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This paper is an explorative discourse on the state of democracy, national security and good governance in Nigeria. The paper through the use of system theory unfolds the hyphen and buckle between good governance and national security. It argues that poor political governance as manifested in lack of people centered leadership, corruption, poor institutionalization of democratic principles and ideals, widespread unemployment, poverty, wide spread illiteracy among others have led to crude contestation of political power which continues to threaten the survival of the Nigerian state. It will not be false to say that Nigeria once again became democratic in 1999 but has not taken advantage of this form of government to put in place measures that will ensure good governance and national security. The lack of good governance in the country is traceable to the absence of true democracy which has brought with it increased insecurity. Today, new security challenges like suicide bombings, terrorist attacks, kidnapping, armed robbery and banditry are on the increase in Nigeria. There is also increased poverty and hunger, decayed infrastructure and particularly, corrupt leadership etc. This situation is wreaking efforts at deepening democratic practices, which in turn portends serious danger to national security and integration. This paper therefore aims at examining how the combine efforts of entrenched democracy and good governance can enhance national security in Nigeria.

The maintenance of internal and external security of the state is essentially the primary duty of the government. In Nigeria, this has become imperative in the face of the myriad of threats to her national security from within and outside. Nigeria has been bedeviled by the problem of insecurity caused by armed robbery, political violence, ethno-religious conflicts, Fulani herdsmen, Boko Haram insurgents and the Niger Delta insurgency. For a country trying to nurture her evolving democracy, security threat in whatever form is antithetic to sustainable democracy. This paper therefore, examines the elements of national security, which include but not limited to military, political, economic, and environmental security. It concludes that the myriad of security threats facing the country requires more than military force to resolve in order to achieve true national security. The paper recommended several measures to be put in place by the government to deemphasize its absolute reliance on the military for national security; ranging from the use of other elements of national power, such as diplomacy, negotiation and law enforcement, social and economic equity to environmental justice., Обеспечение внутренней и внешней безопасности государства является первоочередной обязанностью власти. В Нигерии это стало насущной необходимостью в условиях огромного количества угроз национальной безопасности страны как внутренних, так и внешних. Нигерия страдает от опасностей, вызванных вооруженными грабежами, политическим насилием, этнорелигиозными конфликтами, террористическими атаками племен скотоводов Фулани, мятежами боевиков из террористической организации «Боко Харам». Для страны, которая изо всех сил стремится идти по пути демократического развития, угроза безопасности в любой форме несовместима с понятием устойчивой демократии.Статья посвящена анализу составляющих национальной безопасности, которые включают в себя, но не ограничиваются сферами военной, политической, экономической и экологической безопасности. Выводом исследования является то, что для достижения настоящей национальной безопасности и устранения многочисленных угроз, с которыми сталкивается страна, необходимо применение не только военной силы.Предлагаются меры, которые должно принять правительство страны для преодоления своей полной зависимости от вооруженного разрешения проблем национальной безопасности, прежде всего с помощью таких властных инструментов, как дипломатия, переговоры, правоохранительные действия, обеспечение социального, экономического равенства и экологической справедливости., Забезпечення внутрішньої і зовнішньої безпеки держави є найпершим обов’язком влади. У Нігерії це стало нагальною потребою в умовах величезної кількості загроз національній безпеці країни зсередини та ззовні. Нігерія потерпає від небезпек, спричинених озброєними пограбуваннями, політичним насиллям, етнорелігійними конфліктами, терористичними атаками племен скотарів Фулані, заколотами бойовиків з терористичної організації «Боко Харам». Для країни, яка щосили прагне йти шляхом демократичного розвитку, загроза безпеки у будь-якій формі несумісна з поняттям стійкої демократії.Статтю присвячено аналізу складових національної безпеки, що включають у себе, але не обмежуються сферами воєнної, політичної, економічної та екологічної безпеки. Висновком дослідження є те, що для досягнення реальної національної безпеки та усунення численних загроз, з якими стикається країна, необхідне застосування не лише воєнної сили. Пропонуються заходи, яких має вжити уряд країни для послаблення своєї повної залежності від збройного вирішення проблем національної безпеки, насамперед за допомогою таких владних інструментів, як дипломатія, перемовини, правоохоронні дії, забезпечення соціальної й економічної рівності та екологічної справедливості.

