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More than any previous generation, today's students need to develop a global perspective and be knowledgeable about other nations in order to play a better role on the global stage. This paper first reviews some earlier and current studies on students' knowledge of the world, mainly conducted in the United States, and then it describes the global education status and similar studies in countries like Canada, Russia, the United Kingdom, China, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. Based on a review of studies in these countries, the paper proposes that contemporary assessments of students' cross-national and global knowledge and attitudes are necessary. The new research must be multinational, assessing what paired nations' school aged populations know about one another's history, geography, politics, economics, and international relations. (Contains 1 footnote.)

In 2019, the prime ministers of the Nordic countries announced their joint vision of leading the most sustainable and integrated region in the world by 2030. While public opinion on EU integration has been divided in the Nordic countries, there is broad support for closer intra-Nordic collaboration. The paper asks whether this new vision is likely to lead to closer collaboration on the foreign policy front. To answer, trends in Nordic policies and strategies towards the wider world are studied and three joint initiatives centred on Japan are analysed to see how some of these policies have played out in practice. On the one hand, the cases demonstrate a variety of processes and formats for Nordic collaboration. On the other hand, they demonstrate how well Nordic collaboration can work in a remote, yet strategic market like Japan, not only as an abstract idea, but also in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korea's Japan policy has increasingly become inconsistent and even volatile across time. At the centre of the inconsistency is the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy. While starting his tenure by deciding to remain in the GSOMIA, the government made 180-degree turn and notified its intention not to renew the agreement when Japan announced export controls. But the decision was completely reversed within months when the government held off ending the agreement. What explains such inconsistency in Korea's Japan policy? To answer this question, the paper proposes a generic model of foreign policy inconsistency, which might be called "two-level constraint model" and applies it to the case of Korea's GSOMIA policy. The central argument of the model is that the inconsistency in the countries' foreign policy is the result of shifts in foreign policy leaders' incentives, which are affected by the changes in the level of external-and internal political constraints they face. A crucial case study of the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy finds strong evidence that lends a support for the argument. The paper concludes by offering both a short summary and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the assumptions and implications of the Malaysian policy for "learning from Japan". The article explores the ways in which this policy has effectively been operated in drawing a new geography of "Asia", dislodging colonial legacies in the region and countering the consolidation of other regional blocs. Cross-national educational interaction has increasingly been a key issue in international relations. After the end of the Cold War, the traffic of people, commodities and information is blocked less and less by the barriers of state political ideologies, and has begun to hinge on new notions of boundaries. Free trade blocs are formed by agreements among "neighbours", sharing economic advantage and the quality of basic values, such as "democracy" and "human rights". Such communal values play a powerful role in the redefinition of "us" and the legitimisation of regional societies. The vigour of cross-national educational transfer in the past two decades, as will be argued, has effectively been used for the formation of new identities of individual nations and for the promotion of new aspirations for the regional alliances. (Contains 3 tables.)

Copyright of TEME: Casopis za Društvene Nauke is the property of TEME: Casopis za Drustvene Nauke and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Offers a clarification of competitiveness within international trade, particularly its impact upon the mix of goods produced in the United States. Dispels some of the myths about competitiveness that emanate from the false correlation between specific businesses and their country-of-origin. Discusses high productivity as both a cause and an effect of international competition. (13 references) (JJK)

Escalation of great power rivalry resulting from China's rise and Russia's invasion of Ukraine has prompted Japan to align its foreign and security policies more closely. This paper analyzes how ODA policy, which the Japanese government regards as a crucial diplomatic instrument, has been modified in the face of these changes. The most significant transformation is the securitization of ODA, or the deployment of ODA to advance Japan's national security interests. This trend is evident in the emergence of a new type of ODA that aims to contribute to Japan's security interests by strengthening the deterrence capabilities of developing countries involved in territorial disputes with China. Notably, Japan is justifying this new ODA trend in the name of upholding the universal value of the international rule of law. In other words, Japan is shifting the focus of assistance away from domestic issues of democracy and human rights in each recipient country toward the rule of law in international relations. This is a manifestation of