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Equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI)--or sometimes styled EDID by including decolonization--is an institutionalized response to demands for access, inclusion, recognition, and redistribution by communities of people excluded from traditional centres of power. Under the banner of EDI(D), educational institutions have launched an extensive program of adult education, seeking to "train" institutional actors to adhere to policies and root out bias in practice. In this paper, Bannerji situates the relations of EDI work within the broader framing of multiculturalism, racism, and ideologies of education in Canada. Drawing from Dorothy Smith's unique articulations of ontology and ideology, Bannerji confronts the ideological praxis of EDI work and asks us to consider the politics of identity and pedagogy that constitute this particular conjuncture.

The aim of this paper is to explore how the Alberta Social Studies 30-1 textbook, "Perspectives on Ideology" (Fielding et al., 2009) can contribute to orientalist discourse in its presentation of Islam, especially with respect to terrorism, extremism, and illiberalism--three concepts that appear in the Alberta Social Studies Program of Study. Using a content and discourse analysis, the study found three central findings that contributed to an orientalist framing of Islam: a lack of nuanced discussion of Islam; positioning Islam as a source of terrorism; and a lack of acknowledgement of wrongdoing following injustices perpetrated towards Muslims in Canada. This study concludes by offering ways in which social studies curricular support materials may interrogate to disrupt orientalist discourse, and challenges social studies educators to critically examine the limitations of some of the most common resource materials at their disposal.

Human Rights Education exists as an implementing entity of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Scholars such as Andre Keet and others have criticized the dissemination of universal rights through education because it covets Western ideology over local ethical and epistemological constructs. Using Tibbitts' revised typologies of Human Rights Education, this paper offers suggestions for critical pedagogy for the teaching of, for, and through Human Rights. These suggestions are drawn from examples of critical practice from throughout the world.

The biggest threat to civil society in Canada and the United States is the economic doctrine known as neoliberalism. Sometimes referred to as the corporate agenda, this philosophy supports the deregulation of industry, the privatization of the commons, the weakening of workers' rights, and corporate tax cuts. Acknowledging that teaching is a political act, this paper makes a case for social studies and history teachers to develop pedagogy that lifts the hegemonic veil for students. Progressive values--progressive tax reform, support for workers, strengthening social welfare, and regulating industry--are the antithesis of neoliberalism. After describing the effects of neoliberalism today, the paper highlights important victories for working- and middle-class citizens taken for a stronger civil society in the pasts of both countries based on Keynesian economics and social democratic values. The paper outlines a pedagogical approach for social studies teachers based upon ideology critique, critical media literacy, and reframing of neoliberal discourses with progressive ones. Deconstructing hegemony is the crucial component of this critical pedagogy.

This paper explores the relationship between neoliberal ideology and the discourse and practice of education governance reform in Ontario over the last two decades. It focuses on changes in education governance introduced by successive Ontario governments: the NDP government from 1990 to 1995, the Progressive Conservative government from 1995 to 2003, and the Liberal government from 2003 until the present. The analytical approach deploys the three models of education governance identified by Bedard and Lawton (2000)--policy interdependence, administrative agency and policy tutelage--to describe differences in the policy content of the neoliberal governance reform projects undertaken by each government. The paper uses the work and recommendations of three government-appointed bodies--the Royal Commission on Learning (RCOL), the Education Improvement Commission (EIC) and the Governance Review Committee (GRC)--to capture critical shifts and tensions in governance reform strategies. Three interrelated points are offered to further the understanding of education governance dynamics in neoliberal paradigms in Ontario: first, the influence of political ideologies on approaches to governance and accountability; second, the mediating role played by government-appointed bodies; and third, the incrementalism of neoliberal reforms in education governance policy. (Contains 2 footnotes.)

The term "globalization" does more than represent a set of material (and ideological) processes that have impacts on education and schooling. Additionally, "globalization" operates as a conceptual lens or set of interventions, which is significantly impacting academic discourses in Education and in other disciplines. Not only has "Globalization and Education" (G&E) emerged as a new, trans-disciplinary field of Educational Studies, insights from this field and globalization studies more directly have impacted many other fields of Education. This paper summarizes major impacts of globalization on education and maps out a "first-wave" G&E discourse by analyzing a small set of key texts published around the turn of the century. The paper distills key uses of globalization from this "first-wave" G&E and more recent correctives to clarify the potential applications for--and implications of the "lens" of--globalization for educational scholarship. (Contains 9 footnotes.)