Rad se bavi prikazom položaja kurdske manjine u Turskoj te nastoji istražiti mogućnosti rješenja kurdskog pitanja s obzirom na okolnosti, unutarnje i vanjske, kroz koje je Turska prolazila i koje danas oblikuju političku situaciju te države. Cilj je procijeniti perspektivu za rješavanjem kurdskog problema s obzirom na interpretaciju istog od strane turskih vlasti kao vodećeg izazova za nacionalnu sigurnost. Nadalje, navođenjem i analizom faktora koji se pokazuju ključnim u oblikovanju politike vlasti prema Kurdima, rad opisuje status kurdskog pitanja kao ugroze turskog identiteta i sigurnosti. Isto tako, nastoji pokazati potencijale za drugačijim pristupom tematiziranom problemu. Promotrivši sve činitelje, njihova preklapanja, pozitivne i negativne učinke, u konačnici se ispostavlja kako trenutno ne postoji perspektiva za boljim položajem Kurda u Turskoj, na koje će se i dalje gledati kao na vodeću prijetnju unutarnjoj sigurnosti države. Razlozi tome zaključku su slabosti turskog političkog sustava u obliku nedostatka demokratskih vrijednosti, terorističke prijetnje PKK i Islamske države, regionalnih sukoba i nedostatka pozitivnog utjecaja iz međunarodne sfere. Prema svemu navedenom, mogućnost rješenja pitanja Kurda ostaje neostvarena., This paper presents the condition of Kurdish minority in Turkey and attempts to explore the possibilities of finding solution to the Kurdish question regarding the circumstances, internal and external, through which Turkey went through and which mold the political situation in that country today. The goal is to estimate a perspective for finding a solution to the Kurdish issue considering the interpretation of the same from Turkish government as a leading national security challenge. Furthermore, through listing and analysis of key factors in shaping government's policy towards the Kurds, this paper describes the status of Kurdish issue as a threat to Turkish identity and security. Also, it attempts to manifest potentials for a different approach to the question at hand. By bringing forward all factors, their overlapping, positive and negative impacts, the final turnout is that there is no immediate perspective for a better status of Kurds in Turkey, whom will still be observed as a leading internal security threat. Reasoning for such conclusion lies within the weaknesses of Turkish political system that lacks in democratic values, terrorist threats of the PKK and Islamic State, regional conflicts and the shortage of positive influence from international sphere. According to everything that is brought up, the possibility of solution to the Kurdish issue remains unrealized.

Rad se bavi prikazom položaja kurdske manjine u Turskoj te nastoji istražiti mogućnosti rješenja kurdskog pitanja s obzirom na okolnosti, unutarnje i vanjske, kroz koje je Turska prolazila i koje danas oblikuju političku situaciju te države. Cilj je procijeniti perspektivu za rješavanjem kurdskog problema s obzirom na interpretaciju istog od strane turskih vlasti kao vodećeg izazova za nacionalnu sigurnost. Nadalje, navođenjem i analizom faktora koji se pokazuju ključnim u oblikovanju politike vlasti prema Kurdima, rad opisuje status kurdskog pitanja kao ugroze turskog identiteta i sigurnosti. Isto tako, nastoji pokazati potencijale za drugačijim pristupom tematiziranom problemu. Promotrivši sve činitelje, njihova preklapanja, pozitivne i negativne učinke, u konačnici se ispostavlja kako trenutno ne postoji perspektiva za boljim položajem Kurda u Turskoj, na koje će se i dalje gledati kao na vodeću prijetnju unutarnjoj sigurnosti države. Razlozi tome zaključku su slabosti turskog političkog sustava u obliku nedostatka demokratskih vrijednosti, terorističke prijetnje PKK i Islamske države, regionalnih sukoba i nedostatka pozitivnog utjecaja iz međunarodne sfere. Prema svemu navedenom, mogućnost rješenja pitanja Kurda ostaje neostvarena. This paper presents the condition of Kurdish minority in Turkey and attempts to explore the possibilities of finding solution to the Kurdish question regarding the circumstances, internal and external, through which Turkey went through and which mold the political situation in that country today. The goal is to estimate a perspective for finding a solution to the Kurdish issue considering the interpretation of the same from Turkish government as a leading national security challenge. Furthermore, through listing and analysis of key factors in shaping government's policy towards the Kurds, this paper describes the status of Kurdish issue as a threat to Turkish identity and security. Also, it attempts to manifest potentials for a different approach to the question at hand. By bringing forward all factors, their overlapping, positive and negative impacts, the final turnout is that there is no immediate perspective for a better status of Kurds in Turkey, whom will still be observed as a leading internal security threat. Reasoning for such conclusion lies within the weaknesses of Turkish political system that lacks in democratic values, terrorist threats of the PKK and Islamic State, regional conflicts and the shortage of positive influence from international sphere. According to everything that is brought up, the possibility of solution to the Kurdish issue remains unrealized.