Japan's effort to strike a careful balance between upholding universal values and avoiding the risk of offending incumbent governments in recipient countries with questionable domestic governance records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino – Japanese Peace Treaty signed in April 1952 not only set the basic framework for diplomatic relations between China, Japan, and Taiwan until 1972, but was also significant in substantially determining the legal status of Chinese residents in Japan during the same period. Subsequently, this paper analyzes both the legislative process in Japan leading up to the Sino – Japanese Peace Treaty and the process of diplomatic negotiations between Japan and China and identifies the following points. In the process of legislating the Immigration Control Ordinance, the Japanese government, while recognizing that Chinese mainlanders in Japan were Chinese nationals, considered them to be outside the legal jurisdiction of the Republic of China (R.O.C.) government, and while recognizing the jurisdiction of the R.O.C. government over Formosans in Japan to a certain extent, interpreted "the ultimate nationality of Taiwanese people has not been determined" from the standpoint that the legal status of Taiwan was undetermined. The R.O.C. government was forced to accept the Japanese government's treatment regarding the legal status of Chinese residents in Japan because it was unable to have its sovereignty over Taiwan and the Penghu Islands clearly stated in the articles of the Sino – Japanese Peace Treaty out of consideration for the United States, which acted as an intermediary in the negotiations of the treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Japan's former prime minister Abe Shinzō, security cooperation with Southeast Asia was central to preventing the South China Sea from turning into a "Lake Beijing" - completely under Chinese control. This paper explains why Abe's security engagement in the region focused mainly on providing Capacity Building Assistance (CBA) to Southeast Asian coast guards agencies to counter China's maritime assertiveness. Answers are provided by looking at not only international but also domestic factors. Based on key variables of post-Cold War Japan's foreign policy, namely the US-Japan alliance, the dominance of economic tools, and normative and institutional constraints on the use of force, the analysis concludes that CBA was an ideal response to the complex demands and restrictions of Japan's security policy. In particular, the economic benefits of providing CBA are an important finding of the analysis and one that has not yet received much scholarly focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores concessions made by Australian authorities concerning Japanese immigration during the era of the White Australia Policy in the early twentieth century. Australia's Immigration Restriction Act was introduced in December 1901. As the major piece of legislation in the White Australia Policy, the act made it virtually impossible for non-Europeans to migrate to Australia. However, Japanese people enjoyed a special position among non-Europeans under the White Australia Policy thanks to Japan's growing international status as a civilised power at the time, as well as its sustained diplomatic pressure on Australia. While the Commonwealth was determined to exclude Japanese permanent settlers, it sought ways to render the policy of exclusion less offensive to the Japanese. In the early 1900s, two minor modifications to the Immigration Restriction Act were implemented in order to relax the restrictions imposed on Japanese citizens. Moreover, in the application of Commonwealth immigration laws, Japanese people received far more lenient treatment than other non-Europeans and were afforded respect and extra courtesies by Australian officials. Nevertheless, these concessions Australia made to Japanese citizens were minor, and the Commonwealth government maintained its basic policy of excluding Japanese permanent settlers from Australia. This paper shows that, despite continued diplomatic efforts, Japan was fundamentally unable to change pre-war Australia's basic policy regarding the exclusion of Japanese permanent settlers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even with the Comfort Women Agreement in 2015, not much seems to have improved. The victims are still requesting for a sincere apology of the Japanese Prime Minister, where Abe is not at all considering. Why are the victims again demanding another sincere apology even after numerous previous apologies? Why has this apology problem repeated for over 20 years despite tremendous efforts by both governments? By raising the question ' what are the mechanisms for Japanese political apologies and backlashes?' the paper aims to explain motivations for both apology and backlash. The significance of this paper is in its combination of two key concepts, apology and backlash, into a single framework and its explanation on Korea-Japan relations accordingly. Unlike previous literatures that stressed the importance of sincere apology for reconciliation between the two, this paper aims to show that such an argument rather blurs the comprehensive approach towards the apology problem. The arguments of the paper are twofold. First, the act of Japanese apology and backlash is not a result of sincere remorse of the past, but a result of inter/intra party competition for future political benefits. Second, despite the significance of apology in achieving stable reconciliation, it is unlikely that Japan will choose to express another apology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the preparation and documentation activities of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (JMOFA) for the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951. Between 1946 and 1949, JMOFA produced seven volumes of pamphlets on territorial issues in the preparation process leading up to the peace treaty. Among them, a series of four pamphlets under the title of Minor Islands Adjacent to Japan Proper was published. These pamphlets were distributed to the Allied Powers to good effect. Focus was placed on the Southern Kuriles, Ryukyus, and Liancourt Rocks (Dokdo), which Japan felt should be recognized as Japanese territory by the Allies. After the San Francisco Peace Treaty, Japan restored peaceful relations with the United States and its major allies, but hostile relations between Japan and its neighbors in East Asia persisted. It was natural that the Soviet Union (Russia), China, and Korea, excluded from the Peace Treaty, later came to engage in territorial disputes with Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

