Search

This narrative review examines the literature on credible messenger mentoring (CMM) as an intervention to promote the health and well-being of youth involved in the juvenile legal system. In the CMM model, individuals with shared life experiences (e.g., from the same neighborhoods or marginalized communities, with former gang or incarceration history) serve as mentors, leveraging their own history of transformation to engage youth involved in the juvenile legal system and promote individual and community change. CMM is an increasingly popular approach for working with youth involved in the juvenile legal system, yet the state of the research on this intervention is unclear. This article provides a narrative review of existing research on CMM to understand what is known, and unknown, about the intervention. Results find an emerging, but incomplete body of evidence supporting the impact of CMM for youth involved in the juvenile legal system, and for adult mentors. Qualitative and observational findings provide stronger support for the model, while quantitative findings provide more mixed evidence, indicating that CMM may be a promising life course health intervention, yet needs more empirical study. Findings from this review underscore the value of integrating community-informed evidence in the evaluation of health interventions. Future research can inform contemporary interest in the CMM approach and guide implementation and measurement standards for optimizing intervention delivery with youth involved in the juvenile legal system.

BackgroundGirls impacted by commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) in the juvenile legal system are three times more likely to have suicide attempts than girls without histories of exploitation. Yet, research on risk profiles and correlates that contribute to elevated suicide risk among girls with CSE histories remains scant.ObjectiveWe sought to examine suicide attempts profiles among CSE-impacted girls in the juvenile legal system.Participants and settingWe partnered with a specialty court for CSE-impacted youth in Los Angeles County.MethodsData were collected from case files of the 360 girls participating in the court from 2012 to 2016. Latent class analysis was used to identify their profiles of risk indicators.ResultsFour risk profiles for suicide attempts emerged: (1) Parental Incarceration (PI; 30 %), (2) Child Welfare Contact (CWC; 25 %), (3) Disruptive Behavior and Sleep Problems (DBS; 25 %), and (4) Pervasive Risk (PR; 22 %). Among youth in the PI group, 5 % had a suicide attempt; however, contrary to our hypothesis, no youth in the CWC group had a suicide attempt. Rates of suicide attempt were significantly higher among youth in the DBS group, as 14 % had a suicide attempt. As hypothesized, youth in the PR were associated with higher risk of suicide attempts, with 28 % reporting a prior suicide attempt.ConclusionsFindings underscore the need for standardized suicide screenings and treatment referrals for girls with CSE histories and suggest an important opportunity for multidisciplinary collaboration with courts to improve suicide prevention strategies. The present study also supports the importance of examining risk across the socioecological context.

ObjectivesNational data on the health of children and adolescents exposed to commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) are lacking, during both adolescence and adulthood. Using nationally representative data, we examined the health of male and female adolescents in grades 7-12 who experienced CSE exposure and subsequent adult health outcomes and access to health care.MethodsOur retrospective cohort study used data from Waves I-IV of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (1994-2008) to characterize relationships between CSE exposure before or during adolescence and health during adolescence and adulthood. The analytic sample included 10 918 adult participants aged 24-34 in Wave IV. We performed bivariate analyses, stratified by sex, to quantify the relationship between CSE exposure before or during adolescence and adolescent and adult health outcomes.ResultsFour percent of participants reported having a CSE exposure before or during adolescence (5% of males, 3% of females). Factors associated with CSE exposure among adolescents included race/ethnicity, parental education level, previous abuse, same-sex romantic attractions, history of ever having run away from home, and substance use. During adolescence, exposure to CSE was associated with worse overall health, depressive symptoms, and suicidal thoughts for both males and females. In adulthood, adolescent CSE exposure was associated with depression among males and functional limitations among females. A higher percentage of males with CSE exposure before or during adolescence, compared with their non-CSE-exposed peers, used the emergency department as their usual source of care during adulthood.ConclusionsCSE exposure before or during adolescence was associated with poor adolescent and adult health outcomes and health care access. Observed differences between males and females warrant further exploration.