This paper provides a comparative perspective on judicial review in Indonesia after the establishment of the Constitutional Court in 2003. It starts by retelling the well-known story of the "transformation of American law" over the first half of the last century. As narrated by Morton Horwitz, that story is about how nineteenth-century industrialisation processes destabilised the premises of "Classical Legal Thought", and then about how the legal realist movement exploited the ensuing crisis to transform the way Americans think about law and its relationship to other social systems. Mining this story for generalisable concepts, the paper argues that the establishment of strong-form judicial review necessarily draws on and, in turn, influences prevailing conceptions of legal and political authority. These conceptions vary along a continuum, in the first case, from public confidence in law's autonomy to a conception of law as deeply immersed in politics, and, in the second case, from a conception of legitimate political authority as contingent on a fairly won democratic mandate to a conception of political authority as residing in the power holder's capacity to promote important social goals, such as national security or economic prosperity. Each of these variables may change independently of the other. In certain situations, however, they may also combine to form a relatively stable judicial review regime – a hegemonic legitimating ideology in which conceptions of legal and political authority lock into and mutually support each other. The fourth section uses this conceptual framework to assess the Indonesian Constitutional Court's approach to its mandate after 2003. Under its first two chief justices, the paper notes, the Court engaged in a concerted effort to build public understanding of its legitimate role in national politics. The Court's abrupt switch between its first Chief Justice, Jimly Asshiddiqie's legalist conception of law's authority and his successor, Mohammad Mahfud's more instrumentalist conception, however, has impeded the consolidation of a determinate judicial review regime. Given the considerable threats still confronting Indonesia's democracy, this situation is worrisome. The Court urgently needs to present a coherent account of its legitimate claim to authority if it is to continue playing an effective role.

This paper examines the growing rate of unequal access to tertiary education among Nigerian youths and its implication for national security. Although bias has existed during the colonial era, recent events reveal high waves of access-inequality and prejudice. Following the trend of violence, terrorism and insecurity in Nigeria today, this paper contends that youth education, reorientation and empowerment organized through unbiased processes are fundamental requisites for socio-economic, political and national security. The paper argues further that the number of youths who enjoy unrestricted access to tertiary education is unequal to the number of those who find it as privilege rather than rights. A significant number of Nigerian youths are illiterate and resultantly gullible to anti-social cajoles courtesy of rapacious and nefarious political leaders who use them as tools for disrupting the nation‟s political and democratic stability. This is done through rigging, thuggery, and religious violence which are detrimental to national peace and security. The paper therefore, concludes that there is urgent need for government, educational policy makers and stakeholders to repackage educational priorities in such a way to removing all biases preventing youths, especially the poor, from enjoying educational opportunities. This will help, a great deal, in curbing youth‟s involvement in activities that are inimical to national security. Key words; Access, Crime, Education, Inequality, Security, Youth

This paper focuses on the problem of conflicts that are socio-political in nature. It thus agrees that conflict is a product of human interaction, but its degeneration into violence is avoidable and consequently detestable. The repressive, depressive and destructive functions of socio-political conflict are seen as products of the tension that exists between personal values and social values among the different individuals and groups that make up the nation of Nigeria, especially in the very attempt at defining national security, social peace and political stability. This contretemps undermines the success of democracy in Nigeria; it is more problematic when democracy as a form of government is discovered to harbour conflict in its very attempts at ensuring an enduring social order. The paper thus advocates for a fundamental socio-political reconstruction based on the cherished values of African traditional thought that promotes social cohesion, respect for the dignity of the human person, social justice and economic growth. The philosophical methods of analysis and conceptual clarification, in addition to empirical methods, are employed.

