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Although nonsuicidal self-injury is a public health concern, there is little information on how it changes across adolescence or what contributes to stability or change. We aimed to identify trajectories of stability and change in self-injury from ages 13 to 17 years, and to identify interpersonal and intrapersonal correlates that differentiate between trajectories of stability and change.We used five annual waves of cohort-sequential data, targeting 7th and 8th graders attending all public schools in three municipalities in central Sweden. The data were gathered via questionnaires, using a multi-item measure of non-suicidal self-injury and assessing negative experiences at home, in school, with peers, and in romantic settings, as well as intrapersonal issues (internalizing symptoms and difficulties with emotional, and behavioral regulation). The analytic sample was 3195 adolescents (51.7% boys, 48.3% girls; ages 12-16 years at T1, M = 13.61; SD = 0.66), most of whom were born in Sweden (88.6%) to at least one parent of Swedish origin (77.4%).Latent growth curve modeling revealed three self-injury trajectories: a stable-low, a low-increasing, and an increasing-decreasing trajectory. Adolescents in the stable-low class reported the best overall adjustment at ages 13 and 16. Comparatively, adolescents in the other two classes reported similar levels of difficulty interpersonally and intrapersonally. Where they differed, the increase-decrease class fared worse than the low-increasing class.This study suggests the need to frame self-injury as having multiple directions of development during adolescence and develop theory that aligns with differential patterns of self-injury development.

We propose a theoretical model of insomnia symptoms and non‐suicidal self‐injury (NSSI) that posits bidirectional linkages. We hypothesised that heightened depressive symptoms and impulsivity that result from insomnia increase NSSI. We also posit that the shame associated with NSSI triggers repetitive negative thinking, in turn increasing insomnia. Using three longitudinal waves of questionnaire data collected annually from a sample of Swedish adolescents (n = 1,457; M age = 13.2, SD = 0.43; 52.7% boys), we assessed the mediating role of depressive symptoms, impulsivity, rumination, and worry on the link between insomnia and NSSI. After controlling for depressive symptoms, we found that insomnia was related to increases in NSSI from the second to the third time point (ß 23 = 0.09, p = .01). NSSI was consistently related to increased insomnia (ß 12 = 0.09, p = .01; ß 23 = 0.11, p

This is part of an edited special issue (Gradisar and Tilton-Weaver, Eds.) that is published online only. The address is: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0140197118301581

This study examined changes in authoritarian parenting practices and family roles in Sweden over the last 50 years. Data came from 3 cohorts (1958, 1981, and 2011) of young to middle-age adults liv ...

To determine whether adolescents interpret parental behavioral and psychological control differently, type, level, and domain of control were manipulated across 3 interpretations (adolescents' competence, mattering to parents, and parental intrusiveness). As expected, adolescents (N = 67, M = 14.25 years) generally interpreted high levels of behavioral control more negatively than moderate behavioral control. At high levels, however, adolescents did not differentiate behavioral control and psychological control, interpreting both as indicating less mattering and more intrusiveness. Furthermore, high levels of control over personal domain issues, regardless of type, tended to be interpreted most negatively. In conclusion, adolescents construe control in ways that may have import for their adjustment and this should be accounted for in theoretical models of parental control.

To determine whether adolescents interpret parental behavioral and psychological control differently, type, level, and domain of control were manipulated across 3 interpretations (adolescents' competence, mattering to parents, and parental intrusiveness). As expected, adolescents (N = 67, M = 14.25 years) generally interpreted high levels of behavioral control more negatively than moderate behavioral control. At high levels, however, adolescents did not differentiate behavioral control and psychological control, interpreting both as indicating less mattering and more intrusiveness. Furthermore, high levels of control over personal domain issues, regardless of type, tended to be interpreted most negatively. In conclusion, adolescents construe control in ways that may have import for their adjustment and this should be accounted for in theoretical models of parental control.