In a milieu where traditional views of scholarship are embedded in the culture of educational institutions, and nursing programs in particular, this paper reports on a research project designed to support nurse educators' capacity to engage in scholarly activities. Rogers' (2003, 2004) "Diffusion of Innovation" model provided a theoretical vantage point from which to consider the ways scholarly inquiry in and across the nursing programs could be promoted. The project was evaluated between 2004 and 2007 using both quantitative and qualitative methods. In this paper we highlight some of the meanings emerging from the qualitative information collected because this data best illustrates Rogers' (2003) model. Although significant progress was made towards building scholarship capacity with nursing faculty there remains ongoing work to be undertaken. Continuing to support a broader view of scholarship and intentional scholarship capacity building, particularly the scholarship of teaching and learning is becoming increasingly difficult given existing cultural and structural contradictions such as traditional ideologies associated with research; the competitiveness associated with the valuing of individual research; lack of infrastructure supports; and time for research in contexts where there are decreasing numbers of faculty. The authors think it is important to pay attention to this feedback as advances in scholarship of teaching and learning may be at risk. (Contains 1 table and 2 footnotes.)

This paper analyzes the ideological orientations of Canadian university professors based on a unique 2000 study of a representative sample of Canadian academics (n=3,318). After summarizing methodological problems with extant research on this subject, and tentatively comparing the political views of Canadian and American academics, the paper demonstrates that Canadian academics fall to the left of the political spectrum but are not hugely different in this respect from the Canadian university-educated population. Multivariate analyses reveal considerable heterogeneity in the ideological views of Canadian professors, suggesting that contemporary characterizations of the North American professoriate as left- or right-leaning tend to be overdrawn. Multivariate analyses demonstrate the importance of disadvantaged status and disciplinary socialization in shaping professors' ideological views, although self-selection processes are not discounted. (Contains 5 notes and 5 tables.)

This paper explores the social construction of knowledge, identity formation, and the ways in which the education system supports dominant societal ideology. I examine how dominant historical and societal ideologies are deeply cultivated and facilitated through education systems, including forcefully through the residential school system and, in many cases, subtly through post-secondary education. Further, I identify the method in which personal biases, predisposed by dominant social influence, are subconsciously reflected in the classroom through micro-aggressive behaviour. Weber's (2010) framework of themes provides a comprehensive perspective from which to understand the nature in which identity is influenced by dominant societal ideology. Finally, I analyze the social construction of knowledge, development of identity, and support of dominant ideology through Gramsci's concept of hegemony and Foucault's theory of discourse. The discussion then shifts to describe how conscientization and critical reflection can provide a step forward towards diminishing dominant societal ideology within the educational environment and create a path to embracing Freire's concept of liberating education.

This study looks into the changing voice of Chinese Post-80s' students in English academic writing. Data were collected qualitatively through interviews with four Chinese Post-80s overseas graduate students and through an examination of their English essays with a focus on discursive features. Findings indicate that Chinese Post-80s' voice is changing as a result of their use of linear logical patterns, reduced influence of the ideology of collectivism, and dismissal of the traditional eight-legged essay. The paper offers pedagogical implications for academic writing programs both in China and in the West. Further research on other discursive features employed in Chinese students' English writing is suggested.

There are similar assumptions between participatory action research (PAR) and teaching for social justice (TSJ). Much of this paper focuses on the influence of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire on both PAR and TSJ. Personal anecdotes with both PAR and TSJ from my twenty years of experience as a teacher educator/researcher in western Canada demonstrate Freirean approaches. In their most successful incarnations, both PAR and TSJ use critical theory to deconstruct hegemony, utilize critical discourse analysis, and engage in ideology critique. Both aim to challenge the forces that give rise to false political consciousness. PAR concentrates on the subjectivity and lived experiences of the research participants. The TSJ approach I employ is also based on the lived experience of the students. Freirean conceptions of political consciousness-raising, or conscientização, is integral to both TSJ and PAR. Freire's model for TSJ promotes a more progressive role for the school that encompasses pedagogy based on critical inquiry. Schools should unveil and transform oppressive practices and social arrangements that are created by unfair social hierarchies created by patriarchy, white supremacy, and unregulated capitalism. Freire emphasized the concept of praxis in his educational theory for emancipation. Praxis is the embodiment of students using their new found knowledge and political consciousness to employ agency and challenge the sources and structures of oppression. Praxis underlies Freire's perspectives on both PAR and TSJ.