Several tendencies in US foreign policy politics generated a new foreign policy consensus set to outlast the Bush administration. Three developments are analysed: increasing influence of conservative organizations - such as the Heritage Foundation, and of neoconservatism; and, particularly, democratic peace theory-inspired liberal interventionism. 9-11 fused those three developments, though each tendency retained its 'sphere of action': Right and Left appear to have forged an historically effective ideology of global intervention, an enduring new configuration of power. This paper analyses a key liberal interventionists' initiative - the Princeton Project on National Security - that sits at the heart of thinking among centrists, liberal and conservative alike. This paper also assesses the efficacy of the new consensus by exploring the foreign policy positions and advisers of President-elect Barack Obama and his defeated Republican rival, Senator John McCain, concluding that the new president is unlikely significantly to change US foreign policy.

This paper looks at the relationship between the design of a law which aims to give individuals a right to access information held by public authorities, i.e. a right to information (RTI) law, and the successful implementation of that law. The legal framework involves both laws and subordinate legislation, such as regulations, which complement the law and are easier to amend, with the result that there is likely to be a more dynamic relationship between the design of regulations and implementation challenges. There is also, of course, the question of how laws are interpreted by the courts, as well as other players, such as oversight bodies, which can impact significantly on implementation of the law. A key issue for this paper is the fact that there is, at least in many countries, a law-implementation or policy-practice gap in the sense that implementation of the RTI law is significantly sub-optimal.1 No law is perfectly implemented, but the gap between the standards of the formal rules and what actually happens is often quite significant for RTI laws. In some settings where observance of the rule of law is low, RTI laws are almost entirely ignored and/or certain key provisions in them are routinely ignored. This sort of radical policy-practice gap makes it difficult to discuss sensibly the relationship between legal design features and implementation, which is the focus of this paper. The paper therefore focuses on contexts where there is a reasonable expectation or an established record of medium to better practice in terms of implementation. A key focus is to discuss ways to reduce the policy-practice gap through more carefully tailored legal design.

This paper explores the nexus between democracy and national security in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the growing globally tenable optimism that holds that democracy is a desideratum for national progress and sustainability. By way of descriptive analysis of secondary sources, the paper posits that there is an integral and indispensable relationship between democracy and national security. Comprehending national security in terms of sustainable development, the paper argues that democracy in Nigeria should aspire towards leveraging potentials for sustainable national development in such a manner that guarantees enduring national sustainability. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n4p495

Nigeria has been faced with many security challenges especially since her return to democracy in 1999. Since 1999, the nation witnessed serious security challenges that has not only threatened her existence as a nation but has defied all solutions for its eradication including the efforts of the security agencies to tackle the problem. This calls for an urgent attention and collaboration of the traditional rulers in checking the rising tide of insecurity in Nigeria. As the rulers of various communities, and the custodian of the people’s culture, they have a grip of the people at the grass root and therefore can mobilize the people for action against insecurity in their domain and by extension the nation. The paper is to examine not only the roles of the traditional rulers in the maintenance of security for an effective nation building but also how the institution to be restructured for it to perform better in the maintenance of national security for sustainable development in Nigeria. This demands that the traditional institution be restructured in a way and manner that it will operate optimally in the maintenance of national security

