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Young adults will be the next generation of leaders, and it is critical for them to be cognizant of major issues that impact society. Unification is a significant issue in South Korea, especially in light of the recent summits between South and North Korea. This study is rooted in principles of peace education to promote peaceful discourse related to unification issues. Unification education plays an important role in K-12 education in South Korea; however, it is not prioritized at the university level. This case study, which included open-ended surveys, interviews, and focus groups, explored South Korean university students' (n=33) views of creating short-term classes on unification and the types of topics that they think should be taught in these classes. Primary results indicate that most participants expressed interest in taking short-term classes on unification issues. The paper also includes practical implications that can be considered when developing short-term classes on unification in South Korean universities.

More than any previous generation, today's students need to develop a global perspective and be knowledgeable about other nations in order to play a better role on the global stage. This paper first reviews some earlier and current studies on students' knowledge of the world, mainly conducted in the United States, and then it describes the global education status and similar studies in countries like Canada, Russia, the United Kingdom, China, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. Based on a review of studies in these countries, the paper proposes that contemporary assessments of students' cross-national and global knowledge and attitudes are necessary. The new research must be multinational, assessing what paired nations' school aged populations know about one another's history, geography, politics, economics, and international relations. (Contains 1 footnote.)

The purpose of this paper is to examine globalization and higher education from a perspective of South Korea. First, the paper reviews the concepts of globalization and internationalization. Second, the author describes a historical synopsis regarding internationalization and higher education in South Korea. Third, Korean government policies on internationalization in education are discussed. Fourth, the paper illustrates the institutional approaches of internationalization in Korean higher education. Finally, the barriers and challenges of globalization in Korean higher education conclude the discussion.

This paper explains South Korea's foreign policy preferences and degree of influence in negotiations between Washington and Pyongyang. It analyzes six administrations in South Korea in the post-Cold War era and shows that domestic politics determines the country's policy preferences toward North Korea. South Korea can either obstruct or facilitate U.S. negotiation with North Korea based on these policy preferences. It also shows that South Korea's diplomatic influence on the North Korean issue is maximized when it functions as a mediator between Washington and Pyongyang and maintains access to both parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korea's Japan policy has increasingly become inconsistent and even volatile across time. At the centre of the inconsistency is the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy. While starting his tenure by deciding to remain in the GSOMIA, the government made 180-degree turn and notified its intention not to renew the agreement when Japan announced export controls. But the decision was completely reversed within months when the government held off ending the agreement. What explains such inconsistency in Korea's Japan policy? To answer this question, the paper proposes a generic model of foreign policy inconsistency, which might be called "two-level constraint model" and applies it to the case of Korea's GSOMIA policy. The central argument of the model is that the inconsistency in the countries' foreign policy is the result of shifts in foreign policy leaders' incentives, which are affected by the changes in the level of external-and internal political constraints they face. A crucial case study of the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy finds strong evidence that lends a support for the argument. The paper concludes by offering both a short summary and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the highs and lows of Russian-South Korean collaboration in science and technology (S&T) during the first 10 years of diplomatic relations between the two countries (1988–1998). S&T collaboration served as a path to improve diplomacy in the absence of prior interaction and offered an opportunity for both countries to collaborate in their pursuit of technological advancement and economic growth. However, the history of this collaboration has been largely forgotten. The paper investigates the reasons for the decline of Russian-South Korean S&T collaboration and identifies potential obstacles to establishing a lasting and stable bilateral partnership in the field of science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze and assess South Korea's Nordpolitik, which has been considered a starting point of the grand strategy in the history of Korean diplomacy, appraised as a milestone of autonomous diplomacy, and is continuously being reproduced through discourse of peaceful unification of the Korean Peninsula. The origin of Roh Tae-woo administration's Nordpolitik, made official through 7.7 Declaration in 1988, is Park Chung-hee's 6.23 Statement in 1973. In Roh's memoir, Roh also clearly declared that Park's 6.23 Statement was the historical root for his Nordpolitik. Although many