The diplomacy of Japan towards its Asian neighbours has always been a complex issue. Throughout the years, the foreign policy of Japan has witnessed severe alterations specifically after the Second World War. Since then, new challenges and opportunities have risen which have formed a new, adapted Japanese diplomacy, albeit not disconnected from its traditional aspects and its past. The current purpose of the paper is to highlight these evolutions and challenges of the post WWII Japanese diplomacy. The focus will be on the two main neighbours and traditional partners of Japan, the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Korea. There will be an effort to highlight the challenges that Japan experiences with the aforementioned countries, its diplomatic approaches and how these could be evolved in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some pundits in Beijing and Tokyo use the analogy of Japan's militarism in the 1930s as a vantage point through which to interpret each other's present and future behavior. While those in Tokyo have likened China's recent offensive posture to that of Japan's military in the early 1930s, those in Beijing see the Abe’s proactive pacifism as a prelude to the revival of its 1930s militarism. The paper aims at elucidating the dynamics of mutual demonization between China and Japan that is anchored in the 'Siamese twin' analogy of the 1930s episode. We argue that shadow projection, scapegoat behavior, revival of geopolitical discourses, and identity politics have been by and large responsible for the dilemma of mutual demonization and that domestic political abuse and misuse of historical narratives and subsequently the formation of a transnational coalition among adversaries have further complicated the situation. Such mutual demonization process casts worrisome implications for bilateral relations between China and Japan in particular and peace and stability in Northeast Asia in general. The paper concludes that political leadership, civil society, and mass media in each country should work hard to prevent an excessive politicization of memory politics and to block the formation of a transnational adversarial coalition among ultra-nationalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late 19th century marked a significant period in Korea's history, when it established formal diplomatic relations with the outside world. Goryeo celadon began appearing in the context of diplomatic and other exchanges in the 19th century. These celadon pieces were exquisite and often of the highest quality. There are also cases of foreign diplomats collecting Goryeo celadon. British consul William Carles, French consul Victor Collin de Plancy, and American consul Horace Allen played prominent roles in collecting, selling, and donating Goryeo celadon. In the complex landscape of East Asian diplomacy, ceramics occasionally played a role in exchanges between China, Japan, and Southeast Asian regions. Overall, this phenomenon can be attributed to the changing economic and cultural value of Goryeo celadon, particularly during the late 19th century. However, the inclusion of Goryeo celadon in diplomatic contexts or as prominent diplomatic gifts was also closely related to the changing perception of Goryeo celadon within Korea, as it began to be viewed from a more externalized perspective. Moreover, as foreign interest in Korean (Joseon) culture expanded into a range of ethnographic studies, Goryeo celadon came to be recognized as an artistic product that demonstrated the cultural competence of the nation. Simultaneously, Goryeo celadon took on the role of a diplomatic medium, symbolically representing Korea's heritage on a national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the book "Toward a True Alliance: Restructuring U.S.-Japan Security Relations," edited by Mike M. Mochizuki. The book consists of eight papers, the outcome of a joint project of the Nomura Research Institute and the Brookings Institution, consider how the U.S.-Japan alliance might be redefined and restructured to respond more effectively to the security challenges and opportunities presented by the East Asia-Pacific region. Mike M. Mochizuki argues for a new strategic bargain between the United States and Japan and a more comprehensive and integrated approach to alliance restructuring. Mochizuki, in a separate paper, recommends a synthesis of strategies that would draw on the most attractive features of various perspectives. Satoshi Morimoto analyzes the evolving security environment in East Asia. Takuma Takahashi discusses economic interdependence and security in the East Asia-Pacific region. Morimoto considers a tighter Japan-U.S. defense cooperation based on greater trust. Michael O'Hanlon analyzes options for the restructuring of U.S. forces and bases in Japan and, in a separate paper, assesses the implications of theater missile defense programs for U.S.-Japan security interests and bilateral cooperation.