ObjectivesWe applied a Life Course Health Development (LCHD) framework to examine experts' views on Canada's youth justice minimum age law of 12, which excludes children aged 11 and under from the youth justice system.MethodsWe interviewed 21 experts across Canada to understand their views on Canada's youth justice minimum age of 12. The 7 principles of the LCHD model (health development, unfolding, complexity, timing, plasticity, thriving, harmony) were used as a guiding framework for qualitative data analysis to understand the extent to which Canada's approach aligns with developmental science.ResultsAlthough the LCHD framework was not directly discussed in the interviews, the 7 LCHD framework concepts emerged in the analyses and correlated with 7 justice principles, which we refer to as "LCHD Child Justice Principles." Child involvement in the youth justice system was considered to be developmentally inappropriate, with alternative systems and approaches regarded as better suited to support children and address root causes of disruptive behaviors, so that all children could reach their potential and thrive.ConclusionsCanada's approach to its minimum age law aligns with the LCHD framework, indicating that Canada's approach adheres to concepts of developmental science. Intentionally applying LCHD-based interventions may be useful in reducing law enforcement contact of adolescents in Canada, and of children and adolescents in the United States, which currently lacks a minimum age law.

Although many justice-involved youth (JIY) rely on Medicaid, due to the federal "inmate exclusion" Medicaid is often suspended or terminated upon youth's intake to detention, which can lead to coverage gaps at release. We interviewed 28 experts on Medicaid and the justice system and conducted thematic analysis to identify solutions for reducing Medicaid coverage gaps during reentry. Participants viewed coverage gaps during reentry as a significant public health problem to which JIY are especially vulnerable. Recommended solutions for reducing coverage gaps for JIY included (a) leave Medicaid activated, (b) reactivate Medicaid before or during reentry, (c) enhance interagency collaboration, and (d) address societal context to ensure health care access for Medicaid-eligible JIY. Doing so may improve health outcomes and reduce cycles of youth incarceration.

Every year, about 700,000 youth arrests occur in the United States, creating significant neurodevelopmental strain; this is especially concerning as most of these youth have early life adversity exposures that may alter brain development. Males, Black, and Latinx youth, and individuals from low socioeconomic status households have disproportionate contact with the juvenile justice system (JJS). Youth confined in the JJS are frequently exposed to threat and abuse, in addition to separation from family and other social supports. Youths' educational and exploratory behaviors and activities are substantially restricted, and youth are confined to sterile environments that often lack sufficient enrichment resources. In addition to their demonstrated ineffectiveness in preventing future delinquent behaviors, high recidivism rates, and costs, juvenile conditions of confinement likely exacerbate youths' adversity burden and neurodevelopmentally harm youth during the temporally sensitive window of adolescence. Developmentally appropriate methods that capitalize on adolescents' unique rehabilitative potential should be instated through interventions that minimize confinement. Such changes would require joint advocacy from the pediatric and behavioral health care communities. "The distinct nature of children, their initial dependent, and developmental state, their unique human potential as well as their vulnerability, all demand the need for more, rather than less, legal and other protection from all forms of violence (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2007)."

With 2.3 million individuals incarcerated in the United States, incarceration remains a pressing social influence on health. While risk factors for incarceration are known, research has been slow to identify protective factors. Characterizing adolescent protective and risk factors for incarceration outcomes can inform interventions to prevent incarceration. Using survey data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, we tested the influence of adolescent risk and protective factors for incarceration of young people. We used ordinal logistic regressions, investigating the relationship between adolescent characteristics (wave I, grades 7–12) with two outcomes: incarceration onset (no incarceration, onset of incarceration as a juvenile, and onset of incarceration as an adult) and incarceration frequency (never incarcerated, incarcerated once, incarcerated more than once) during adolescence and into adulthood (N = 12,136, wave IV, ages 24–32). Adolescent protective factors against incarceration onset and higher incarceration frequency centered on education, including a higher grade point average and a higher likelihood of having future plans to attend college. Risk factors included disruptive behavior, physical or sexual abuse in childhood, parental incarceration, and living with a stepfather figure. Stratified analyses suggested that Latinos may have unique risk profiles compared to African American and White youth. The educational system may be a locus for protective interventions promoting academic achievement and educational aspirations. Understanding both incarceration risk and protective factors may allow interventions to be tailored appropriately.