studies share the conviction that Roh's Nordpolitik has its roots in 1970's open-door policy, they have failed to analyze the establishment and implementation of the Nordpolitik from the 1970s to 1990s comprehensively. This paper principally examines South Korea's Nordpolitik from its genesis in Park Chung-hee's 8.15 Declaration in 1970 to its successful implementation via the establishment of diplomatic relationships with communist countries in the 1990s. This study then analyzes the implementation of South Korean Nordpolitik through examining the relationship between environment and foreign policy decision making and concludes by suggesting policy implications of historical implementation of the Nordpolitik to the Korean Peninsula Peace Settlement Initiative and New Northern Policy of South Korea's current administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the establishment of "friendly and cooperative relations' in 1992, relations between South Korea and China have been continuously elevated almost every 5 years. The two countries have achieved great advancements in expanding civil exchanges, bringing economic relations closer, finding common ground in foreign policy and security and elevation of political relations. Despite the honeymoon period that the two countries experienced after they established diplomatic relations, however, conflict is now arising due to differences in opinion and interests in various fields such politics, economy, society, culture, diplomacy, and security. This paper will examine Sino-South Korean relations using the four factor model, which is based on four approaches, starting with economic relations, followed by perception and emotions, diplomacy and security and lastly, these factors" influence on domestic politics. Following this analysis, this paper will argue that despite their continuous but rocky developments, Sino-South Korean relations will sustainably maintain their development. Considering the synergy effect of bilateral relations, two countries are standing on the opportunity to build a New Type of Sino-South Korean relations which would allow for resolution of conflicts and misunderstandings through dialogue and communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last three decades of evolution, the Jogye Order's postulant education system has made considerable progress in standardizing, centralizing, and modernizing Buddhist education for aspiring monastics. As celebrated by the order's 2022 publication The 30-year History of Buddhist Monastic Postulant Education, the order's program has successfully seen over 9800 ordained novices graduate since its launch in 1991. However, there is a broad consensus within Korea's Buddhist community that the religion is in crisis and, within the order in particular, that its future is in peril. Unless it is reversed, the trend portends the very real possibility of the order's demise by the end of the century, if not sooner. The order recently vowed to reverse the downward trend in monastic recruitment and raise the annual number of ordained novices to 150 by 2025 through a multifaceted plan involving greater youth outreach efforts, an increased social media presence, and online Buddhist educational materials, along with an expansion of the order's international missionary efforts. Given that postulant recruitment is critical to the order's survival, this paper examines the past, present, and future of the Jogye Order's postulant education system in light of the current membership crisis, as well as the order's recent publication of The 30-year History of Buddhist Monastic Postulant Education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the diverse ways Chinese policymakers view the foreign policy process in China. Two approaches characterize conventional accounts of the foreign policy decision-making process. One of these, based on Graham Allison's rational, organizational, and bureaucratic politics models, focuses on intragovernmental aspects of foreign policy decision-making processes, while the other highlights extra-governmental domestic and foreign factors. However, these approaches have neglected the question of who leads foreign policy and how state, society, and grassroots interact through coalition. We interviewed Chinese scholars and foreign policy experts using Q statements to explore China's foreign policy response to South Korea's deployment of THAAD. Our findings offer new theoretical insights into China's foreign policy process by identifying state-driven, grassroots-based, and state-society coalition models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically scrutinizes the history and activities of South Korea's two largest Buddhist international aid organizations, namely, the Join Together Society, founded in 1991 by Venerable Pomnyun, leader of Korea's independent Jungto Society order of lay Buddhists, and the Global Community Association (Jiguchon Gongsaenghoe, Good Hands), founded by former Jogye Order president, Venerable Wolju (1935–2021). It examines the origins, organizations, and activities of both organizations, followed by a comparison of their similarities and differences, along with a discussion of their respective relationships to Korean Buddhist mainstream life and the advantages and disadvantages of each. They are significant, not only for the many benefits they have brought to their target communities abroad but also for what they represent to the Korean Buddhist community at home. As the Korean Buddhist establishment continues to grapple with a prolonged crisis of falling membership and loss of relevance within Korea's increasingly agnostic society, the long-term sustainability of Korean Buddhist international efforts remains an open question. Nevertheless, the two organizations represent new visions for the modes of meaningful Buddhist praxis and engagement with the modern world that have a strong appeal to Korea's younger, urbanized Buddhist laity. The further support and expansion of such activities by the Buddhist establishment might aid in reversing the current downward trends of belief. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Orthodox thinking ascribes the middle-power moniker "good international citizen" to South Korea as a nuclear power. Such thinking designates a good international citizen as a state that upholds the norms and regimes of the international state system in normative and behavioral terms. Such a designation may be warranted in strategic terms, considering South Korea is a non-nuclear weapons state in East Asia. However, the designation is rarely applied to South Korea's civil nuclear program in such theoretical terms. The aim of this paper is to offer a new perspective on South Korea's international, civil nuclear policies in terms of human security. The paper juxtaposes South Korea’s normative international profile in nuclear regimes, assessed in traditional middle power terms, with its international, civil nuclear policy choices assessed in human security terms. It concludes that South Korea’s designation as a good international citizen has reason to be questioned, when it comes to international, civil nuclear policy. Policy prescriptions are therefore offered to better align Seoul with its rhetoric of being a responsible middle power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to its crucial strategic position, over the course of history Korea has several times found itself subject to the consequences of great power rivalry, with very negative results. The cases of the conflict between the Chinese Empire and Japan at the end of the 19th century and between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War are two clear examples that led to tragic effects in Korea. This complicated historical legacy resonates in the current competition between the U.S. and China and the role that South Korea has been increasingly playing in this dynamic in recent years. Although significant differences exist compared to the previous examples, this new rivalry risks becoming a matter of major concern in the country's foreign policy. For South Korea, maintaining positive relations with both great powers is crucial for its stability, economic development and security. For this reason, in recent years different South Korean governments have tried and managed to pursue a «flexible» approach avoiding taking sides between the two great powers. While the rapidly growing tension between the U.S. and China poses challenges to this approach, it still represents a suitable solution to ensure that Seoul does not get caught in the middle of a new great power rivalry that would be detrimental for its strategic interests. Starting by introducing the dilemmas of Korea amid great power rivalry from a historical perspective, this paper argues that in the current competition South Korea has demonstrated a higher level of agency than in previous cases, thanks also to its greater autonomy and capabilities in the international system, and that its «flexible» approach has been successful in maintaining a middle ground between the U.S. and China. Considering the current increase in rivalry, this role has been more difficult to manage, especially with the recent push by the United States for its regional allies and partners to take a tougher stance against Beijing. However, adapting its foreign policy approach to the challenges that have emerged in recent years and avoiding taking a stance that might deteriorate relations with China, while reassuring Washington that the alliance is the main pillar in Seoul's security policy, can be considered as a possible and positive way forward for South Korea's role amid U.S.-China competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the importance of the post-colonial division of Korea between North and South in shaping not only territorial structures, but also geographical interpretations of contemporary Korea. After a critical analysis of the Korean 'meta-border', the paper discusses how traditional approaches in Korean geography consider the 'long partition' as a backdrop affecting South and North Korean societies. Until the 1990s, this divisive paradigm was expressed in South Korea by the focus on various embodiments of the developmental state at the national scale with great attention on Seoul, or its alternative, the regional problem (chiyok munje). Recent trends in Korean studies acknowledge the peculiarities of the Korean socio-spatial dimensions that disturb multi-scaled borders and boundaries, geographical, national or ethnic. The paper argues that, in the classical paradigm, the division between North and South Korea, internalised at all levels of the socio-spatial spheres, acted as an essential matrix for shaping not only both societies but their narratives in the social sciences. This requires a new geographical approach to Korea, going beyond the partition, from territorial borders between North and South to epistemological borders within Korean geographies, or Korean studies themselves, in order to better grasp the notion of a 'Korean meta-culture'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The diplomacy of Japan towards its Asian neighbours has always been a complex issue. Throughout the years, the foreign policy of Japan has witnessed severe alterations specifically after the Second World War. Since then, new challenges and opportunities have risen which have formed a new, adapted Japanese diplomacy, albeit not disconnected from its traditional aspects and its past. The current