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The article discusses a study on the relationship between the Jewish communities and the mass media in provincial areas in Great Britain in the 19th century. The research focused on the coverage of the communities by the mid-century Jewish newspapers "Voice of Jacob" and "Jewish Chronicle." Also cited are the Jewish communities' synagogue building programme and drive for political representation on both local and national governments.

Public participation in technological decision-making is increasingly seen as de rigueur, but the limits and purpose of such participation remain open to debate. In this paper we explore the tension between different rationales for widening participation and examine their implications for its practice. Taking debates about medical genomics in the UK as an illustrative example, we argue that more heterogeneous participation and debate have the potential to improve the scrutiny and accountability of science within representative democracies. In doing so we also argue that it is necessary to replace the language of `lay expertise' with a more systematic and rigorous treatment of the expertise or its absence that characterizes different participants. Drawing on the theoretical work of Collins & Evans (2002), we distinguish between those processes where expert knowledge is required and debate is conducted within the public domain, rather than by the public itself, and those where the views of non-expert lay citizens are needed and valued. The effect of adopting this approach is to permit a more inclusive treatment of the `technical' while also providing a positive role for non-expert citizens in the democratic control and oversight of science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the study the author examines dramatic shifts, focusing especially on the assessments and decisions of the colonial officials. It is based mainly on formerly confidential and secret records, but is informed also by his field research at that time. The discussion highlights particularly the changing importance of the domestic and international arenas of conflict and negotiation. In an earlier paper, the author traced attempts by British officials to persuade Fijian and European agreement to begin a move toward self-government based on a common franchise.

• Responsible incentivisation requires attention to situated stakeholder perspectives. • We develop four policy scenarios and subject them to deliberation in the UK and Sweden. • New incentives and enabling reforms to existing policy instruments are needed. • Mitigation deterrence must be considered in real world (not abstracted) contexts. • Multi-instrument approaches are needed to overcome single instrument deficiencies. Bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) plays a central role in scenario pathways that limit global warming in line with the objectives of the Paris Agreement. Yet deliberate policy efforts to incentivise BECCS—whether through amending existing climate policies or introducing entirely new ones—remain rare. In this paper, we contend that BECCS must be incentivised responsibly, through policy-making processes which account for diverse and geographically varying societal values and interests. More specifically, we make the case for responsible incentivisation by undertaking a comparative analysis of stakeholder attitudes to four idealised policy scenarios for BECCS, including representatives of government, business, nongovernmental and academic communities, in the UK and Sweden. The scenarios were: business as usual; international policy reform; national BECCS policy; and national policy for negative emissions technologies. Based on our findings, we recommend that policymakers 1) recognise the need to develop new incentives and make enabling reforms to existing policy instruments; 2) consider the risk of mitigation deterrence in their real world (and not abstracted) contexts; 3) employ multi-instrument approaches to incentivisation that do not overly rely on carbon pricing or 4) force a choice between technology specific or technology neutral policies; and 5) attend to the diversity of stakeholder and wider public perspectives that will ultimately determine the success—or failure—of their policy designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the views of philosopher John Locke concerning the franchise in Great Britain in the late seventeenth century. It examines a draft of an election bill found in the papers of English politician Edward Clarke that was annotated by Locke. The author comments on election regulation and concern about corruption and bribery. He also reflects on Locke's Whiggism, examining what is referred to as Court Whiggery and Country Whiggery. The relationship between population, wealth, and representation is considered.