Prior research has examined the high health care needs and vulnerabilities faced by survivors of commercial sexual exploitation (CSE), yet their perspectives are frequently absent. We sought to understand the narratives and views of individuals affected by CSE on their bodies, health, and motivations to seek health care treatment. Twenty-one girls and young women ages 15 to 19 years with self-identified histories of CSE participated in the study. All participants had current or prior involvement in the juvenile justice and/or child welfare systems. Data collection included brief questionnaires, followed by semi-structured individual interviews. The interviews took place between March and July 2017 and were analyzed using iterative and inductive techniques, using the shared decision-making model as a guide. "Fierce Autonomy" emerged as a core theme, depicting how past traumas and absence of control led the girls and young women to exercise agency and reclaim autonomy over decisions affecting their health.

ObjectiveWe measured pregnancy rates and pregnancy outcomes among girls with histories of commercial sexual exploitation (CSE), and then quantified the associations between the outcome of pregnancy with: a) girls' exposure to childhood adversity, and b) their behavioral health. This is the largest study of pregnancy outcomes and associated factors among girls impacted by CSE in the United States.MethodsWe reviewed court files of participants in a juvenile specialty court for youth impacted by CSE, between 2012 and 2016. We collected data on pregnancy, health, and social factors. Data were updated through 2018 and descriptive statistics were calculated. Two-sample tests for equality of proportions explored associations between pregnancy with adverse childhood experiences and the girls' behavioral health profiles.ResultsAmong the 360 biological females, 31% had ever been pregnant. Of the girls ever pregnant, 18% had multiple pregnancies. Outcomes for the 130 reported pregnancies were: 76% live births; 13% therapeutic abortions; 5% miscarriages or stillbirths; and 6% of pregnancies were ongoing at case closure. Parental incarceration and histories of maternal substance abuse were both associated with pregnancy.ConclusionsHigh pregnancy rates among girls with histories of CSE suggest the importance of applying a reproductive justice approach to deliver reproductive education, family planning services, prenatal care, and parenting support to girls impacted by CSE.

We sought to understand the role of parent engagement in overcoming barriers to care for youth re-entering the community following incarceration. For this mixed methods study, we conducted quantitative surveys on healthcare needs and access with youth (n = 50) at 1-month post-incarceration, and semi-structured interviews with a subset of these youth (n = 27) and their parents (n = 34) at 1, 3, and 6-months post-incarceration (total 94 interviews). Differences by race/ethnicity and gender were assessed using Chi square test of proportions. We performed thematic analysis of interview transcripts to examine the role of parent engagement in influencing youths' access to healthcare during reentry. Most youth were from racial/ethnic minority groups and reported multiple ACEs. Girls, compared to boys, had higher ACE scores (p = 0.03), lower family connectedness (p = 0.03), and worse general health (p = 0.02). Youth-identified barriers to care were often parent-dependent and included lack of: affordable care (22%), transportation (16%), and accompaniment to health visits (14%). Two major themes emerged from the qualitative interviews: (1) parents motivate youth to seek healthcare during reentry and (2) parents facilitate the process of youth seeking healthcare during reentry. Parents are instrumental in linking youth to healthcare during reentry, dispelling prevailing myths that parents of incarcerated youth are inattentive and that youth do not want their help. Efforts that support and enhance parent engagement in access to care during reentry, such as by actively involving parents in pre-release healthcare planning, may create stronger linkages to care.

Incarcerated youth have numerous healthcare needs, yet access to healthcare following community reentry is limited. Healthcare and juvenile justice providers, along with parents, strongly influence access to care for youth undergoing reentry. However, their perspectives are often missing from the literature. We examined parent and provider perspectives on youths' access to healthcare during community reentry. We conducted 72 longitudinal interviews with parents of youth undergoing reentry (n= 34 parents) and cross-sectional interviews with health and juvenile justice providers (n=20 providers). We performed inductive analysis of interview transcripts to identify the major themes related to access to healthcare during reentry. Respondents identified key leverage points that influence access to healthcare along the spectrum of individual, community, and policy-level factors. Parent and provider perspectives demonstrated substantial overlap, strongly concurring on the essential role of parents in linking youth to care and the external factors that limit parents' ability to connect youth to care. However, providers discussed parents not buying-in to treatment plans as a barrier to care, and parents uniquely described feeling powerless when their children were not motivated to receive care. Parents and providers agreed on priority solutions for improving care access during reentry. Immediate solutions centered on: 1) increasing reliability and continuity of providers, 2) providing free or low-cost transportation to healthcare visits, and 3) eliminating gaps in Medicaid coverage post-incarceration. Findings also signal the broader need to pursue strategies that increase family engagement in healthcare during reentry. In doing so, health and juvenile justice providers can partner with parents to overcome barriers to healthcare for youth during reentry.

