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This paper evaluates the impact of recent shifts in the geopolitical outlook of the United States—specifically the ‘Global War on Terror’ and its domestic ramifications—on the prior project of reconfiguring the US state to an after-Fordist ‘workfare’ paradigm. In particular, the paper attempts to situate recent developments in the reconfiguration of the American welfare state within the context of debates over the ‘exceptional’ nature of US politics post-9/11. The extent to which this has had a bearing on work practices, welfare provision and workfarism is investigated, citing examples from the post-9/11 era. On the basis of such examples it has been suggested that the project of reconfiguring the US welfare state and labour relations does overlap and intersect with the emergency practices that the US state has instituted domestically as part of the War on Terror. However, the reconfiguration of the US welfare state towards a neoliberal or workfarist paradigm is, we argue, largely part of the ‘normal’ (as opposed to exceptional) fabric of US politics. The project of reconfiguring the US welfare state is ongoing and largely autonomous (although not entirely removed) from the use of exceptional practices in relation to the US security state. Investigation of this relationship, we assert, provides a potentially fruitful ‘new direction’ for both critical geopolitics and political economic geography, and grounds for interaction between the two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa is a region of renewed interest for American foreign-policy elites, both in and out of government. The purpose of this paper is twofold: to explore American foreign-policy elites' assessments of Africa before and after 11 September 2001, and to analyze how these assessments have been translated into American foreign policy toward Africa. The analysis is based on a review of government, think-tank, and other publications and transcripts associated with American foreign-policy elites, including the journal Foreign Affairs. Special focus is given to the strategic ranking and assessment of foreign countries within a global geopolitical code, or mental map of priority areas for U. S. military, economic, and diplomatic resources and engagement. American foreign-policy elites' assessments of Africa have shifted substantially since the 1990s, when the continent was largely regarded as quite marginal to American interests. Since late 2001, concerns about failed and failing states have emerged as a central theme in American foreign-policy elites' assessment of Africa and other parts of the developing world. Concerns about the nexus of transnational Islamist terrorism and failing states have prompted many such elites to call for a grand American geopolitical program of nation-building and military decentralization. To date, the United States has taken only small steps to align its foreign policy toward Africa. Significant tensions and contradictions limiting the execution of a new grand strategy remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rare earth elements (REE) contain unique chemical and physical properties such as lanthanum, are found in small concentrations, need extensive precise processes to separate, and are critical components of modern technologies such as laser guidance systems, personal electronics such as IPhones, satellites, and military weapons systems as varied as Virginia-class fast attack submarines, DDG-51 Aegis destroyers, the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, and precision guided munitions. The U.S. has some rare earth resources, but is heavily dependent on access to them from countries as varied as Afghanistan, Bolivia, and China. Losing access to these resources would have significant adverse economic, military, and political implications for the U.S. and its allies if their supply sources are restricted or eliminated. This article will examine the critical strategic importance of these resources, the historical origins and contemporary development of U.S. policy toward strategic minerals, and how multiple U.S. Government agencies are involved in this emerging policymaking arena. It features significant use of U.S. and foreign government statistics and analyses and scholarly journal literature. It will conclude by suggesting efforts to limit the severity of this problem to the U.S.' economy and national security interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commentators believe that programs in China promoting development of new renewable energy capacity have produced astonishing achievements in a short period of time. Evoking the "space race" between the United States and the U.S.S.R. after the launch of the Sputnik satellite in 1957, observers contend that the United States and China are in a "greentech race" to secure international leadership in the development and deployment of renewable energy. As U.S. Energy Secretary Chu has put it, many believe this is a modern "Sputnik moment." This Article finds that China's programs and initiatives are indeed leading to considerable success, but, using three different metrics (growth of China's greentech industry, levels of government support and financing, and installed capacity figures), finds that claims that China is "winning" the "greentech race" are currently over-stated. Continuing on to discuss the link between climate change and national security, the Article concludes that the "greentech race" metaphor is counter-productive, and the "race" rhetoric should be downplayed for two major reasons. First, it would hamper continued cooperation between the United States and China on climate matters, which is essential given the world's pressing needs to address climate change. Second, using a detailed description of the security threat posed in each situation, the Article finds that the national security background to the growth of renewable energy is considerably different from that which prompted the growth of the United States' space industry after the Sputnik launch, and concludes that the "race" metaphor is an inappropriate fit to the present situation. Finally, the Article finds that the most productive response to concerns about the growth of renewable energy sector in China would be stronger programs and initiatives to encourage the renewable energy industry in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the validity of the connection between the increase in the usage of sport-utility-vehicles (SUV) and national security in the United States. This is a relationship between foreign policy, security and national identity portraying that they are the ones that played an important role in making the SUV possible.

Presents several issues and topics discussed in the Assessing Alternative Frameworks for Gulf Security conference held in January 2004 in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Role of the U.S. in the security of Persian Gulf Region; Diversification of U.S. bases and its impact on Gulf geopolitics; Egyptian role in Iraq.