National Security has been a challenging and disturbing issue in Nigeria. Several efforts have been made by national security agencies to provide effective and endearing security mechanisms, yet, the problem of national security has continued to rear up its ugly head. This paper is one of such efforts to show that ineffective language use can threaten national security while effective use can enhance it. Language use in interpersonal relationship is like a double- edged sword. It can be used to destroy as well as be used to mend. The present democratic dispensation in Nigeria has been characterized by several sheds of crisis situation, most of which have been connected to or existed in ineffective, inappropriate language use by political players. This raises the question of “political correctness” which argues about the relationship between words and “meaning”. The thrust of this paper has been to examine how ineffective language use threatens the desired security of the nation. It also exposed how effective language use could enhance the management and resolution of the already threatened situation which affects interpersonal relationship. Thus, the researcher examined and analysed some excerpts from a selected print media which are comments credited to top political players in Nigeria. The analyses have considered both the semantic and pragmatic imports as they affect the sociopolitical situations in the country.Key words: Language, Language Can, Security, National Security, and Language Use.

Bearing in mind that international cooperation and solidarity are fundamental principles underlying the endeavour of international law, reflected in General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV) which affirms the duty of states to cooperate with one another in accordance with the Charter, as well as international agreements, such as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Treaty on Principle Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, and the Antarctic Treaty which reflect and address global concerns. This paper is a desk-based (non-empirical) research which examines the impacts and implications as well as theories of regional integration or cooperation on the member state’s sovereignty, among others. It reveals regional cooperation has both the upside and downside. It concludes that regional cooperation is global trend; it will have different effects in different regions and development issues. Keywords: Obstacles; Impacts State Cooperation; Regionalism; Rational; Supranationalism; State Integration; State Sovereignty.

The paper focuses its analysis on the last three decades of the twentieth century. The basic assumption is that Egypt's economic performance during this period was less than satisfactory compared with the most successful examples in the far East and elsewhere. The paper also assumes that Egypt's initial conditions at midcentury compared favorably with the winners in the development race at the end of the century. Egypt has achieved positive progress, no doubt, yet compared with the higher performers in Asia, and given its favorable good initial conditions, the record seems quite mediocre. By mid-twentieth century, Egypt's agriculture had almost reached its limits. Egypt, therefore, faced a new challenge: a need to transform itself into an industrial society. This objective was only partially achieved. The paper identifies three interrelated factors that helped hinder Egypt's accession to a new industrial society. The first factor is a strong state and a weak society. An authoritarian state that in its endeavor to preserve its prerogatives had to give up good governance practices and limit the creative initiative of the individuals. The second factor is a semi-rentier economy. The availability of windfall revenues not only reduced the pressure for change but also promoted a new rentier mentality that undermined the emergence of an industrial spirit. The third factor is an inadequate education system. This system failed to provide the proper skills and values required for the industrial society. These factors, moreover, are interdependent and reinforce each other.

In the US fiscal year 2019, Trump and the US Congress agreed to provide foreign military assistance funds approximately $400 million to Ukraine. In its distribution process, Trump procrastinated the release as he decided to halt that in July. Two months later, he changed it and released the assistance. This study seeks to analyze the dynamics of that rapid change policy. In doing so, it employs qualitative research, particularly the process-tracing method as its function to trace the causal mechanism of the research puzzle. By applying Neoclassical Realism provided by Ripsman, Taliaferro, and Lobell, this paper demonstrates some findings: The halt policy is regarding Trump's political endeavor to weaken and outperform his domestic political rival, the Democratic Party. Trump asked the Ukrainian counterpart to investigate Joe Biden's corruption and reverted Russia hack scandal in the last US presidential election in exchange for the release of military assistance. However, the policy was hampered by some domestic elements, (1) some of the Foreign Policy Executive thought the halt policy was not following the US national security, hence they acted as whistleblowers issuing Trump personal interest in the issue to gain wider public awareness; (2) US Strategic Culture, a perception that shapes Russia as among US enemy. Thus, that halt policy is perceived against US collective value; (3) US check and balance system; (4) Trump consideration that the halt policy can jeopardize his position as president in the next election. These factors contribute to the release of assistance.