BackgroundSpecialty courts have emerged as a model of care for U.S. youth impacted by commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) to ensure comprehensive service provision. However, there is a lack of published research that documents the extent to which these programs achieve this goal.ObjectiveWe sought to understand a specialty juvenile justice court's role in identifying mental health and substance use treatment needs, providing linkages to services, and facilitating stability for youth with histories of CSE.Participants and settingWe conducted an exhaustive court file review of the 364 participants in a U.S. based juvenile delinquency specialty court for youth affected by CSE. The observation period spanned 2012-2017.MethodsThe research team systematically transferred data from court files into a secure, electronic database. Descriptive statistics and Chisquared tests were calculated to explore potential associations.ResultsParticipation in the specialty court for youth impacted by CSE suggests an increase in identification of mental health and substance use needs and linkages and referrals to mental health and substance use treatment services. In addition, there was increased stabilization as indicated by decreased substantiated child welfare allegations, fewer running away episodes, and placements and criminal involvement.ConclusionsSpecialty courts that incorporate a multidisciplinary, trauma-informed approach offer a promising intervention model for meeting the high treatment needs of youth impacted by CSE.

Objectives. To examine barriers to health care for Latino youths during reentry after incarceration.Methods. For this in-depth qualitative study, we conducted 69 semistructured interviews with 22 Latino youths and their parents at 1, 3, and 6 months after incarceration. We performed thematic analysis of interview transcripts, from which a preliminary conceptual model emerged describing barriers to care for Latino youths. We then conducted trajectory analyses of dyadic youth-caregiver pairs to test the conceptual model. We collected longitudinal interviews in Los Angeles County, California, from November 2016 to March 2018.Results. Beyond recognized stressors experienced by youths during reentry, most of which families related to poverty and neighborhood environment, Latino youths also experienced cultural barriers to care (i.e., self-reliance and pride, religiosity and reproductive care as taboo, preference for home remedies, language) as well as barriers to care because of undocumented status (i.e., fear of deportation, job insecurity).Conclusions. Reentry is challenging, and Latino youths face additional barriers to care during reentry related to culture and legal status, but have cultural strengths. Increased access to culturally sensitive, safety-net health care, regardless of immigration status, may reduce health inequalities for Latino youths undergoing reentry.

Study objectiveWe applied a patient-centered care (PCC) framework to explore incarcerated girls' experiences of and preferences for family planning (FP) care.DesignWe conducted qualitative semistructured interviews with incarcerated girls to explore domains of PCC: access to care, patient preferences, information and education, emotional support, family and friends, physical comfort, coordination of care, and continuity and transition.SettingA juvenile detention center (JDC) in an urban California county.ParticipantsGirls incarcerated during the study period.Interventions and main outcome measuresTranscripts were analyzed using directed content analysis to identify themes related to PCC and additional overarching themes.ResultsTwenty-two participants completed interviews. Overarching themes of stigma and autonomy emerged as influential in girls' experiences and preferences for FP care. Participants described stigma related to incarceration, sexual activity, and lack of contraception use. Participants' desire for autonomy contributed to concerns around FP care. Despite this, most desired access to FP care while incarcerated. Many valued relationships they had with JDC providers, reporting more trust and familiarity with JDC providers than those in the community. Constraints of incarceration decreased availability of emotional supports and decreased involvement of family in health-related decision-making, which worsened girls' experiences with FP care and enhanced their sense of autonomy. Difficulties with care coordination and transitions between the JDC and community often resulted in fragmented care.ConclusionProviding patient-centered FP care in JDCs is desirable but complex, and requires prioritizing patient preferences while recognizing the strengths and limitations of providing FP care within JDCs.