purpose of the paper is to highlight these evolutions and challenges of the post WWII Japanese diplomacy. The focus will be on the two main neighbours and traditional partners of Japan, the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Korea. There will be an effort to highlight the challenges that Japan experiences with the aforementioned countries, its diplomatic approaches and how these could be evolved in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the decades of work undertaken by the international legal community to attain full and satisfactory reparation for the consequences of Japan's actions during World War II, the emotionally-charged bilateral dispute between Japan and South Korea over the issue of the so-called 'comfort women' continues to this day. This paper is focused on analysis of the discourses surrounding the issue through the lens of a psychoanalytic methodological framework. Based upon the therapeutic work of one of the world's leading sexual trauma specialists Judith Herman and her text Trauma and Recovery (1992), the paper examines the issues at stake in the comfort women issue through the themes inherent to Herman's three stages of recovery for survivors of violent trauma. The research concludes that, while there are limitations in applying psychoanalytic methodologies to diplomatic disputes, there is value in pursuing and campaigning for holistic and therapeutic approaches to historical trauma in the context of feminist legal activisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea, caught amid the intensifying Sino-US peer competition, has begun to re-orientate its foreign policy under President Yoon Suk-yeol, significantly shifting it away from his predecessor President Moon Jae-in. At the crux of these policy changes is a shift away from the so-called "Three Noes", which have existed as a policy stopgap in order to stabilize Seoul's position between China and the US following the 2017 THAAD debacle. This policy shift indicates that the Yoon administration has begun removing policy stopgaps that facilitated hedging behavior and is trimming South Korea's hedge tacking harder on the US for security and aligning as a core Asian state with the Rules-based International Order. Nevertheless, careful strategic calculus is required to avoid backlash from Beijing, despite Yoon seeking closer alignment with Washington. The policy shift underway has the geostrategic potential to solidify the Northeast Asian flank of Washington's efforts to counter Beijing, with a phalanx of Asia-Pacific allies and partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

he U.S.-China hegemonic competition is clearly underway, as the Biden administration acknowledges China as the only challenger to the existing global hegemony. This recognition has initiated a power struggle between the two, despite neither possessing absolute national power for complete dominance. This article goes beyond the traditional debate of whether China will eventually surpass the U.S. and focuses on deriving pertinent implications. The role of allies in shaping the U.S.-China competition is gaining significance. The U.S. is restructuring the global supply chain to exclude China, creating overlapping mini-lateral cooperative networks with traditional allies and friendly nations. Conversely, China is expanding its influence through traditional multilateral cooperation, aligning with alliance transition theory. Furthermore, mid-sized countries, especially pivotal ones are assuming a more critical role. This situation has implications for ROK government's foreign policy, which aims to play an active role as a Global Pivotal State emphasizing liberal democratic values and common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, South Korea has increasingly engaged in cultural public diplomacy; however, empirical research on its effectiveness in advancing foreign policy interests is lacking. Existing studies focus on how cultural public diplomacy shapes Korea's image and the attractiveness of Korean products among foreign consumers without addressing the ultimate diplomatic objective of influencing the actions of foreign governments. This study fills this research gap by examining the impact of the King Sejong Institute (KSI), a government-funded cultural institution, on Korea's foreign policy pursuits worldwide. Analyzing data from 2005 2021 spanning 192 countries – (84 with KSI), our study reveals that the presence of KSI leads to increased political alignment in voting on United National General Assembly resolutions and greater de jure economic integration between the Korean and host governments. These results suggest that KSI can serve as a strategic tool to foster amicable bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the possibility of normalizing diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Republic of Cuba (Cuba). It poses two main questions: Why does the ROK desire to normalize diplomatic relations with Cuba? Can diplomatic normalization be achieved, and if so, what policy measures are necessary to make it happen? To answer these questions, the article explores the ROK's previous efforts and assesses the current state of bilateral relations between the ROK and Cuba. The strong relationship between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and Cuba is pointed out as an essential obstacle, and the article examines what policy actions could be taken to overcome it. Finally, the article draws on previous experiences and cases of Nordpolitik (Northern Policy) to suggest a direction for the ROK's foreign policy toward normalizing diplomatic relations with Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Maternal death generates a great impact on public health, and it is recognized that its main cause is postpartum hemorrhage (PPH). Therefore, the objective was to analyze the bibliometric profile of the world scientific production on maternal mortality due to PPH. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Bibliometric study that included original articles indexed in Scopus, identified by means of a search strategy that included MESH terms and logical operators. Bibliometric indicators were estimated with the SciVal tool, and the VOSwiever program was used for co-occurrence networks by key terms and co-authorship by country. RESULTS: There has been an increase in the number of publications in the past 5 years. Regarding co-occurrence, the most frequent terms were "postpartum hemorrhage" and "maternal mortality." The United States and the United Kingdom are positioned as those with the highest density of publications; in addition, Australia evidences collaboration with Canada and South Korea. Publications with national collaboration were more frequent (36%). BMC Pregnancy and Childbirth is the most productive journal, although BJOG: An International Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology has a higher normalized impact. The authors with the highest scientific output belong to an institution in the Netherlands. Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam and Leiden University are the most productive. CONCLUSION: Scientific activity on maternal mortality due to PPH is increasing and its main means of dissemination are high-impact journals. National collaboration was more frequent, with the active participation of authors and institutions from the Netherlands and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does economic interdependence generate and foster positive attitudes among people? Few studies in the existing literature deal directly with this question. To fill this gap, this paper examines the economic relationships among China, Japan and South Koreaandthe resulting public opinions. We find that economic interdependence in Northeast Asiahas negatively influenced public opinion and hence increased tension and conflict among these states. Then, we draw some important political and theoretical implications from our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how hallyu—the recent influx of Korean popular culture in Taiwan—has transformed the image of South Korea among the people of Taiwan. South Korea and Taiwan share a similar historical past. Nevertheless, the Taiwanese did not have a positive image of South Korea after 1992, when South Korea broke off diplomatic relations with Taiwan in order to establish diplomatic relations with mainland China. This work is based on ethnographic research done in Taiwan and South Korea from 2001–2003 and 2007–2009. It explores how hallyu has contributed to the rebuilding of the image of South Korea in Taiwan. It discusses Taiwanese perceptions of this image and the role of the South Korean government in improving it. It focuses on how a once-held negative image of South Korea has been transformed. The hallyu boom inspired many Taiwanese to remark on the influence of South Korean dramas and pop music in renewing their relationship with South Korea. It has provided an opportunity for Taiwan and South Korea to build positive relationships after the break-up of their diplomatic relations. Through hallyu, South Korea became a country that Taiwanese want to emulate, a model nation for Taiwan today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the policies of development cooperation promoted by Japan and Korea in Central Asia, focussing on the roles of discourses treating Japan and Korea as potential non-Western models for the region's development and modernisation in their relations with Central Asian states. We trace the evolution of relevant developmental approaches made by Japan and Korea, analysing discourses and practices of sharing experiences, as well as the key drivers behind those shifts, and we seek to locate these changes in the larger context of regional political economy and international relations. Furthermore, the article seeks to address the ideational and normative aspects of Japanese and Korean development cooperation in Central Asia. We conclude with a recap comparison of Japan's and Korea's sharing of development experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the normalization of the diplomatic relationship between South Korea and China in 1992, there has been an active interaction between the two countries which goes beyond differences in political, economic, social, and cultural systems. The astonishing growth in South Korea-China relations, however, has also increased areas in which conflict and clash may occur. In particular, the socio-cultural interaction between the two countries has created new identities, images, ideas and discourses, subsequently increasing the areas of conflict and clash. Based on Appadurai's discussion of the transnational interaction in the globalization process, the present paper analyzes the sociocultural relationship between South Korea and China, focusing on ethnoscapes, mediascapes, and ideoscapes, which are especially important in looking at socio-cultural dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview and analysis of the foreign policy stance taken by China since the mid-1990s. Various outside perceptions of China's power and influence are reviewed. The nation's deliberate adherence to a "middle power" strategy of fostering a global image of caution and pragmatism in security issues is introduced and explained. Further analysis is offered relating this doctrine to those of Australia and South Korea, showing where their respective approaches to the region's geopolitics are in agreement and in conflict.