This study aims to analyze the influence of the National Security Doctrine on the militarization of Brazilian police between 1969-1970. During the military dictatorship, there were developments in the interpretation of who is the “internal enemy” for the State. That interpretation could have impact on the militarization of Brazilian police. The São Paulo State Public Force militarization model became the central reference of analysis in this paper because it’s one of the main practical laboratories for the institutionalization of the National Security Doctrine in the highlighted period. In order to achieve the objectives, the historical-legal investigation focused on primary sources (documents and reports produced at the time) and secondary sources (academic and doctrinal works, in dialogue with institutions and legislation). The institutional changes in the military police triggered by the military regime's internal security plans and guidelines were linked to the practices of State agents within an apparatus considered authoritarian, managed exclusively by the Armed Forces, without control by the institutions and the population. The transition from dictatorship to democracy has not been able to activate institutional reforms in the structure of military policies, especially for the demilitarization of the police as auxiliary forces of the Armed Forces. O presente estudo pretende analisar a influência da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional na militarização das polícias brasileiras entre 1969-1970. Durante a ditadura militar, houve desdobramentos na interpretação sobre quem é o “inimigo interno” para o Estado, o que poderia gerar impactos na militarização das polícias brasileiras. O modelo de militarização ocorrido na Força Pública do Estado de São Paulo passa a ser a referência central de análise nesse trabalho por ser um dos principais laboratórios práticos de institucionalização da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional no período em destaque. Para que os objetivos pudessem ser alcançados, a investigação histórico-jurídica debruçou-se sobre fontes primárias (documentos e relatórios produzidos na época) e secundárias (trabalhos acadêmicos e de doutrinas, em diálogo com as instituições e legislação). As modificações institucionais nas polícias militares desencadeadas pelos planejamentos e diretrizes de segurança interna do regime militar articularam-se às práticas dos agentes do Estado dentro de um aparato considerado autoritário, geridos exclusivamente pelas Forças Armadas, sem controle por parte das instituições e da população. A transição da ditadura para a democracia não foi capaz de ativar reformas institucionais na estrutura das políticas militares, sobretudo para a desmilitarização das polícias como forças auxiliares das Forças Armadas.

The “Nixon China Shock” (the July 15, 1971 statement by the U.S. President R. Nixon about the recent trip of his National Security Advisor H. Kissinger to the PRC and about the President’s upcoming visit there) became one of the pivotal points in the history of Japanese foreign policy and contributed to Tokyo becoming more independent from Washington in its diplomatic course. Using the case of Japan’s reaction to this event, the article explores the characteristic features of the foreign policy making process in post-war Japan and demonstrates the considerable influence of these features on the character of Japanese foreign policy of the so-called “1955 System” period (the prolonged and continuous dominance of the conservative Liberal Democratic Party in 1955-93). The paper shows the decentralization of the foreign policy making process, expressed in the limited ability of the Prime Minister to determine foreign policy, the presence of considerable internal contradictions in the MoFA of Japan, the factionalism of the ruling party, and the high degree of dependency of the government’s policy course on the public opinion. It proves that these factors were one of the reasons for Japan’s political leadership avoiding decisive actions to normalize relations with the PRC before the “Nixon shock”, cautious that it might damage its relations with the U.S. and unable to discern the signs of upcoming U.S.-Chinese détente, and after this event, vice versa, making every effort to normalize its relations with Beijing as soon as possible, reaching this goal even before their American partners did. Given the historical importance of the “1955 System” for contemporary Japanese politics, the article’s conclusions are significant for the understanding of the logic of Japan’s domestic politics and foreign policy of the entire post-war period.Author declares the absence of conflict of interests.

In this paper, the authors analyse the ambiguous political decision to ban the major Russian web resources from access to the Ukrainian market, in spite of heavy criticisms from local and foreign experts. While the supporters of the new internet policy claimed the new strategy to be coherent with cybersecurity priorities of the country, the opponents pointed out a set of legal and political limitations. Drawing on the setting and results of taking a new approach to information policy, we describe the fragility of Euromaidan democratic heritage and drawbacks of the current political regime. The logical method of legal interpretation has been applied to analyse the controversies of the current legislation on Russian internet resources restriction. The article concludes that Ukrainian post-Euromaidan governance model needs to consolidate the efforts in order to prove the commitment to freedom of speech as a core European value and replace spontaneous actions with an evidence-based approach to political decision-making.