Reflecting on our efforts to provide Canadian university students with a transformative learning experience in Cuba, we were surprised to find that dominant forms of liberal thinking were more difficult to challenge than was anticipated. This paper explores this phenomenon and offers deliberation as a means toward lessening the stronghold of such beliefs. It begins with a sketch of our group participants and an explanation of our methodology, alongside the theory of cultural liberalism that frames the study. This is followed by a two-part description of our findings, suggesting that the liberal ideologies accompanying such innocuous practices as facilitating group harmony filter into understandings of democratic citizenship well beyond such parameters. We end with a tentative conclusion about the possibilities for democratic education in the increasingly complicated space of global interdependence and Cuban transformation in that space.

This paper examines the cultural production of "Canada" and "Canadians" in "The Newcomers", a 1953 film produced by the National Film Board of Canada. Using a form of discourse analysis that sees talk as social interaction and identity as socially and locally constructed, this study illuminates how "Canada" and "Canadians" are talked into being in a film ostensibly about immigration and immigrants. While illustrating the moment-to-moment construction of these social identities in this specific context, this study also illustrates how ethnomethodological tools could be used to critically analyze the production of ideologies and identities in audio-visual media. Specific attention is paid to the marginalization of Aboriginal peoples in this governmental text. (Contains 3 footnotes.)

North Americans have had a lengthy and often one-sided relationship with Great Britain. Long after the waning of the British Empire and the apex of Britain's exercise of global political and economic hegemony, its cultural influence remains strong. Beyond the commercial successes in the box office and the bookstore, there is a much more immersive, even fetishistic and nostalgic, preoccupation with British culture, texts, and worldview within North American society, as well as other parts of the world. Described as anglophilia, or "Masterpiece Theatre Culture," its presence in North America is not wide, but its influence on those who exercise and maintain the traditionally dominant ideology has been significant, especially within the realms of economic and political power and academia. Anglophilia can be characterized by its adoration of the class system in Britain, in particular, the upper classes and their values. It is a form of leisure which is both consumptive and performative. As an antimodernist tendency it creates nostalgia for an English past, typically a genteel one.

Canadians live in a world of mega-spin where public relations corporate lobbyists play an increasingly larger role in news-making. To resist this trend, I have studied political ideology to understand the relationship between corporate media and systems of social, economic, and political power, and their hegemonic function, and indicate the bias inherent in the media, a contention that assumes the epistemological position that all knowledge is socially constructed. I demonstrate how preservice education students can acquire this understanding by reframing political discourse from different ideological perspectives, and how teachers can integrate critical media literacy into high-school social studies courses. (Contains 1 note.)

The corpus of existing curricular practices relating to the applied degree provides some opportunity to re-visit the Mission of Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATS) and transcend local and situated boundaries to consider the relatedness of what members of CAATS do well, what new activities they should be considering and how they face the challenges. The search for a comprehensive understanding of the applied degree has long eluded administrators, academics and policy makers. The inadequacy of any sustained analysis of the conditions and consequences of the applied degree is not due to the often attributed phlegmatic unwillingness of mainstream thinking to grapple with fundamental implications, financial or otherwise, but rather to a perniciously cemented resistance to any knowledge that challenges the privileged ethos of institutionalized hierarchies of power. Acknowledging the intellectual limits of orthodox thinking, a more critical analysis however seeks to make sense of the often ignored relationship between colleges and universities from various vantage points notably the pedagogy of praxis, dialectics of discipline and the primacy of partnerships. The author talks about the applied degree as the pedagogy of praxis, dialectics of discipline and the primacy of partnerships. The author offers some measures which suggest that Colleges would do well to work together in a host of different College and University partnerships according to aspects of the dominant ideologies that have been well buried in institutional practices. (Contains 3 figures.)

