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Problem Definition: What are the reasons for Saudi Arabia's conservative foreign policy shift to an aggressive approach after the Arab spring in Yemen? Purpose: Investigating and analyzing the causes of the Saudi military invasion of Yemen from two geopolitical and ideological aspects and its impact on Saudi Arabia's balancing policy with Iran. Methodology: The study was conducted using the descriptive-analytic method. Data collection method was library one using scientific and research papers and online sites. The theoretical framework of this paper was derived from the theory of balance of power, which emphasizes the (relative) equality of power between the two rival blocs, providing a useful theoretical framework for examining the shift in the conservative approach of Saudi foreign policy to the aggressive approach following the Arab spring developments in Yemen. Result: The findings of this article suggest that Ansarullah's full control over Yemen could change the balance of power for Iran's benefit by endangering Saudi security (provoking Shiites in the south and east as well as threatening oil transit through the strategic Bab al- Mandab Strait) and expand its sphere of influence in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia has changed its conservative foreign policy approach to an aggressive foreign policy towards Yemen after changes in Islamic awakening for expanding its influence and maximizing its security on the one hand and to curb the expansion of Iranian influence in the region with the aim of weakening the axis of resistance and balancing strategy on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia launched airstrikes on Yemen with the aim of restoring the rule of President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and destroying the Houthi movement. Scholars and policy analysts moved quickly to examine the Yemen war as a sectarian struggle and a byproduct of Saudi-Iranian rivalry in the region. However, these traditional explanations fall short of unravelling the Saudi motive behind launching a largescale operation in Yemen, its severely weakened and politically divided neighbor. This paper offers an alternative explanation for the abrupt Saudi aggressiveness toward Yemen. It argues that this intervention is driven by a non-material need: Saudi leadership aims to assert the Kingdom’s status as a regional power in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the quest of the government of Yemen for coherent U.S. policy. It notes the final session of the country's National Dialogue Committee on January 25, 2014, which showed an agreement on basic constitutional document that describe a unified and federated country. However, it also mentions the lack of resolution on the U.S. diplomacy pertaining to the issues that need to be worked out, which challenges the government to keep the nation in the U.S. national interest.

International Relations theory has had difficulty explaining the global spread of human rights norms, and in particular the spread of human rights norms in the non-Western world. An exploration of Yemen's integration of human rights-based approaches to economic development into its policymaking gives the empirical foundation to examine the interplay of both norms and self-interest and external and internal pressures in framing such policies. In the case of Yemen, at least, each of these contrasting pairs is to a large degree mutually constituted. Conceptualizing norms and self-interest and external and internal pressures as mutually constitutive differs from the usual contrasts painted between these pairs in international relations theory, but is an important step in moving beyond an impasse among realist, liberal, and constructivist theories and toward a usefully integrative approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to elucidate the relative amount of hostility directed to the different participants in the Gulf War of 1991 and the stages of the development of these feelings, as evident in several jokes. All the jokes in this article are directed against one side of the warring nations — the Allies. None, whatsoever, manifests any aggression, hostility, or ridicule toward Iraq or any of the countries sympathetic to the Iraqi cause, such as Jordan, Yemen, or Sudan. It is also clear that the Palestinian support for Iraq was not in the nature of betting on a horse they expected to win. They continued to support Iraq even after it was thoroughly defeated by the Allies.

The article examines the likely seriousness and persistence of Saudi-Yemeni tension, the relative strengths and weaknesses of Saudi Arabia and Yemen and the possibility of other states aiding Yemen in its dispute with the kingdom. What policy options the U.S. has with regard to Saudi-Yemeni tension are discussed. The author said that Saudi-Yemeni enmity is likely to be a permanent feature of the international relations of the Arabian Peninsula. It is said that the security of Saudi Arabia is of such vital importance to America and West that Washington cannot afford to cooperate with Riyadh in actions that ultimately undermine the kingdom's security.