Despite the decades of work undertaken by the international legal community to attain full and satisfactory reparation for the consequences of Japan's actions during World War II, the emotionally-charged bilateral dispute between Japan and South Korea over the issue of the so-called 'comfort women' continues to this day. This paper is focused on analysis of the discourses surrounding the issue through the lens of a psychoanalytic methodological framework. Based upon the therapeutic work of one of the world's leading sexual trauma specialists Judith Herman and her text Trauma and Recovery (1992), the paper examines the issues at stake in the comfort women issue through the themes inherent to Herman's three stages of recovery for survivors of violent trauma. The research concludes that, while there are limitations in applying psychoanalytic methodologies to diplomatic disputes, there is value in pursuing and campaigning for holistic and therapeutic approaches to historical trauma in the context of feminist legal activisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To many observers Japanese decision-making is an enigma that defies conventional analysis. Neither the traditional rational actor model of decision-making, nor alternative pluralist models proposed for the analysis of Western democracies fit the Japanese case. As a result Japanese security policy decision-making is described as ‘reactive’ or even non-existent. Likewise, the anomaly of Japanese decision-making is ultimately predicted to be resolved through a process of ‘normalization’ whereby Japanese policy formation evolves into a form that does fit these models. However, this paper contends that the fact that Japan’s security decision-making does not fit commonly-used models is due rather to the limitations of those models. Japan’s security policy, like that of all states, is gradually evolving, but this does not mean that it is about to become just like the West. This paper addresses how a conjuncture of external factors and internal factors has stimulated important changes in Japanese security policy-making which are frequently missed or misinterpreted by observers. In order to understand Japanese security policy-making, and to chart its future course, a refined cybernetic approach is introduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to describe the methods used in a phenomenological study aimed at understanding students' perceptions of volunteer experiences from the viewpoint of their existential meanings. In Japan, as volunteer activities have just been recently introduced to youth education, it is necessary to verify the effect of the activity on the students. The authors present phenomenological reduction, which is a fundamental concept in phenomenology, as a health care research method to elucidate the essence of people's lived experiences. The 22 statements presented from volunteer students' group discussion after their practices were redescribed by phenomenological reduction, a method of valid interpretation based on their embodiment and desire. The phenomenological approach allows us to understand the essence of students' perceptions in terms of their purpose in life, which suggests that educators could inspire the students to realize existential growth by participating in volunteer activities through practical communications with others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews and evaluates strategic responses of unions and management in four economically advanced countries to changes in the world economic environment since the early 1970s as they have affected worker needs and expectations at the workplace level. By strategy is meant attempts by unions and management to modify existing institutions or develop new institutions for decision-making in industrial relations. Usually this involves changes in organization and/or activity levels to carry on collective bargaining with one another or obtain government enactments; but it may also include other forms of activity such as joint consultation committees and participation schemes in managerial decisions. Thus the focus of this paper is on whether as the result of recent economic developments new combinations of institutionalized procedures for rule-making have been emerging in industrial relations systems viewed on a national basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Japan was among the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with Malaya (then Malaysia). On 9 September 1957, nine days after Malaya achieved independence, Japan opened its embassy in Kuala Lumpur. The introduction of the Look East Policy (LEP) in 1982 strengthened the existing Malaysia-Japan bilateral relations. The main objective of this study is to examine the nature of the bilateral relationship between Malaysia and Japan during the implementation of the Look East Policy (LEP) and to identify the mutual benefits obtained by both countries in the implementation of LEP 2.0. This study adopted a qualitative analysis method by conducting intensive interviews and focus group discussion involving 13 informants who were directly involved with the implementation of LEP. The study found that, among other things, while LEP made the good practice of the Japanese people as the main driving factor, it also included the Japanese work culture, discipline, ethics, integrity, accountability, management and strategic partners. Three decades after the implementation of LEP in Malaysia, LEP took up a notch with the introduction of the Second Wave of LEP in 2012. Otherwise known as LEP 2.0, it prioritised new areas in line with technological developments in the millennial era. In line with that, LEP 2.0 also focused on the context of mutual benefit (common interest) for both countries especially in Halal hub industry and tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, "smart city" has become a buzzword in discussions about urbanisation. While in Europe and North America the initial utopian optimism has now receded, due to booming implementation costs and surveillance concerns, the smart city model has taken root in rapidly urbanising Asia in particular, thanks to the activism of China and Japan. For the latter, smart city technologies and technical know-how represent the new frontier of export