This paper considers the impact of distance to polling station upon electoral turnout. Using polling station level data from a London borough, it examines three types of election – parliamentary, European and local elections – over a twenty year period. The UK is notable among western liberal democracies for its relatively large turnout gap – the percentage point difference between turnout at elections for the Westminster parliament compared to that for other institutions, including local councils and the supra-national European parliament. This research considers the hypothesis that in high information, high salience elections for the national parliament the costs of voting associated with travelling to a polling station to vote in person are perceived as either low or insignificant but that in low information, low salience elections, those costs are perceived as higher and may act as a deterrent upon voting. A series of multi-level models consider the relationships between the dependent variable, percentage turnout, and a range of independent variables, including socio-economic characteristics, marginality as well as the spatial context. We show that there is indeed a relationship between distance and voter turnout, and other spatial and contextual variables, which are stronger for the lower salience European and local elections than for the higher salience national elections. Hence we conclude that the local geography of the polling station can have a significant impact on voter turnout and that there should be a more strategic approach to the siting of polling stations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Queen has various reserve powers, or personal prerogatives, including prorogation, dissolution and summoning of parliament, and dismissing and appointing a prime minister. The use of these powers is pursuant to unwritten constitutional conventions and are, in theory, the same for all Commonwealth countries that have retained the Queen as head of state. Yet in practice they operate differently - far more democratically - in England, where the Queen is present, than in Canada, where a governor general has been appointed to represent the Queen and manage these powers on Her behalf. This paper examines the British approach, contrasts it with the Canadian, and shows how Canada could improve its democracy by adopting the British practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the administrative foundations of self-enforcing constitutions. The authors state that the challenge to reform under a constitution is that no theory exists that articulates the conditions under which constitutional rules successfully coordinate behavior. The authors display the relevance of the administrative-power view of constitutionalism through the examination of the experiences of the City-State of Venice, Italy and of England. They found that administrative power determined which rights were an equilibrium outcome and which constitutional rules were self-enforcing.

Between 1940 and 1960, the British Government became increasingly concerned with the welfare of students coming to Britain from the dependent territories of the Commonwealth. The reasons were political, cultural, and economic. This essay traces the transition of official attitudes, from modest promotion to active policy. With the coming ‘end of Empire’, Britain chose a role that combined cooperation with the Commonwealth with future membership in the European community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although conflict of interest is a problem endemic to representative institutions, it manifests itself in different ways from one system to the next. This paper examines how conflict of interest has been interpreted and managed in the United States Congress and in the British House of Commons. Differences in the regulatory systems are described, and the argument is made that the crucial distinction is the greater autonomy members of Parliament have in interpreting and resolving conflicts of interest. This autonomy (or the lack of it) arises, we suggest, out of fundamental institutional arrangements, specifically the theory of representation employed in each system and the degree of institutional autonomy enjoyed by each legislative body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationships between British MPs and local officials and councillors for evidence of accommodation or resistance to the representational activities and styles of MPs. It is based on structured interviews in eight constituencies, including interviews with the MPs, local councillors, CEOs, and other officials. The activities of MPs in their constituencies can be categorized into four nonexclusive groupings: casework, projects, gaining visibility, and party maintenance. Each of these activities may create tensions in a constituency, with casework (mostly housing cases) and gaining visibility the most frequently mentioned sources of tension. Divided partisan representation and electoral competitiveness at both the council and parliamentary levels resulted in a great deal of tension. Where the same party controlled both the local council and the parliamentary seat, tensions were largely kept within the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three hypotheses have been put forward in past research to explain the reduced extent of party cohesion observed in British parliamentary divisions after 1970. One of these, the "new breed" hypothesis, associates the change with a generation effect. Another, the "poor leadership" hypothesis, associates it with mismanagement of the Conservative party by Edward Heath. A third hypothesis links the dissension to a change in parliamentary rules. This paper looks more closely at the nature and correlates of dissent in the parliamentary parties during the early 1970s and conclusively discredits the "new breed" hypothesis. in neither party is there any evidence of a generational effect in rebellious voting. Nevertheless, this finding does not really support either of the other hypotheses, since the rise in dissent predicates the period associated with change in parliamentary rules and the correlates of dissent are found to be the same in both parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a brief account of notes on functional representation in the British House of Commons. The purpose of this paper is to consider two different but related hypotheses concerning functional representation in the House of Commons. Although private members usually represent party interests with considerable cohesion, a significant number also conspicuously represent various par- ticular interests; when this is true, their behavior during debate will reflect this type of representation as well as their party representation. A debate on the procedures of the House of Commons, which must of necessity consider the role of the private member, is in part a debate over theories of representation. It may be that the recent discussions of Commons procedures are, whether so intended or not, a reflection of some discontent with the present balance between collectivist views of representation and the concepts of functional representation. Certainly a consideration of the way in which institutional changes might alter the access of interest representation in Britain is necessary for a full understanding of these institutions themselves.

