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The 15th Malaysian General Election (GE-15) took place on 19 November 2022 successfully. This time the general election was held a year earlier than the 5-year maturity period on 16 July 2023, which is the date of the swearing-in of members of Parliament for the 14th term. The GE-15 results show that there is a pattern of voter support based on a specific geographic location. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze voter support patterns based on regional factors. Based on data analysis of the GE 2022 results, observations in the field and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings of the study show that PH continues to dominate the West Coast region of Peninsular Malaysia as well as in Sabah and Sarawak in urban and semi-urban areas with ethnic mix and Chinese majority, PN controls the East and North Coast regions as well as a small part in the West and South of Peninsular Malaysia in the rural areas of the Malay majority, namely in the East Coast Peninsular zone, namely Kelantan, Terengganu and East Pahang and Central Pahang; North of the peninsula, which is Perlis and Kedah and Penang Seberang Prai North and Central, North Perak, Central Perak; the western part of Peninsular namely North Selangor and West Selangor as well as West Melaka and South Melaka while BN remains in power in the rural areas of central Peninsular Malaysia but with a shrinking number of seats. Therefore, regional influence also affects the voting pattern and needs to be taken into account by the relevant parties to implement campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of the geographic distribution of research papers submitted within the academic finance associations of the United States in the 1970s. The seven U.S. financial associations are identified and characterized by regional- or national-based status. Questions are raised regarding the legitimacy of such divisions, exploring the regional origins and influences of their participating members. It is suggested that the membership of all associations are broadly diverse and therefore are all national in character.

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Públic is the property of Revista Catalana de Dret Public and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper complements the limited scholarly interest in the case of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s consistent practice of word–deed gaps, or “hypocrisy” according to some scholars, by employing the insights of organisational sociology. Specifically, it introduces a claim that the gap between ASEAN’s words and deeds can be understood as an organisational response to its material and political vulnerability in relation to its major external stakeholders, aiming to ensure its survival and adaptability. Accommodating multiple, or sometimes even conflicting, demands from various external actors, ASEAN may be able to secure its material and diplomatic engagement in developmental and political regionalism within Southeast Asia. However, ASEAN also wants to protect its local identity and practices; or it may want to avoid forced internal reforms at an undesirable scale and pace. In this context, organised hypocrisy would likely become a vital consideration for the complex institution. For ASEAN, this paper notes, these word–deed gaps reflect the way it wants to manage conflicting external demands as an international social agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of African & Mediterranean Journal of Architecture & Urbanism (AMJAU) is the property of Ecole Nationale d'Architecture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bridging the Pacific provides an image of two separate regions which share the Pacific Rim, becoming connected in multiple aspects, not limited to a predominantly economic interconnection. This image, thus, points toward a constructive mechanism to work toward a resolution of the over-arching global issue, including climate change. This image and the method for its practical implementation are suggested by the Forum for East Asia and Latin America Cooperation—FEALAC. In the overall field of regionalism studies, inter-regionalism can be considered as 'the third wave' under the new regionalism, and FEALAC can be located in this analytical framework. To begin, this paper traces the process and features of regionalism by typification of three different versions, or ideal types of regionalism. In this work, each type of regionalism is not viewed as a successor to, considered better than the previous one, but rather provides a typology for analytical purposes. Next, taking up this historical and analytical framework of regionalism, this paper examines the FEALAC in terms of its strengths and weaknesses considered from the perspective of the five systemic functions. Finally, this paper demonstrates the ways in which FEALAC can be considered a relevant framework of inter-regional governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the socio-political dimension of the political changes in Assam vis-a-vis "regionalism" and its contestations. The Changing contours of regionalism in Assam reflect its distinct character marked by the simultaneous articulation of regional, sub-regional and national identity in a complex socio-ethnic and historical context. The recent political trajectory of Assam bears testimony to the dual challenges facing the forces of regionalism; the presence of sub-regional ethnic identity articulation and the appropriation of regional space and issues by the national parties. Further, the shifting allegiance of ethnic identity-based parties to the national parties is critical to understand the dynamics of regionalism in Assam. Socio-political developments subsequent to the rise of BJP post-2014 provide an interesting landscape to comprehend the complexities inherent in understanding regionalism in contemporary Assam. On a contextual note, the paper also locates the question of regionalism in the ongoing debates of NRC and CAA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the trade co-movements and shock spillover across four African geographic regions. Specifically, we were motivated by the very low intra-trade activities in Africa, despite increased regionalism to study the possibility of a country's trade shock being transferred to its trading partners on the continent. Knowing the trade connectedness and shock transmission among African countries will serve as a baseline for the AfCFTA implementation. In our analysis, we considered the four African regional quarterly data between 2005 and 2021 from UNCTAD. The continent was divided into four regions namely, Western, Middle, Eastern, and Southern Africa. We divided the time into pre- and