goods. In April 2018, the Government of Japan and that of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam announced the construction of a new smart city on the outskirts of the Vietnamese capital Hanoi that is set to become Japan's largest ODA project to date. Despite changes in the global hegemonic narratives on smart cities, the new project bears the features of an urban settlement that revolves around technological data collection for the sake of perfect efficiency, rather than for its prospective inhabitants. Against this backdrop, how did the Government of Japan succeed in constructing a convincing narrative for made-in-Japan smart cities? Since 2011, thanks to specific initiatives by Japan's government and investments by Japanese tech companies in the sector, a Japanese discourse on smart cities has emerged. Through an examination of earlier critiques of the smart city model and a close analysis of official policies and books by energy policy intellectuals, this paper will identify the main features of the Japanese discourse on smart cities and place it in the context of an evolving broader global narrative. The study demonstrates how the Japanese discourse on smart cities largely reflects a corporate managerial vision of the city and, at the same time, a "technonationalist" approach that informs the country's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The division of the Korean peninsula involved many neighbouring countries in the Korean War. The relations with those countries have since been reorganised due to active exchange. This study examined how the quantity and quality of contact with traditional alliance (US and Japan) and strategic partner (China and Russia) countries affected their national images. Methods: To this end, this study analyzed the relation with the national image by measuring the quantity and quality of contact of an individual with each country. The quantity of contact included an evaluation of the individual's subjective amount of contact, contact path, and contact status, and the quality of contact was measured as an evaluation for the pleasure, competitiveness, intimacy, spontaneity, and necessity when contacting each country's culture. A total of 387 participants were divided into two groups based on the presence of direct contact and the quantity and quality of their contact and national images were examined. The participants were followed by a completion of the self-questionnaires including the Culture Experience Questionnaire, National Image Questionnaire, and demographic information questionnaire. Results: The results of this study are as follow: first, regardless of the type of country, the national image was highly correlated with the degree of subjective contact evaluated by individuals, but there was a weak tendency with contact quality. Second, there was no significant interaction between the country type and contact status for national image, however, different national images for each country were detected. In other word, for contact quantity, contact groups showed more positive national images compared to non-contact groups in Russia, but not Japan, China, and the US. For contact quality, the positive contact experience group showed more positive national images compared to the negative contact experience group, but only in traditional alliance countries. Conclusion: This study highlights the importance of implementing different strategies for countries to maintain peaceful international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the complex landscape of Japan's diplomatic engagement in Southeast Asia, spanning from the late 1990s to the present day, and explores the transformative role that Japan has played in post-conflict peacebuilding and regional security. Japan has reinforced diplomatic relations with conflict-affected Southeast Asian countries in the post-Cold War era, contributing to security cooperation in the region under the recent Japan's diplomatic direction of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does economic interdependence generate and foster positive attitudes among people? Few studies in the existing literature deal directly with this question. To fill this gap, this paper examines the economic relationships among China, Japan and South Koreaandthe resulting public opinions. We find that economic interdependence in Northeast Asiahas negatively influenced public opinion and hence increased tension and conflict among these states. Then, we draw some important political and theoretical implications from our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the postwar phase of the integration of repatriates into Japanese society, thereby shedding new light on the nationalism of postwar Japan. To this end, it reviews the discourses surrounding the repatriation project and examines the existential consciousness of repatriates in postwar Japanese society. In particular, it examines the novels of Abe Kobo, who suffered from a confused identity after he returned to Japan from Manchuria. After its defeat in World War II, Japan endeavored to build a "New Japan" through re-education and repatriation. The repatriation project became the basis for the national solidarity required for this restructuring. The personal tales of repatriation, which record the experiences of those evacuated from the former colonies, constitute a history of the ordeals suffered by the Japanese victims of the war. However, repatriates felt both bitterness and discrimination directed against them by postwar Japanese society, as though they were strangers in their own country. Furthermore, they sensed the disjunction between the identity of the colonial Japanese and that of the "pure" mainland Japanese, which caused them to experience existential confusion. However, the cause of this sense of incompatibility was the ideology of postwar Japan, which aimed at reintegrating the nationstate. As the public memory of the Japanese as eternal victims spread, the truth was buried. A review of the postwar fate of the repatriates reveals the "crack" inherent in the nationalism of postwar Japan; it thus contributes to the deconstruction of the myth of the "great achievement" of Japanese homogeneity and reveals its illusory nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]