A powerful dystopian imaginary dominates political and cultural representations of Britain's postwar tower blocks, which continue to be linked to social dysfunction and alienation despite extensive empirical research that challenges such claims. This article asks what contested declarations of failure "do" by examining how "tower block failure" is discursively deployed by placemaking professionals--planners, architects, housing managers, regeneration practitioners--engaged in the construction of a "model" mixed-tenure neighborhood in London's Olympic Park. Examining how the aesthetic figure of the "failed" high-rise housing estate is configured in relation to the normative models of citizenship and community that infuse social and spatial policy, I argue "failure" is entangled with a speculative, future-oriented economy of risk management, which refracts wider questions about the nonobvious forms that power takes in the neoliberal city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to enhance the historiography of the Eastern Cape frontier wars by adding war profiteering to land hunger as a motive for settler militancy. Equally important however was the extent to which the exorbitant military expenditure of the Eighth Frontier War (1850-3) aroused the concern of the British Treasury, and drew their attention to the corrupt practices of Colonial Secretary John Montagu, the de facto head of the Cape government. This was precisely the period during which the Cape franchise was under review at the Colonial office, and the article concludes by showing that imperial intervention in favour of a broader more inclusive franchise was due less to democratic concerns than to its desire to put a brake on the Cape's burgeoning public debt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand the politics of recognition, one must conceive of it as a politics of representation. Like representation, recognition proceeds at once in a constative and a performative mode, whereby they bring into being what is simultaneously represented or recognized. This structure has paradoxical implications. The politics of recognition is also a politics of representation in the sense that it always involves questions such as, Which representations are recognized? Whose representations are they? The reverse is also true: the politics of representation involves recognition because representatives and representations must be recognized in order to gain authority. In short, we can examine recognition as representation, and there is no recognition without representation, and vice versa. This is demonstrated through a reading of a recent British legal case, Begum, where the issue at stake concerned which representation of Islam should form the basis for the recognition of Islam in the school uniform policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some scholars use the 'dynamic representation' approach to test how much current policy changes reflect past public preferences. This article tests hypotheses derived from this approach in a left-right context for the United Kingdom from 1976 to 2006. This shows that government policy on the left-right scale shifts as public preferences change ('rational anticipation'). Secondly, a public with right-wing preferences elects the Conservatives, who pursue right-wing policies in office ('electoral turnover'). However, popular incumbents are less likely to adjust their policy position to the public. The Westminster system is criticized for its weak link between the rulers and the ruled, but dynamic representation on the left-right scale in the United Kingdom seems to have functioned admirably in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A model of policy implementation in a parliamentary democracy as delegation between the prime minister and her cabinet ministers is introduced. Cabinet reshuffles can be pursued as a strategy to reduce the agency loss which occurs due to the different preferences of the actors. This work thus explains why prime ministers resort to reshuffles: cabinet reshuffles reduce the moral hazard facing ministers. This answer both augments and distinguishes this work from traditional perspectives on reshuffles that have emphasized the deleterious effects of reshuffles on ministerial capacity, and also from recent work that casts reshuffles as solutions to the adverse-selection problems inherent in cabinet government. The conclusion offers a preliminary test of some of the hypotheses generated by this theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The achievement of universal suffrage after 1918 stimulated new forms of democratic participation in Britain. These decades witnessed not only renewed efforts by political parties to mobilize the mass electorate, but also the establishment of new kinds of civic association, often secular in character, strongly invested in a discourse of active citizenship, and committed to creating and defending a space within associational life which was free of partisan or sectarian conflict. This article presents a fresh perspective on the political culture of interwar Britain by comparing and contrasting the experiences of four voluntary associations active during this period: the National Federation of Women's Institutes, Rotary International, the British Legion, and the League of Nations Union. It analyses their relationship with conventional party politics, rejecting the argument that these associations served as vehicles for middle-class anti-socialism, and concludes, instead, that their pluralist values and political centrism formed part of a wider response by political, religious, and educational elites to the challenge of class conflict, economic instability, and political extremism in the post-war decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of England's first women justices of the peace (JPs) on the work of lay magistrates in the period 1920-50. It argues that the early women JPs (many of whom had been active in the women's suffrage campaign), and the organizations that they belonged to, helped to transform the institution of the lay magistracy by adopting a more 'professional' approach, evidenced in their willingness to educate and train themselves for their new role. In consequence, this article challenges conventional definitions of 'professionalism', arguing that, where the work of JPs was concerned, the boundary between 'voluntary' and 'professional' activities was less clear than might be supposed. Furthermore, the willingness of many women magistrates in particular (later followed by some of their male colleagues) to undergo training helped to ensure the survival of the lay element in the criminal justice system to the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the letter from the Union Parliament of 1665-5 on the Scottish Affairs at Westminster. The Westminster parliament, a new union of England and Scotland has been formalized by the protectoral ordinance last April. With the earl of Glencairn's royalist rebellion, only 22 MPs were returned for the 30 seats allocated to Scotland while the rest were Englishmen. In addition, in the House of Commons, Scottish affairs were side-lined by more compelling English concerns.

