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This paper uses a new data set of 885 California ballot propositions from 1912 through 1990 to test the hypothesis that voter turnout increases as an election becomes closer. Various measures of voter participation are regressed on various measures of election closeness. The main finding is that there is not a systematic relation between closeness and turnout. Two conclusions are drawn: (1) voters are not sensitive to the probability their votes are decisive, and (2) other studies which found higher turnout for close elections probably detected an increased mobilization of party elites in tight races. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the impact of one election procedure designed to enfranchise immigrants: foreign-language election materials. Specifically, it uses regression discontinuity design to estimate the turnout and election impacts of Spanish-language assistance provided under Section 203 of the Voting Rights Act. Analyses of two different data sets-the Latino National Survey and California 1998 primary election returns-show that Spanish-language assistance increased turnout for citizens who speak little English. The California results also demonstrate that election procedures can influence outcomes, as support for ending bilingual education dropped markedly in heavily Spanish-speaking neighborhoods with Spanish-language assistance. Small changes in election procedures can influence who votes as well as what wins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. Supreme Court must reexamine its deeply flawed ballot access jurisprudence. California voters passed Proposition 14 on June 8, 2010. This law reduces ballot access for minor parties. This Article argues that the Court has historically overestimated the government interests at stake in restricting ballot access, while derogating the important role that minor parties can play in elections. This must stop. This Article further argues that the Court should apply strict scrutiny to ballot access restrictions and use a holistic approach when examining such restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do legislators remain at one point on the ideological spectrum for their entire careers, or do they update their ideological positions in response to the demands of constituents? Although theories of the electoral connection predict that legislators should adapt to voter demands, most empirical studies instead show that they maintain consistent positions in the face of changing political conditions. This article takes advantage of the natural experiment provided by California's 2003 recall election—held at the midpoint of the state's legislative session—to investigate the impact of a strong electoral signal that is isolated from other political changes. We show that after the results of the recall signaled a surge in support for the Republican Party, Democratic legislators, particularly those in the most competitive districts, moderated their voting behavior in an apparent case of ideological adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The objectives of this article are to test whether Latino canvassers are more effective than non-Latino canvassers at increasing voter turnout among young Latinos, and to test whether young Latinos are more receptive to a mobilization message that stresses ethnic group solidarity or one that emphasizes civic duty. Methods: A randomized field experiment, conducted in Fresno, California in the fall of 2002, is the basis for the results reported here. Results: Young Latino voters targeted by Latino canvassers are more likely to be contacted. However, once contacted, Latinos reached by non-Latino canvassers are just as likely to turn out to vote as are those reached by non-Latino canvassers. The mobilization effect is particularly strong among voters who have participated in at least one prior election. Conclusions: The importance of using Latino canvassers to get out the Latino vote is confirmed, but should not be overemphasized. More importantly, this experiment demonstrates that door-to-door canvassing can have a substantively large and statistically significant effect on turnout among young Latinos, a demographic group often overlooked by parties and campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Help America Vote Act (HAVA) has created a new dynamic for the oversight and implementation of federal elections, requiring states to assume greater control of election processes vis-à-vis their local governments than was previously the case in most states. We consider how HAVA has changed the relationship between states and localities, especially through the HAVA planning process. We examine two approaches that states have used in HAVA planning--a rational approach and a pluralistic approach--and how each can shape the power relationship between states and localities. We then present case studies from Georgia and California to illustrate how these two approaches have functioned in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that American Sociological Association's (ASA's) annual meeting at San Francisco, a resolution concerning American policy in Vietnam has been signed by more than three per cent of voting members, was submitted to the Council. On the grounds that the ASA, as a scientific and professional organization, should not express an official position on political issues, the Council, by unanimous vote, disapproved the resolution. To poll immediately all members of the Association as to their individual judgments regarding American policy in the Vietnam conflict, the results of this poll to be made public as quickly as possible, separately for voting and non-voting members respectively. In accordance with Constitutional procedure, the Council now submits the issue to the voting membership of the Association. Two alternatives are before the voting membership: (1) To vote on the substantive issue contained in the Resolution and thereby commit the Association to an official position on Vietnam policy and (2) To adopt the Council's position that to take a position on this issue is not consistent with the goals and objectives of this Association.