I propose that for ethics to become a normal activity, practiced by citizens on a daily basis, we begin by identifying barriers to this activity. Once things that get in the way have been identified, I examine ways that environmental educators can create conditions for ethics to become part of mainstream practices and processes of inquiry--to become a serious educational endeavor. Some practical examples and suggestions are provided. (Contains 3 notes.)

This paper problematizes Canadian breastfeeding policies and programs. It criticizes Canadian federal and provincial government policies and programs, which focus on a global goal of enabling all women to practise exclusive breastfeeding and do not pay enough attention to immigrant mothers' breastfeeding experience. Based on an analysis of government policies and in-depth qualitative interviews with two Chinese immigrant mothers in Canada, I argue that breastfeeding is an ideological practice associated with neo-liberalized restructuring that shapes the organization of current breastfeeding policies, educational and medical programs, and migrant mothers' everyday practice.

Copyright of Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education is the property of Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last 20 years, science-technology-society-environment education (STSE) education has been advocated as a way to advance scientific literacy. However, STSE education represents a broad range of ideologies and orientations. The purpose of this study was to compare and contrast two different science curricula through a case study approach. This study followed three classroom teachers from Ontario who decided to write a locally developed STSE course to replace the one that the government had discontinued. Through an analysis of the current government mandated STSE curricula and the proposed STSE curriculum, two distinct orientations emerged: social reconstruction and social reproduction. The analysis work suggests that these two orientations have fundamental philosophical differences and are irreconcilable. The paper concludes with a discussion about the implications for science educators.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kanada-Studien is the property of Gesellschaft fuer Kanada Studien e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Osgoode Hall Law Journal is the property of Osgoode Hall Law School and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, claims that multiculturalism has created segregated communities, encouraged terrorism, and failed to foster shared national identities in western nations have gained popularity. In this paper, we use young Canadian Muslims' lived experience of multiculturalism to reflect on this debate. Contrary to popular rhetoric, our interviews of 50 young Muslim adults show that many maintain a dual Canadian-Muslim identity by utilizing the ideology of multiculturalism, even though they are increasingly stigmatized for their religion. These findings lead us to problematize the discourse surrounding the 'failure' of multiculturalism and to highlight the contradictions within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Higher Education is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Higher Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There has been increasing concern among commentators and scholars about polarization in Canada. This note uses the Canadian Election Study from 1993 to 2019 to measure trends in ideological divergence , ideological consistency , and partisan-ideological sorting in the Canadian mass public. It finds only mixed evidence that Canadians are diverging ideologically and becoming more polarized—ideological distributions are unimodal and trends toward more dispersion are slight and driven entirely by the last two election cycles. Canadians are, however, becoming modestly more ideologically consistent and much more sorted—that is, partisanship, ideological identification, and policy beliefs are increasingly interconnected. These findings call for additional research on the causes and consequences of mass polarization in Canada and further efforts to situate these results, along with findings from the United States, in a comparative context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition is the property of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This ankle examines the Muslim shaping of gender ideology around the veiling practices of immigrant Muslim women in Canada. Women's veiling is often attributed to the mobilization of traditional value, against the universalizing influences of Western culture. This is also a common theme in mainstream sociological studies that conceptualise cultural politics as being split between the global and authentically local. However, the veiling practice can also be understood as part of the transnational dynamics of Muslim claims for cultural authenticity, rather than a locally rooted rejection of Western culture. Archival data and interviews are used to examine the interplay between the global configuration of gender ideology and the local cultural practices of Muslim immigrants. Analyzed in this way, veiling is seen as posing a paradigmatic challenge to the dichotomy of global versus local in sociological theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE RADICALISM of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the early 20th century placed it outside of the dominant, contemporary social ideology. At the same time, there were large numbers of unskilled, migrant, and largely immigrant workers employed in seasonal, labour-intensive industries, whose social and economic marginalization made them receptive to the IWW's radicalism, while the IWW was prepared for the radical step of attempting to organize them. This paper is a study of the IWW's efforts to organize the unemployed of Edmonton and Calgary during the depression of 1913-1915: most were transient and unskilled; many had just arrived from railway construction camps in the interior where the IWW had led massive strikes. The tactics used in the struggle included large demonstrations, the invasion of churches, and refusals to pay for restaurant meals. But the special nature of unemployment — which was caused by the economic system, threatened the men's integrity as workers, but was dealt with by the State — allows a careful examination of the practical effects of the IWW's ideology. Other Canadian cities saw protests by the unemployed, but only the IWW in Alberta asked for work at the best going rate for general labour, 30 cents an hour, and if they could not get that they demanded free food and accommodation. They tried to preserve the men's integrity as labourers, based on a belief that unemployment was not an inevitable experience to be passively endured, but a nefarious consequence of capitalism to be actively resisted. The IWW also fostered an inter-ethnic solidarity founded on a right to work, "regardless of race, color or nationality." However, the IWW's efforts also took place within very narrowly circumscribed limits: the workers they represented had little economic bargaining power and less still in a time of unemployment. when they were dependent on urban political authorities to whom most had no other connection. Their political force was only equal to their threat to public order and hungry men were no match for the police. Moreover, responsibility for their relief was thrust onto municipalities which could barely afford to care for the resident unemployed. In the end, the difficulty of achieving even short-term material gains must have discouraged most workers and doomed the organization to instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the relationship between Big Five personality and the political ideology of elected politicians. To this end, we studied 303 politicians from Flanders, Wallonia, and Canada, relating their self-reported Big Five scores to a partisanship-based measure of political ideology. Our findings show that, in line with the congruency model of personality, Openness to Experience is the best and most consistent correlate of political ideology, with politicians high on Openness to Experience being more likely to be found among the more progressive left-wing political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on the new theme of reading memoirs on radio started by radio show Canada Reads. Various other topics discussed include ideology of the show over the program, discussion of Canadian writings on such programs and non-fictional debate on the transnational character of Canadian citizenship.