This paper aims to explain South Korea's decision to open dialogue with North Korea in the détente period. President Park Chung-hee, who came to power in a military coup, did not pay much attention to unification matters in his early rule, but starting from the late 1960s, Park gradually began to change his North Korea policy due to a combination of external and internal conditions. I intend to explain the causes of Seoul's new approach toward Pyongyang through three variables: Threat perception, regime characteristics, and the distribution of power. A combination of these factors forced the Park regime to change its North Korea policy from confrontation to cooperation. However, inter-Korean cooperation proved to be short-lived. The early demise of rapprochement can be explained by the absence of compelling forces that could have driven the deepening of cooperation between the two parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OBJECTIVES This study presents the case for a reciprocal health care agreement (RHCA) between Australia and South Korea. DESIGN AND SETTING The research utilised a qualitative social scientific methodology. Document analysis was conducted on government reports, official statistics and media articles in English and Korean. MAIN OUTCOMES In Australia, the Health Insurance Act 1973 enables health care agreements with 11 nations, however, Korea has no similar legislation in place. Therefore, Korea would need to build a broader consensus on the need for a RHCA in full, based on the precedent of Australia's agreements with other nations, as well as on the Korean Pension Act, which has enabled reciprocal (equal treatment among the countries) pension agreements with 28 nations through an exceptive clause. RESULTS The active government commitment and involvement of the Ministry of Health and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia, and of the Ministry of Health & Welfare and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in South Korea, would be essential for a successful RHCA process to come to fruition. CONCLUSIONS While a potential health care agreement between Australia and Korea would constitute a significant step forward in strengthening people-to-people links between these two significant trading partners in the spirit of health diplomacy, the feasibility at the current time is very low indeed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pyongyang under the Kim dynasty has pursued three broad and consistent strategic goals: (1) The pursuit of nuclear weapons program in order to gain international acceptance of the North as a bona fide nuclear weapons state; (2) securing a peace treaty in an effort to remove U.S. forces from the Korean Peninsula; and, (3) reunification with South Korea on its own terms--the ultimate if increasingly unrealistic objective. To achieve these goals, the North has followed a policy of brinksmanship with the U.S. and South Korea: provoke when Washington or Seoul seem preoccupied, up the ante in the face of international condemnation, and pivot back to a peace offensive, which usually ends with some form of dialogue and negotiation, culminating, finally, in concessions for the North. This article reviews in detail how such policies have been pursued by Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong-un. It shows that, while there have been changes in North Korean policy, they have been primarily tactical not strategic--the North has changed how it pursues its goals (sometimes using military forces, at other times covert actions, or even negotiations), but it has remained consistent in its objectives. Not even the regime's literal bankruptcy has convinced the regime to change course, and for good reason: such brinkmanship tactics have paid off for the North by making possible the regime's survival for more than sixty years. Kim Jong-un, accordingly, has continued this strategy. This article ends by suggesting how the U.S. and South Korea should deal with the North's militaristic foreign policy. In brief, the two allies need to break the cycle of provocation by making clear they will no longer reward North Korea's destabilizing behavior while pursuing a longer-term goal of their own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the sources and consequences of East Asia's participation in global governance. Despite the rhetoric of global contribution, the article argues that global governance issues are reframed in East Asia to better suit domestic and regional priorities. Specifically, two underlying mechanisms are at work to complicate, and often render ineffective, East Asia's foray into global governance: (1) the conflicting identities of the three countries at the regional