This article analyses the condition of the labour alliance of the Labour Party and its affiliated unions in the light of a recent typology of union–party links, and of Lewis Minkin's seminal study of the British union–party link. We conclude that, while the link appeared to have stabilized before the general election in 2001, it has become much more volatile since, although the new group of more left-wing leaders of major unions remains determined to reassert the union position inside the party rather than radically change the union–Labour relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines whether greater fragmentation in local government improves efficiency. ) “exiting” is the general theoretical underpinning for the belief that fragmentation should improve efficiency. The article argues that previous evidence for the greater efficiency of fragmented government is weak because the complex nature of many local government systems is not consistent with the institutional structures supposed in the models and does not allow for simple testing. Using evidence from England where institutional structures more closely resemble those in the Tiebout model, efficiency is analyzed both at the jurisdictional and metropolitan level in a straightforward manner. No evidence for the supposed positive effects of fragmentation is found. Voice mechanisms may explain why fiscal mobility does not lead to efficiency in the fragmented system of metropolitan England. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Photographic Library of the Council of Industrial Design now forms part of the Design Council Archive at the University of Brighton. This essay examines the early years of the Library concentrating on the reasons for its formation and the acquisition, classification and distribution of photography. I argue that the Council's dependence on photography was bound up in its wish to promote a particular formalist point of view that manifested itself in the reproduction of industrial design by photographic means. The Council promoted a 'way of seeing' as much as the industrially designed products it represented and photography became the key currency in this process, providing evidence of the Council's mediation between manufacturers and consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the authors' comments on reasons why more women should be elected to positions of power in Great Britain. They think that Parliamentary democracy requires increased female representation on the grounds of symbolic equity. They state that gender differences in attitudes can be understood, but not gender differences in behavior. Based on previous studies, they say that Parliamentary women candidates are more sympathetic than men to liberal concerns in their parties.

Discusses electoral strategy under open voting based on evidence from Great Britain from 1832 to 1880. Impact of the Reform Act of 1832 on the electoral system; Challenge to uncontested one party dominance in two-member seats; Change in the basis of representation with the abandonment of the clear distinctions between county and borough seats.

The article discusses the electoral politics in Wales. It discusses the ongoing dominance of the Labour Party over the Plaid Cymru which is the nationalist party. It describes the history of the Plaid Cymru including the growth of the Scottish Nationalist Party and its losses to the Labour Party. The article differentiates between the British and Welsh perspectives in the analysis of elections in Wales. It also presents the results of a survey, the Welsh Election Study, which provides information on the voting behavior of Welsh people. An overview of the survey is provided.

This article is a study of the relationship between votes and legislative representation in Great Britain and the United States. The author describes a process by which the representativeness of democratic institutions may be evaluated. One of the problems in providing an interpretation for the relationship between votes and seats in a two-party, single-member constituency, plurality election system is that of defining a frame of reference for comparison. If one starts from an implicit standard of proportional representation, the major problem appears to be that of explaining why the system provides a bias in favor of the majority party in the range around 50 percent so that an increase of 1 per cent in the party's voting strength results in an increase of approximately 3 per cent in the party's strength in the house. Consequently, although it has been the implicit approach of some students of the cube law, comparison of the observed results with a normative proportional representation model tends not to be particularly fruitful insofar as one is interested in empirically-grounded theory.

The article reports that a move to extend European Union democracy to include new Member States was made when the European Parliament (Representation) Bill was granted Royal Assent. The redistribution of seats to accommodate the accession of new states is set out in the Accession Treaty signed in Athens, Greece which provides that Britain is to have 78 seats. The Act also provides for the entirety of electoral law as it applies to European Parliamentary elections to be applied to Gibraltar for those purposes modified as necessary to ensure practical application.