policies towards Ukraine in the scope of the on-going Ukraine crisis. It is argued that the underpinning geopolitical environment Ukraine currently resides in, wedged between two much larger powers (the EU and Russia), renders it a vulnerable target state for regime promotion from both sides. Indeed, since the 2004 Orange revolution in Ukraine, both the EU and Russia have had discernible regime promotion strategies in their foreign policies. The EU's regime promotion has focussed on facilitating democracy in Ukraine, along with more material interests (trade and strategic aims) while Russia has reacted with increasingly zero-sum policies which pursue its preference for having a loyal and Russian-facing regime in Ukraine. Ultimately, the increasing competitiveness of the EU and Russia has been a key factor in the onset of the Ukraine crisis, which offers important insight into the relationship between large powers and the smaller third states which lie in their overlapping spheres of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
46. Will Ukraine Snatch Defeat from the Jaws of Victory?
- Author
-
Pond, Elizabeth
- Subjects
- *
WAR , *RELIGION , *WAR laws , *INTERNATIONAL conflict ,SOCIAL aspects ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
As the immediate threat recedes, the oligarchs who once personally financed Ukraine's defence seem to be trying to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
47. The Social Bases of Support for Self-determination in East Ukraine.
- Author
-
Giuliano, Elise
- Subjects
- *
PUBLIC support , *NATIONAL self-determination , *ETHNIC groups , *LINGUISTIC identity , *POLITICAL alienation , *EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
This study considers how a community that supports self-rule takes shape in movements for self-determination. Examining separatism in east Ukraine, the author suggests that the formation of community boundaries is not automatic. Boundaries are not activated by pre-existing ethnic or linguistic identities, or even by the appeals of political leaders who manipulate those identities. Instead, analysts should focus attention on how specific political developments contribute to alienation from the central state. Two factors contributed to political alienation in Ukraine: first, the material interest of industrial workers in preserving economic ties to Russia, and second, how nostalgia for the Soviet Union was strengthened by developments following the Orange Revolution and after the Maidan that emphasized an ethnically exclusivist Ukrainian national identity and gave voice to the ultranationalist far right in national politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
48. THE ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA DURING PROTESTS ON MAIDAN.
- Author
-
PIECHOTA, Grażyna and RAJCZYK, Robert
- Subjects
SOCIAL media ,PUBLIC demonstrations ,INTERNET ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
Political protests which took place in Ukraine were another example ot how social and content websites were used during protests on the Independence Square (Maidan Nezalezhnosti) in Kiev - the protests started in November 2013 and ended in February 2014. This article offers presentation of the results of research that was carried out in Kiev and Lviv in May 2015 among students of two Ukrainian universities: Borys Grinchenko Kyiv University and the National University of Taras Shevchenko in Lviv. The aim of the conducted research was to establish which of the new media (social media and blogs) and in what way were used by the students during protests and if the way of using the new media influenced the engagement of students in protests. Such comparative research also made it possible to find differences in attitudes and motivations of students participating in protests in Kiev but coming from two different cities in Ukraine - Kiev and Lviv. The research results may contribute to a deepened analysis of the ways the new media are used during political and social protests with reference to differences in people's attitudes depending on their personal or Internet engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
49. East or West? Regional Political Divisions in Ukraine since the "Orange Revolution" and the "Euromaidan".
- Author
-
Katchanovski, Ivan
- Subjects
- *
POLARIZATION (Social sciences) , *EUROMAIDAN Revolution, Ukraine, 2014 , *SEPARATISTS , *ELECTIONS , *VOTING ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
This paper analyzes changes in regional electoral behavior and attitudes towards separatism and foreign policy orientation in Ukraine after the "Orange Revolution" and the "Euromaidan," which turned into a violent internal conflict and one of the biggest international conflicts involving Western countries and Russia. The research question is whether the regional divisions concerning domestic politics, separatism and foreign orientation have changed significantly in Ukraine since the "Orange Revolution" in 2004 and the "Euromaidan" in 2014. This paper employs comparative and statistical analyses of voting results of the 2012, 2007, 2006, and 2002 parliamentary elections, and the 2014, 2010, and 2004 presidential elections, to examine effects of historical legacies, ethnicity, language, age, and economic factors on regional support for pronationalist/pro-Western and pro-Russian/pro-communist political parties and presidential candidates. The study also analyses support for separatism in Crimea and Donbas after the "Orange Revolution" and the "Euromaidan." It uses a brief survey, conducted for this study by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in April and May 2014, to examine determinants of pro-separatist attitudes. The paper also employs Razumkov Center and KIIS surveys to analyze changes in 2002-2014 in regional preferences for joining the European Union (EU), NATO, and a union with Russia. The analysis shows that Ukraine after the "Orange Revolution" remained divided along regional lines in terms of support for political parties and presidential candidates and attitudes towards joining the EU, NATO, and a Russia-led union. After the "Euromaidan," such divisions in foreign policy orientation and, to a lesser extent, support for presidential candidates and political parties remained. A significant rise in separatist sentiments helped to fuel separatist takeovers of power in Crimea and Donbas and Russian military intervention in these regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2014
50. "'Insurmountable Conditions' as a Test of Past Party Decisions: Evidence from Ukraine's Party of Regions".
- Author
-
Moraski, Bryon
- Subjects
- *
ELECTIONS , *AUTHORITARIANISM ,UKRAINIAN Revolution, 2004 - Abstract
This work is part of a larger project that uses similar electoral system changes in Russia and Ukraine as windows into party building. In this paper, I compare how two of Ukraine's main parties, the Party of Regions and Our Ukraine, navigated the move from a mixed electoral system to a closed-list fully PR system by examining their relationships with former district deputies--that is, those who were technically reformed out of office. With findings from this analysis in hand, the paper then considers the implications of past decisions by the Party of Regions on subsequent party discipline, using the party defections that accompanied President Yanukovych's departure from Kyiv in February 2014 as a litmus test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2014
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