and global levels; and (2) the localization of global governance issues. By examining the global role of China, Japan, and South Korea in climate change, peacekeeping, nuclear nonproliferation, the article shows how the shared desire of enhancing global status in East Asia is tempered by the politics of dual identity and issue localization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaken by North Korea's two deadly attacks in 2010, the Lee Myung-bak Administration recalibrated ongoing defense reform plans to enable South Korea's military to protect the country more effectively. President Lee's Defense Reform 307 plan sought to redress many of South Korea's security shortcomings, but Seoul remained hampered by demographic and fiscal constraints. Indeed, questions remained as to whether the government would fully fund South Korea's defense needs, defense budget shortfalls having delayed previous reform efforts. However, South Korea does not bear its security burden alone and its alliance with the United States will continue to play an irreplaceable role in maintaining peace and stability throughout East Asia. Washington should therefore continue to ensure South Korea's security through robust U.S. military deployments in the Pacifica and with an extended deterrence guarantee. While North Korean threats will remain the paramount focus of the U.S.-South Korean alliance, neither country should lose sight of the benefits of Seoul's "going global" with its political, economic, and military capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses the findings of the study regarding the important role of the alliance of the U.S. and Republic of Korea (ROK) in separating anti-American from anti-alliance sentiment in South Korea. It states that although the conservatives are increasingly critical of the U.S. foreign policy, they also valued the alliance in attesting to the need for separating anti-American and anti-alliance sentiment. It mentions that the relationship between the U.S. and ROK have crucial policy implications because the U.S. policy makers and analysts of Korean affairs should attend to the complexities of Korean sentiment and perceptions of the U.S. and the alliance.

Inter-Korean relations have been virtually frozen since the inauguration of the Lee Myung-Bak government in February 2008, largely due to Pyongyang's attempts to develop its nuclear weapons program in violation of numerous international agreements, including the denuclearization agreements signed by all parties to the six-party talks, including North Korea from 2005 to 2007. In addition to carrying out the second nuclear test in 2009 in violation of numerous international agreements, Pyongyang also secretly built a sophisticated ultra-modern uranium enrichment (HEU) facility in Yongbyon. Pyongyang's defiant attitudes and policy on the nuclear issue are totally unacceptable to the Lee government which regards the denuclearization of North Korea as a prerequisite to the normalization of inter-Korean relations. It has decided not to provide any economic assistance to North Korea unless and until North Korea gives up its nuclear ambitions. In an attempt to bully South Korea to give in to the North, Pyongyang launched a series of provocative actions, including the sinking of a South Korean warship in March 2010 and the shelling of a South Korean island (Yeonpyeong) in November in clear violation of the armistice agreement of 1953. As a result, tensions have mounted on the Korean Peninsula and inter-Korean relations are severely strained. Although the Lee government tried to improve inter-Korean relations by exploring the possibility of an inter-Korean summit with Kim Jong-II, the attempts have failed due to Pyongyang's refusal to offer an apology on the two deadly provocations on the South. As a result, inter-Korean relations are likely to remain frozen for the foreseeable future with little prospect of a breakthrough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the relation between China and Taiwan, as well as South and North Korea. It examines the success of China and Taiwan in functionalist cooperation and exchange despite its failure to shift economic cooperation into political cooperation through a neo-functionalist political package deal. It also explores aspects that influence the regression of the economic cooperation and human exchanges between North and South Korea. It notes the move of China and Taiwan in utilizing functionalism to augment economic cooperation without touching the issue of sovereignty. Furthermore, it cites integration patterns of divided countries basing on inter-Korean and cross-Strait relations, and discusses their implications on regional integration theories.