Study objectiveBecause of the high reproductive health risks that commercially sexually exploited youth (CSEY) face, we sought to understand facilitators and barriers related to their use of condoms and hormonal contraception. DESIGN, SETTING, PARTICIPANTS, INTERVENTIONS, AND MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: We conducted semistructured interviews with 21 female CSEY. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and coded for emergent themes. Participants were enrolled through group homes and a juvenile specialty court serving CSEY.ResultsOverall, CSEY reported relatively easy access to hormonal contraception and condoms, expressing a strong preference for condoms as their primary form of contraception. Most respondents described an aversion toward hormonal birth control, attributed to personal experiences and peer accounts of side effects. Many also shared a common belief that hormonal methods are "unnatural," cause infertility, and have low efficacy. Although youth expressed a preference for condom use, they also reported frequent unprotected sex. Furthermore, there were notable barriers to hormonal contraception and condom use that were specific to youths' sexual exploitation, primarily because of their lack of control while trafficked.ConclusionAlthough participants noted relatively easy access to contraception, a number of barriers to condom and hormonal contraceptive use exist. Many of these barriers align with youth identified in other at-risk adolescent populations, however, CSEY also face a number of barriers that might be attributable to their unique experience of commercial sexual exploitation. Contraceptive education that dispels prevailing myths, sets clear expectations regarding side effects, and emphasizes autonomy is most likely to resonate with their world view and experiences.

ObjectiveWe sought to quantify the association between child incarceration in the United States and subsequent adult health outcomes.MethodsWe analyzed National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health data from 1727 adult (Wave IV) participants first incarcerated at age

Purpose Although incarceration may have life-long negative health effects, little is known about associations between child incarceration and subsequent adult health outcomes. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach The authors analyzed data from 14,689 adult participants in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) to compare adult health outcomes among those first incarcerated between 7 and 13 years of age (child incarceration); first incarcerated at>or=14 years of age; and never incarcerated. Findings Compared to the other two groups, those with a history of child incarceration were disproportionately black or Hispanic, male, and from lower socio-economic strata. Additionally, individuals incarcerated as children had worse adult health outcomes, including general health, functional limitations (climbing stairs), depressive symptoms, and suicidality, than those first incarcerated at older ages or never incarcerated. Research limitations/implications Despite the limitations of the secondary database analysis, these findings suggest that incarcerated children are an especially medically vulnerable population. Practical implications Programs and policies that address these medically vulnerable children's health needs through comprehensive health and social services in place of, during, and/or after incarceration are needed. Social implications Meeting these unmet health and social service needs offers an important opportunity to achieve necessary health care and justice reform for children. Originality/value No prior studies have examined the longitudinal relationship between child incarceration and adult health outcomes.

ObjectiveBecause children with medical complexity (CMC) display very different health trajectories, needs, and resource utilization than other children, it is unclear how well traditional conceptions of population health apply to CMC. We sought to identify key health outcome domains for CMC as a step toward determining core health metrics for this distinct population of children.MethodsWe conducted and analyzed interviews with 23 diverse national experts on CMC to better understand population health for CMC. Interviewees included child and family advocates, health and social service providers, and research, health systems, and policy leaders. We performed thematic content analyses to identify emergent themes regarding population health for CMC.ResultsOverall, interviewees conveyed that defining and measuring population health for CMC is an achievable, worthwhile goal. Qualitative themes from interviews included: 1) CMC share unifying characteristics that could serve as the basis for population health outcomes; 2) optimal health for CMC is child specific and dynamic; 3) health of CMC is intertwined with health of families; 4) social determinants of health are especially important for CMC; and 5) measuring population health for CMC faces serious conceptual and logistical challenges.ConclusionsExperts have taken initial steps in defining the population health of CMC. Population health for CMC involves a dynamic concept of health that is attuned to individual, health-related goals for each child. We propose a framework that can guide the identification and development of population health metrics for CMC.