It is widely believed that government ideology and electoral constraints are two major factors that influence the level of public expenditures. However, Frey and Schneider argue that the effects of the two phenomena are not simultaneous. Only when a government is popular can it pursue ideological goals, and when popularity is low, energies must be redirected toward gaining support from voters to win the next election. Data draw from the Canadian provincial case are used to test empirically this hypothesis. The findings support the Frey and Schneider explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about knowledge, risk and the future of political process in Canada. The elements of political process are the discrete thoughts and actions of human experience. While process indicates movement and trend, participation in process nonetheless is shaped by conventional categories of political culture. Since political parties and ideologies typically are defined and ranked on a right-left continuum, it is not surprising that people are categorized by their placement on this continuum. It matters little that this is a hopeless task-that most people are a paradoxical mix of convictions and experiences which are both conservative and liberal in their essential nature. The usual mix of diverse and even contradictory elements is made possible by such circumstances as fluency in both thought and action or word and deed, where it is possible to be many things at the same time. This mix of elements persists also because social life is fundamentally small-c conservative, where the momentum of past and present practices shapes the direction of the future. This is true for both Conservatives and Liberals. This is a very different conception of political reality. Instead of beginning with political parties as embodiments of distinctively different political traditions of thought and action.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explains the reemergence of North American midwifery in terms of she role of ideology. An ideology is a set of beliefs by which a social group makes sense of its environment and which those groups manipulate in order so project images of themselves I analyze the ways that two particular ideologies -science and feminism -have been used by midwives and their supporters in their struggles to legitimate midwifery in the health care systems of Canada and the United States. The rhetoric of science has been used in establishing the safety of home birth and natural childbirth, and feminist principles and rhetoric often underlie claims about midwifery made by midwives and their advocates. Although bosh nurse midwives and independent midwives have used these ideologies to legitimate their occupational boundary claims, they have been more important to independent midwives' struggles for occupational legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political ideology and public policy of Canadian elites on the basis of a sample survey conducted in 1977. The six hundred respondents include politicians, business executives, labor leaders, academics, government bureaucrats, media executives, and lawyers. The survey aims to make comparisons among and examine variation within these sectoral groups, to examine the correspondence between more general ideological principles and elite opinions on a variety of specific public policy issues, and to relate ideological cleavages to difference in support for the federal political parties.