There is a vast literature that examines the American containment approach to communism throughout the Cold War era. However, few authors focus on the flip side of U.S. Cold War policy: constraint. In addition to their distaste for communism, Americans also feared "rogue" anti-communist allies dragging the U.S. into a larger-scale war with their common communist enemies. This fear especially applied to the South Korean authoritarian state under Syngman Rhee, who harnessed rabid anti-communism both to legitimize his rule and to try to embroil the U.S. in further conflict on the Korean peninsula. In order to exercise greater influence over such "rogue allies" as Syngman Rhee's South Korea, the U.S. opted to pursue strong bilateral alliances in East Asia, where the y feared entrapment the most. As a result, solid relationships like the U.S.- ROK alliance came to dominate the East Asian security architecture, leaving little space for East Asian multilateralism to take root. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty ending World War II in the Pacific does not include any language regarding sovereignty over Dokdo, the islets situated in the East Sea/Sea of Japan between Korea and Japan. Earlier drafts had addressed this issue, but language on Dokdo was omitted because of the urgency of completing the Peace Treaty and the outbreak of the Korean War. Earlier documents issued by the Allied Powers had separated Dokdo from Japan's main islands, Korea has strong historical evidence to support its claim to the islets and it has exercised effective occupation over them since the early 1950s. Japan agreed to a Normalization Treaty with Korea in 1965 without insisting on any language referring to Dokdo. Although Japan continues to protest Korea's occupation of Dokdo, its claim is not strengthened by absence of any reference to these islets in the text of the San Francisco Peace Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, I examine two contemporary cases in which the same foreign adversary, North Korea (DPRK), violated the sovereignty of neighboring states. I use a comparison of South Korean and Japanese reactions to political captivity to assess institutional performance in democratic states and ways in which these dynamics are connected to international politics. We see how "captivity narratives" can be differentially constructed and deployed and how policy capture can be achieved by determined political actors. Civic groups in both countries worked to mobilize political support, frame the issue for the media, and force policy change. In Japan, politicians were more willing to use the abduction issue for domestic political gain than in Korea, where the political class was determined to prevent human rights issues (including abductions) from interfering with their larger political agenda, including improved relations with the DPRK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the divergent approaches pursued by Japan and South Korea in their attempts to resolve an issue that is related to a fundamental responsibility of sovereign states: the protection of citizens. The case considered here is North Korea's abduction of Japanese and South Korean nationals. In Japan, the abduction issue has taken center stage in the country's North Korea policy, whereas in South Korea, recent administrations have downplayed the issue—despite the fact that nearly 500 South Korean citizens remain detained in North Korea, compared to fewer than 20 known Japanese abductions. The authors find that the key to understanding the divergent responses lies in the politicization of specific, ostensibly apolitical demands for the state to fulfill its duty to protect citizens. In particular, the proximity of the abductions issue to key nationalist themes, which politicians in each country use to mobilize support, prevents the matter from being addressed in a neutral way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the economic partnership that is developing between South Korea and India. The article notes that this development is unusual because of a long-standing disconnect between Korea and South Asian countries. It is also noted that the two countries are beginning to develop a political and security relationship. South Korea and India have discovered that they have much in common when it comes to national partition and dealing with conflict, and they both have uneasy relationships with China.

Why has South Korea accommodated China, instead of fearing its growth and balancing against it? This article makes two central arguments. First, concepts of balancing and bandwagoning are fundamentally difficult to test, and to the extent that the theory can be tested, it appears to be wrong in the case of South Korea. In fact, we observe many cases in which rising powers are neither balanced nor "bandwagoned" but are simply accommodated with no fundamental change either way in military stance or alignment posture. Second, the factors that explain South Korean foreign policy orientation toward China are as much about interests as they are about material power. South Korea sees substantially more economic opportunity than military threat associated with China's rise; but even more importantly, South Korea evaluates China's goals as not directly threatening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]