post-AfCFTA periods. The Dynamic Conditional Correlation (DCC) and the Diebold and Yilmaz (2012) models were adopted to determine the trade co-movement and the shock spillover respectively. The results show different trade co-movement and trade shock spillovers among the regions at different times. The trade co-movement seems to be dominant between the Middle and Southern African regions. Further analysis shows the presence of trade shock transmission across all four regions. The Western African region exhibits a sign of the biggest trade shock receiver from the other regions, while the Southern African regions turn out to be the largest contributor of trade shocks to the other regions both in the post and pre- AfCFTA period. The study contributes by sending a signal to AfCFTA implementers that trading on the African continents behaves differently among the various geographic regions. It also provides early warning signal for AfCFTA policy implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decades, the European Union has been gradually developing and maintaining legal regionalism within its jurisdiction. Its purpose is to preserve the achievements of integration, as well as the unity and autonomy of EU law. In this paper, I recount the toolbox of EU legal regionalism from primary law, through the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, to the institution of the so-called disconnection clauses employed by the EU in certain international treaties, expanding also on their possible effects on international law and the Member States' relations with third parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tourism & Rural Development Studies / Turisztikai és Vidékfejlesztési Tanulmányok is the property of CampInvest Kft. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Starting from some considerations regarding the process of compiling a bilingual literary vocabulary, this paper will discuss examples of culturally marked lexicon employed by Graciliano Ramos in a corpus of selected novels and their respective translations into Italian. The aim is to demonstrate how the multifaceted cultural and social reality of reference of the analyzed works emerges through the writer's lexical choices. At the same time, the paper also wants to illustrate that the study of regionalism and other cultural markers constitutes a precious didactic material in university courses, not only in the area of Translation Studies but also from an interdisciplinary perspective, which considers linguistic and extralinguistic connections, to deepen the varied elements of the Northeastern culture in its globality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Iberystyczne is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the paper is to reassess urban trajectories in the Mediterranean during the passage from Late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages. This will be done by focusing on the sites of Amorium, Gortyn, Eleutherna, and Comacchio, places which transcend both the terrestrial and maritime, and the political and military frontiers of the Byzantine empire and the Umayyad Caliphate. Archaeology and material culture will be used - in a comparative perspective - to dissect urban bodies in terms of use of space and function of spatial relationship. This is in order to document the construction of urban models, structures, and infrastructures, which, although often stemming from diverse centralized political and administrative policies, nevertheless accommodated common, cross-cultural developments, including the creation of commercial and artisanal facilities, construction or restoration of religious buildings as foci of settlement, and resilience of local elites as a catalyst of patronage and levels of demand. Particular attention will be given to the role of public spaces as the frame of reference. Indeed, such spaces will be used to show how artistic and architectural displays operated, cultural assumptions could be (re-) discussed, and different types of buildings coexisted. In this respect, the paper will also explore the continuous importance of civic infrastructures and religious buildings as pillars of a yet coherent urban fabric, representatives of the power and wealth of local city-oriented elites, and conveyors of political, artistic, and spatial symbolism, as mutually recognized and experienced by the communities frequenting seventh-to-ninth century eastern Mediterranean urban spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The spatial political logic of the construction of Chinese metropolitan areas (CMAs) is unique and complex, involving the interaction of power, spatial production, and the construction of political rationality between multiple scales. Taking the representative Nanjing metropolitan area as an example, we use the "material–organizational–discursive" analytical framework of politics of scale theory to analyze the construction logic of CMAs. This study finds the following: (1) In general, the CMA is a high-quality spatial construction resulting from multi-city negotiation, inter-provincial collaboration, and central–territory linkage, and has generally undergone a process of increasing the power of subjects, nested power relations, frequent scale interactions, and complex interest games; among them, planning is not only a scale tool for competing for power, but also an important representation of the results of multiple power games. (2) In terms of the construction of material space, both the delineation of boundaries and the cross-border connection of infrastructure represent rational thinking and stand as two-way choices of the two power subjects in the MA based on the maintenance and expansion of their own spatial development rights. (3) In terms of organizational space construction, CMAs mainly adopt flexible means, with bilateral and multilateral cooperation at the horizontal level, while there is a certain power inequality at the vertical level. (4) In the construction of discursive space, CMAs have experienced increasing construction significance, escalating scale subjects, and overlapping discourse narratives, and the contrast of power relations has also changed. The contribution of this paper is an expansion of the analytical framework of politics of scale based on the division of spatial dimensions, which provides a new perspective for understanding the construction of CMAs, and also helps us to picture Chinese city–regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Details the changes adopted by the Regional Science Association International as of January 1999. Publication of the `Papers in Regional Science' periodical; Creation of supranational groupings; Consensus reached by the association during its convention in Rome in August 1997.