There exists an inherent conflict of values in Israeli society —the primacy of national security, which subordinates almost every other aspect of democracy in Israel, versus the ideal of liberal democracy focusing on individual rights —chief among these being freedom of expression. These conflicting values have been brought to the surface in recent years due to the rapid growth of Internet use by the general public in Israel. The incidents reviewed in this paper serve to underscore the tensions between national security and democracy in Israel, a tension that today is related more to deeply-seated political and cultural concepts of democracy than to any real threat to the country’s existence. This paper discusses the political and cultural aspects of democracy and national security in Israel vis-a-vis computer-mediated communication (CMC).

Este artículo analiza, desde una óptica de derecho comparado, el vínculo que une el estudio del fenómeno del criminal compliance, capaz de evitar o reducir hasta niveles de tolerancia social los riesgos emanados de la actividad empresarial, con las prioridades estratégicas globales (seguridad humana, desarrollo sostenible) establecidas por organismos internacionales como, por ejemplo, Naciones Unidas. Se considera que este enfoque servirá para que los Estados democráticos fortalezcan el Estado de derecho y, particu­larmente, las pautas legales relativas a la prevención en materia de compliance dentro y fuera de las fronteras nacionales. Así, el presente trabajo, para cuya redacción se examinó una variedad de documentos estratégicos penales y extrapenales, advierte que el modelo preventivo ofrecido por el compliance en aras de proteger bienes jurídico-penales puede ser útil para contener otros riesgos que causan inseguridad en las sociedades actuales. This paper analyzes, the link that ties the study of the phenom­enon of criminal compliance with global strategic priorities (human security, sustainable development) established by international organizations such as the United Nations) from a comparative law perspective. The phenomenon of criminal compliance is capable of avoiding or reducing the risks arising from business activity to levels of social tolerance. It is considered that this approach will serve for democratic States to strengthen the rule of law and, particularly, the legal guidelines related to the prevention of compliance within and outside national borders. Thus, the present work, for the drafting of which a variety of strategic criminal and extra-criminal documents were examined, warns that the preventive model offered by compliance in order to protect legal-criminal assets may be useful to contain other risks that cause insecurity in current societies.

Crime is a universally phenomenon that is threatening the security of various countries in varying degrees. The causes of criminal activities also vary from one nation to another. In Nigeria, political and business crime rate is on the increase almost on a daily basis, and it is difficult to point figures at the direction of the twin evils that left the country prostrate economically, politically, and socially. The objectives of this paper are to examine the various criminal activities in Nigeria and identify what can be done to minimize its spread in order to safeguard Nigerian Democracy from total collapse. The paper concludes that since crime has become endemic in Nigeria System such that there is hardly anything that could be done without gratification. Government and decision makers must therefore genuinely as matter of policy shift its thinking about crime and punishment and turn its focus to crime prevention, addressing the root causes of crime such as lack of employment which rampant among the youth, and devoting our resources to community building, education, and workforce development that provides jobs at a living wage because the future of Nigeria and our democracy depends on them. It must also direct its policy-programme toward maintaining social and economic development in the rural areas and enhance effective management of the urban areas. This will be achieved if government empowers the rural dwellers to produce more food International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences October 2011, Vol. 1, No. 3 ISSN: 2222-6990 391 www.hrmars.com/journals because stomach security is crucial to national security. This will not only protect our ways of life and our democratic dispensation, but also for other developing society to emulate.

The allocation of resources to defence and national security is influenced by several factors, both domestic and external. Empirical findings suggest that military spending is determined by economic, strategic, political, and security factors. Studies that estimate demand functions for such budgetary outlays focus either on individual country case studies or on groups of countries that share some similar traits and characteristics or belong to the same geopolitical region. This paper, using a panel of 12 Latin American countries and quantile regression analysis, estimates the demand for military expenditure over the 1965–2015 period. Results reported herein indicate that such spending has been driven by both domestic and external factors. The former include the economy as well as the political characteristics of the government as these are quantified by the Polity index of democracy. Intrastate conflict that has plagued many Latin American countries also emerges as a strong driving force in the allocation of resources to defence. Military spending by neighbouring countries with common borders emerges as the external strategic determinant that affects the demand for defence expenditures.