Purpose Despite the existence of minimum age laws for juvenile justice jurisdiction in 18 US states, California has no explicit law that protects children (i.e. youth less than 12 years old) from being processed in the juvenile justice system. In the absence of a minimum age law, California lags behind other states and international practice and standards. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In this policy brief, academics across the University of California campuses examine current evidence, theory, and policy related to the minimum age of juvenile justice jurisdiction. Findings Existing evidence suggests that children lack the cognitive maturity to comprehend or benefit from formal juvenile justice processing, and diverting children from the system altogether is likely to be more beneficial for the child and for public safety. Research limitations/implications Based on current evidence and theory, the authors argue that minimum age legislation that protects children from contact with the juvenile justice system and treats them as children in need of services and support, rather than as delinquents or criminals, is an important policy goal for California and for other national and international jurisdictions lacking a minimum age law. Originality/value California has no law specifying a minimum age for juvenile justice jurisdiction, meaning that young children of any age can be processed in the juvenile justice system. This policy brief provides a rationale for a minimum age law in California and other states and jurisdictions without one.

Background and objectivesDespite the widespread epidemic of mass incarceration in the US, relatively little literature exists examining the longitudinal relationship between youth incarceration and adult health outcomes. We sought to quantify the association of youth incarceration with subsequent adult health outcomes.MethodsWe analyzed data from 14 344 adult participants in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. We used weighted multivariate logistic regressions to investigate the relationship between cumulative incarceration duration (none, 1 year) before Wave IV (ages 24-34 years) and subsequent adult health outcomes (general health, functional limitations, depressive symptoms, and suicidal thoughts). Models controlled for Wave I (grades 7-12) baseline health, sociodemographics, and covariates associated with incarceration and health.ResultsA total of 14.0% of adults reported being incarcerated between Waves I and IV. Of these, 50.3% reported a cumulative incarceration duration of 1 year. Compared with no incarceration, incarceration duration of < 1 month predicted subsequent adult depressive symptoms (odds ratio [OR] = 1.41; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.11-1.80; P = .005). A duration of 1 to 12 months predicted worse subsequent adult general health (OR = 1.48; 95% CI, 1.12-1.96; P = .007). A duration of >1 year predicted subsequent adult functional limitations (OR = 2.92; 95% CI, 1.51-5.64; P = .002), adult depressive symptoms (OR = 4.18; 95% CI, 2.48-7.06; P < .001), and adult suicidal thoughts (OR = 2.34; 95% CI, 1.09-5.01; P = .029).ConclusionsCumulative incarceration duration during adolescence and early adulthood is independently associated with worse physical and mental health later in adulthood. Potential mechanisms merit exploration.

Current recommendations emphasize developmental screening and surveillance to identify developmental delays (DDs) for referral to early intervention (EI) services. Many young children without DDs, however, are at high risk for poor developmental and behavioral outcomes by school entry but are ineligible for EI. We developed models for 2-year-olds without DD that predict, at kindergarten entry, poor academic performance and high problem behaviors. Data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Birth Cohort (ECLS-B), were used for this study. The analytic sample excluded children likely eligible for EI because of DDs or very low birth weight. Dependent variables included low academic scores and high problem behaviors at the kindergarten wave. Regression models were developed by using candidate predictors feasibly obtainable during typical 2-year well-child visits. Models were cross-validated internally on randomly selected subsamples. Approximately 24% of all 2-year-old children were ineligible for EI at 2 years of age but still had poor academic or behavioral outcomes at school entry. Prediction models each contain 9 variables, almost entirely parental, social, or economic. Four variables were associated with both academic and behavioral risk: parental education below bachelor's degree, little/no shared reading at home, food insecurity, and fair/poor parental health. Areas under the receiver-operating characteristic curve were 0.76 for academic risk and 0.71 for behavioral risk. Adding the mental scale score from the Bayley Short Form-Research Edition did not improve areas under the receiver-operating characteristic curve for either model. Among children ineligible for EI services, a small set of clinically available variables at age 2 years predicted academic and behavioral outcomes at school entry.