Editorial. Introduces a series of articles on regional science published in the January 1999 issue of the `Papers in Regional Science.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study is about region and the politics and political style of Jimmy Carter. In 1976, the former Georgia governor broke a regional barrier to become president of the United States. He was a white southerner from the Deep South. As a candidate, he regularly identified himself as being from the South and spoke with pride about his regional connections. Although being from the South may have had some political costs, Carter did not consider it a liability. It helped him win the Democratic Party nomination and the general election. It reinforced his image as a Washington outsider. Indeed, had it not been for the near solid support from his home region in the Electoral College, he would have lost to Gerald Ford. Carter was also a southern president. He used his regional identity to establish and maintain relations with other Americans and with international leaders. He employed it in domestic and foreign policy situations, most notably in his efforts to advance Middle East peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars generally agree that regionalization and regionalism are different phenomena; however, unresolved arguments remain as to whether there is a causal relationship between the two. In particular, whether or not regionalization promotes regionalism is a subject of debate. This paper aims to comprehensively clarify and explain the relationship between regionalization as embodied in trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) and regionalism as characterized by preferential trade agreements (PTAs) using event history analyses of East Asian economic data from 1985 to 2018. The paper concludes that although a positive and significant relationship exists between FDI and some types of PTAs, trade has no relationship with the latter. This conclusion challenges extant literature, which has argued that an increase in PTAs in East Asia (the outcome of regionalism) is the consequence of economic interdependence (regionalization). Moreover, these findings indicate that political factors such as territorial disputes and joint democracy negatively affect certain types of PTAs. This result is contrary to the conventional wisdom that predicts increased cooperation and lower tariffs between democracies and therefore suggests further investigations of the determinants of PTAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regionalism poses a challenge to the work of the International Law Commission (ILC). The Commission, entrusted by the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) with the "progressive development of international law and its codification", is tasked with identifying and elaborating universally accepted and acceptable rules of international law. The challenge posed by regionalism lies in its ambivalent role precisely in relation to the mandate of the ILC: on the one hand, a significant share of practice in international law is generated at the regional level. Since regional practice thus constitutes a substantial part of State practice, the ILC cannot avoid taking regional practice into account if it is to identify and develop common rules. On the other hand, regionalism often involves claims for special legal treatment based on the affiliation with a region; thus, deviations from precisely those general legal rules which the ILC seeks to codify and develop. The present contribution analyses how the Commission has approached regionalism in its previous work and identifies four approaches. It shows that each of these approaches suffers from shortcomings. At the same time, the current projects on General principles of law (GPL) and Sea-level rise in relation to international law possibly indicate the emergence of a more fruitful fifth approach. Based on this analysis, the present contribution shows that the practice of the ILC evinces two methodological challenges arising from regional plurality -, the challenge of equal regional representation and the challenge of regional exceptionalism, - and makes suggestions as to how to address these in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union macro-regional strategies represent a policy framework that aims to enable EU Member States and third countries sharing common interests to better coordinate their potentials in order to make the best possible use of available opportunities. This paper looks into the specificities of four EU macro-regional strategies covering 19 European Union Member States and nine non-EU countries. Given the challenging situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, it also considers the future perspectives of EU macro-regional strategies as well as their adaptability to new circumstances. More specifically, it focuses on intergovernmental initiatives and their implementation, underlying the importance of the application of the principle of subsidiarity. In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting two pivotal elements. First, it assesses whether the EU macro-regional strategies could be genuinely successful, given the fact that they do not have their separate allocation but use the existing funding instead. Second, it explores the ability of the EU macro-regional strategies to bridge wider EU-level policies on the one hand and local policies on the other. Finally, the idea of the paper is to offer an overview of the state of affairs when macro-regions are concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international system is in a period of transition, marked by a weakening of multilateralism, challenges to the liberal order and the consolidation of new global leaderships. In addition, various cross-border crises, like the COVID-19 pandemic, have compounded the effects of these changes at a regional level. Given this context, what room is there for regional cooperation in Latin America? As a tool for regional coordination and integration into international flows and dynamics, regionalism can boast achievements, but challenges remain. In analytical terms, this paper proposes an approach that enables an examination of the combination of interests, ideas and institutions at play on a regional level in Latin America. The central argument is that the changing dynamics of regionalism are a product of the way in which states' interests interact with ideas about the region in a specific institutional environment over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study offers an analysis of the rapidly increasing volume of science and engineering knowledge production among ASEAN member states. It explores the extent to which regional economic integration has influenced research profiles (areas of specialization) and international research collaboration. The study utilizes an open-source dataset of nationally aggregated scientometric indicators extracted from the Scopus database. Revealed comparative advantage and scientific co-authorship methodologies are applied to analyse changes in research profiles and international research collaboration. The concept of revealed comparative advantage has not previously been applied to ASEAN research output. The findings show that ASEAN countries have increased their research profile in manufacturing-linked technologies and have become less regional and more global in their scientific collaborations. Malaysia, Vietnam and especially Singapore have increased their average research quality, while Indonesia has seen a notable decline in research quality amid a large quantitative increase in research output. The research profiles and collaboration networks of ASEAN members are diverging, which runs counter to the converging trend observed in the European Union. The international research collaborations of ASEAN member states increasingly take place outside of the ASEAN region itself and with other countries in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Lacquered wooden sculptures of fantastic hybrid beasts adorned with real deer antlers are among the most extraordinary examples of sculpture found in Chu tombs dated from the sixth through the third centuries BCE. Conventionally known as zhenmushou 镇墓兽 or "protecting tomb beasts", the antlered sculptures have grotesque features, including bulging eyes, fangs, and protruding tongues. In the fourth century BCE, production and use of these sculptures increased and peaked in the Hanxi region of Hubei province. Although most of these figures have been found in tombs in Hanxi (west of the Han River), distinctive variations of antlered tomb sculptures are also documented in regional areas of the Chu polity, including the Nanyang Basin, the Upper Huai, Eastern Hubei, and Jiangnan. Through a systematic regional analysis of Chu antlered sculptures, this paper presents a spatial framework for analyzing this unique genre of Chu funerary sculpture. This approach provides fresh insight into the interregional networks of interaction across the Chu state and beyond, via waterways and the Suizao corridor from the sixth through the third centuries BCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU regional policy pays particular attention to border regions, however, the past decades, underlined also the paradoxical situation surrounding these parts of the EU. Despite the fact that border regions connect Member States' markets into an internal market, and that they mark the natural geographical channels for the free circulation of economic factors, the economic performance of the border regions is generally more modest in comparison with inner territories of the Member States. Recent researches have shown that this contradiction is rooted in specific barriers, which go much beyond the obstacles that are covered by the EU funding treaties in the context of the internal market freedoms. Even though these barriers are also of legal, regulatory and administrative nature and are able to restrict drastically the cross-border interactions, are not explicitly prohibited by the treaties. Therefore, the main question of the paper is how to identify and how to dismantle these legal and administrative obstacles. In line with this objective, the paper conducts a case-to-case analysis to identify the possible forms of obstacles and also scrutinizes the currently deadlocked legislative procedure for establishing a mechanism to eliminate barriers in the border regions (draft ECBM Regulation). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Norba: Revista de Arte is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Extremadura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Etudes Romanes de Brno is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Sociologia is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The policy of “double reduction” has been applied by the Chinese government, and therefore, an assessment of its impact on various components of economic and social development in this and other countries is relevant. The purpose of this paper was to determine how the outflow of students abroad (due to the use of the “double reduction” policy) affects the economic development of local economies. The main methods used in the study were analysis, abstraction and forecasting. The article presents a survey of Chinese students studying abroad, which shows differences in satisfaction, cost of living and employment rates in different countries. The essence of the “double reduction” policy, which was aimed at solving various problems in the education system, was also considered. It describes the purpose of the policy and the actual impact it had on students and teachers. In addition, it was noted how the policy was related to the out-migration of students, and the negative and positive effects of the policy on the country were also discussed in detail. The correlation between these factors and the gross domestic product was also explored, highlighting the potential interaction between these indicators. In particular, it was shown that the level of satisfaction with education was diverse and did not have a significant correlation with other factors, such as unemployment and living costs. In turn, other indicators that did influence the level of study satisfaction were noted. This paper brings new knowledge to the assessment of the development of China’s economy and its education sector. It also provides a better understanding of how the trends in student out-migration affect the economic development of other countries

The subject of this paper is the development of a conceptual design proposal for the official residence for the President of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito on the Adriatic coast of Miločer, Budva (1975-1980). The research aims to unveil patterns of the regionalist approach within urban and architectural thought in the Socialist Republic of Montenegro (SR Montenegro) through the project of the presidential complex, shown here for the first time since its official presentation to the president himself in 1976. In methodological terms, the paper examines multiple layers of historical background of Miločer that affected the design­ers' process of thinking, followed by a clear-cut description of the planning procedures, methodologies and reasoning that emerged from the archives and the first-hand witnesses of the whole process. The final results reflect on the critical approach within the practice of the post-war generation of Montenegrin architects, successfully balancing between the poles of power-representation and contemporary architectural currents.

This paper explores the role of women in leadership in Latin American Regionalism and, more specifically, the incorporation of gender commitments at the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (celac), focusing on the case of the overlapping mandates, during the period 2011-2014, of three women in the Presidencies of Chile, Argentina and Brazil: Michelle Bachelet, Cristina Kirchner, and Dilma Rousseff, respectively. The paper draws on feminist approaches and the literature of women and leadership, and incorporates peculiarities pointed out in the literature of Latin American regionalism, such as weak institutions, presidential diplomacy, and active transnational advocacy networks. The main argument advanced is that the effect of women in leadership cannot be taken for granted as gender was not a priority during the governments of these presidents. The more diffuse commitment to human rights, which they all shared, as well as their symbolic empowerment effect might have strengthened the gender cause advanced by civil society and transnational advocacy networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After his journeys around a continent that was still licking the wounds of WWII, the Irish poet Pearse Hutchinson (1927-2012) chose Barcelona as his residence in different periods in the 1950s and the 1960s. There is considerable agreement in the notion that Hutchinson reflected the parallels between Spain and Ireland and both countries' cultural and language oppression in his poetry (Veiga 2011; Keatinge 2011; Mittermaier 2017). Yet, the understanding of his involvement with Spain and its regions/nations is still limited. While existing literature on this issue relies heavily on the poetic production of the author, little attention has been paid to Hutchinson's uncatalogued papers held at UCC and Maynooth U., which include unpublished poems, personal letters and postcards, annotations and his collection of books. The purpose of this paper is to increase the existing knowledge about the poet's representation of Spain and, in particular, of the regions of Galicia and Catalonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the final decades of the 20th century, territorial political economy was influenced by both urban and regional economy. The first called attention to the "triumph of the cities" and the second to the importance of consolidating "a new regionalism." Over the course of the 21st century, on the other hand, urban and regional economies have been conceptually articulated as a result of the "metropolitan revolution." The central objective of this article is to reflect on the characteristics of this process, the possible impacts and the great challenges. To conclude, this paper suggests that regional cohesion is determined by a functional polycentric territorial structure, a productive and sustainable economy and a multilevel and multi-scale governance model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]