Mental health providers are frequently at the forefront of addressing the multifaceted needs of commercially sexually exploited youth. This article provides an overview of the definition of commercial sexual exploitation of children and relevant legislation including the shift toward decriminalization of commercially sexually exploited youth. To provide clinicians with tools needed to deliver competent care to this population, a review of risk factors for commercial sexual exploitation of children and the role of the clinician in identification, assessment, and treatment of commercially sexually exploited youth are discussed.

Background and objectivesDespite previous studies demonstrating no difference in mortality or morbidity, the various surgical approaches for necrotizing enterocolitis (NEC) in infants have not been evaluated economically. Our goal was to compare total in-hospital cost and mortality by using propensity score-matched infants treated with peritoneal drainage alone, peritoneal drainage followed by laparotomy, or laparotomy alone for surgical NEC.MethodsUtilizing the California OSHPD Linked Birth File Dataset, 1375 infants with surgical NEC between 1999 and 2007 were retrospectively propensity score matched according to intervention type. Total in-hospital costs were converted from longitudinal patient charges. A multivariate mixed effects model compared adjusted costs and mortality between groups.ResultsSuccessful propensity score matching was performed with 699 infants (peritoneal drainage, n = 101; peritoneal drainage followed by laparotomy, n = 172; and laparotomy, n = 426). Average adjusted cost for peritoneal drainage followed by laparotomy was $398,173 (95% confidence interval [CI]: 287,784-550,907), which was more than for peritoneal drainage ($276,076 [95% CI: 196,238-388,394]; P = .004) and similar to laparotomy ($341,911 [95% CI: 251,304-465,186]; P = .08). Adjusted mortality was highest after peritoneal drainage (56% [95% CI: 34-75]) versus peritoneal drainage followed by laparotomy (35% [95% CI: 19-56]; P = .01) and laparotomy (29% [95% CI: 19-56]; P < .001). Mortality for peritoneal drainage was similar to laparotomy.ConclusionsPropensity score-matched analysis of surgical NEC treatment found that peritoneal drainage followed by laparotomy was associated with decreased mortality compared with peritoneal drainage alone but at significantly increased costs.

Established in 1994, Salvadoran Asociación Pro-Búsqueda de Niñas y Niños Desaparecidos (Association for the Search of Disappeared Children) has located 384 children, often with the aid of DNA evidence, of the more than 500 who went missing or were abducted during El Salvador’s civil war. Families in other countries who were unaware of the forced separations adopted many of these children. Between 2005 and 2009, we conducted semi-structured interviews with twenty-six children, now young adults aged twenty-four to thirty-four years, who had been reunited with their biological families. We found that we could conceptually categorize the process of separation and reunifcation into six phases: pre-disappearance, disappearance, separation, searching, reunion, and reunifcation. While these young adults said that reunifcation was extremely important, they often found this stage psychologically challenging, given their new identities and their uncertainty about how they would reintegrate back—if at all—into their biological families. We call this process “ambiguous reunifcation.”.

ObjectiveTo understand the health care access issues faced by Los Angeles (LA) County's uninsured and residually uninsured after implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and to identify potential solutions using a community-partnered dialogue.DesignQualitative study using a community-partnered participatory research framework.SettingCommunity forum breakout discussion.DiscussantsRepresentatives from LA County health care agencies, community health care provider organizations, local community advocacy and service organizations including uninsured individuals, and the county school district.Main outcome measuresKey structural and overarching value themes identified through community-partnered pile sort, c-coefficients measuring overlap between themes.ResultsFive overarching value themes were identified - knowledge, trust, quality, partnership, and solutions. Lack of knowledge and misinformation were identified as barriers to successful enrollment of the eligible uninsured and providing health care to undocumented individuals. Discussants noted dissatisfaction with the quality of traditional sources of health care and a broken cycle of trust and disengagement. They also described inherent trust by the uninsured in "outsider" community-based providers not related to quality.ConclusionsImproving health care for the residually uninsured after ACA implementation will require addressing dissatisfaction in safety-net providers, disseminating knowledge and providing health care through trusted nontraditional sources, and using effective and trusted partnerships between community and health care agencies with mutual respect. Community-academic partnerships can be a trusted conduit to discuss issues related to the health care of vulnerable populations.