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For over 60 years, International Environmental Law has produced hundreds of texts aimed at protecting the environment at global to regional scales. Most of these texts do not gather the support of all the states concerned. The reasons for this are analysed here. This retrospective look provides a striking panorama of the current situation. The international and domestic motivations that lead a state to the sovereign decision to ratify or not a treaty, are first recalled and put into perspective in their interdependencies. The analysis of thousands of ratifications of 51 major treaties draws lines of divergence between leading states, follower states, and states reluctant to enter into environmental commitments. On a global scale the latter form a large majority, including most African and Asian states. The states of Northern and Western Europe are among the first to ratify these treaties, followed by other European states. G7 member states occupy vey contrasting normative positions. Overall, three major moves emerge from this global panorama. First, historical and persistent inequalities in the development of countries have cast an indelible shadow on environmental international multilateral treaties which do not bring the expected fruits of development. Second, in environmental matters, over the past 15 years the trend consists in establishing agreements of more restricted range (regional, bilateral), with commitments from states on fairly flexible objectives, adaptable to their social and economic context. Third, these agreements are set within the broadly negotiated and thematically inclusive principles of sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the comparative legal analysis of the formation and development of the acquis communautaire in France, Germany and Switzerland with a view to identifying similarities and differences in the formation and development of the acquis communautaire in countries with different legal status in the European Union. The analysis was carried out using comparative legal, formal legal, dialectical, historical and legal, hermeneutical and other methods, as well as the principles of determinism, pluralism of opinions and complexity of knowledge. On the basis of and through the disclosure of the concept of “acquis communautaire”, the diversity of its understanding within different approaches and the nature of this phenomenon, as well as the study of the formation of the acquis communautaire specifics, it is established that this process took place in the course of formation of the European Communities in the 1950s with the participation of France and Germany on the basis of a combination of liberal market and general social values, and its development took place during the elaboration of the foundations of the mechanism for adoption of a common European policy. It is found that the patterns of formation and development of the acquis communautaire in France, Germany and Switzerland are overcoming contradictions and searching for compromises between France and Germany in all areas of common European policy and the need to coordinate their position with other members of the European Union. Furthermore, the similarity of these processes in France and Germany is rooted in their participation in the creation and development of the European Communities, in the formation of the acquis and its identical legal sources, and the difference lies in the motives and objectives of these States, their positions in certain areas of common European policy and procedural activities related to the implementation of the acquis into national legislation. At the same time, the article reveals that the specifics of formation and development of the European Union acquis in Switzerland are determined by its status as an associated country in the Union, which provides for the possibility of implementing the relevant acquis with certain exceptions on the basis of sectoral agreements between it and the European Union. The difference in the formation and development of the acquis between France and Germany, as well as Switzerland, is manifested in the mechanism and consequences of the implementation of the new acquis: Switzerland participates in the development process, but not in decision-making. Finally, it is noted that the common feature of the development of the EU acquis for all these countries is a combination of market-liberal and general social values and the introduction of a socially oriented market economy model.

In 2021, on the election of a new chief -- the youngest ever colonel at the age of 40--relations between the Accompong Maroons and the Jamaican Government soured. Under Chief Richard Currie, who describes himself as a government official and head of state, Accompong asserted sovereignty as the "Sovereign State of Accompong," with Accompong Town as the capital of the Cockpit Country. The Maroons of the State of Accompong identify themselves as "heirs to the 1738 Treaty and Maroon Identification", claiming descent from self-freed formerly enslaved West Africans and indigenous Amerindians. According to Chief Currie, "The earth is the lord and the fullness thereof. Our sovereignty is derived from the freedom of our lands, so whatever we do with our lands is of imperative value to our security as a people". This declaration of sovereignty has led the Jamaican Government to declare that they do not recognise any "state within a state". The Government, therefore, refuses to engage with or fund those communities that they have described as "Secessionist Maroons". This case study situates the contemporary Maroons in the history of Jamaica and their current relationship to the Jamaican state. It explores, in particular, the contending notions of sovereignty which may lay behind the con- flict between the "Sovereign State of Accompong" and the Jamaican State. Key to the conflict is the differences in meanings of the 1738 Treaty made by the "First Time Maroons," who fought the British to a stand-still in the 18th Century, forcing them to come to terms with them. For Maroons today, the Treaty is eternal, while the now-independent Jamaican state sees it as abrogated. Therefore, is a rapprochement possible? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) is the property of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For over 60 years, International Environmental Law has produced hundreds of texts aimed at protecting the environment at global to regional scales. Most of these texts do not gather the support of all the states concerned. The reasons for this are analysed here. This retrospective look provides a striking panorama of the current situation. The international and domestic motivations that lead a state to the sovereign decision to ratify or not a treaty, are first recalled and put into perspective in their interdependencies. The analysis of thousands of ratifications of 51 major treaties draws lines of divergence between leading states, follower states, and states reluctant to enter into environmental commitments. On a global scale the latter form a large majority, including most African and Asian states. The states of Northern and Western Europe are among the first to ratify these treaties, followed by other European states. G7 member states occupy vey contrasting normative positions. Overall, three major moves emerge from this global panorama. First, historical and persistent inequalities in the development of countries have cast an indelible shadow on environmental international multilateral treaties which do not bring the expected fruits of development. Second, in environmental matters, over the past 15 years the trend consists in establishing agreements of more restricted range (regional, bilateral), with commitments from states on fairly flexible objectives, adaptable to their social and economic context. Third, these agreements are set within the broadly negotiated and thematically inclusive principles of sustainable development.

Our rich intangible cultural heritage, folklore, and traditional knowledge thrive as living traditions that evolve and transmit intergenerationally, not fading relics of the past. They manifest our history while shaping the future - today’s traditions progress from our past, just as today’s advances will become tomorrow’s traditions. As philosopher Friedrich von Hayek elucidated, traditions organically arise in a locality, becoming invaluable resources constituting national wealth. Consequently, communities and nations with abundant cultural riches increasingly demand safeguarding these creative traditions and knowledge systems. Considering the above, this article examines intangible cultural heritage and cultural analysis. The academic exploration delved into multifaceted dimensions of the phenomena aiming to unravel complexities surrounding intangible cultural heritage conservation. Overall, it was found that vibrant intangible heritage, being locally rooted and evolving, calls for nuanced, adaptive safeguarding approaches rather than fixation in some static envisioning of tradition - the continuum between past and future necessitates careful negotiation.

This text examines Portuguese and Spanish documentation to show that Iberians invoked a variety of ways by which the indigenous inhabitants of the Americas could consent to their presence and domination. According to these sources, indigenous consent could be explicit or implicit, and it could be free or coerced, with each one of these situations giving rise to a distinct assessment of indigenous right to resist. By observing developments both in the colonies and in Europe, and by surveying both legal doctrine and practice, this article asks: how did Iberians structure and use consent, and what could it do for them? Why and how did they insist on consent when there was little to no possibility to refuse? This article is part of the special theme section on Consenting to Early Modern Empires, guest-edited by Sonia Tycko.

We provide an historical essay synthesising the macro societal processes that affected Indigenous peoples' entrepreneurial and trade activities in Canada from pre-contact to 1920. Adopting Indigenous entrepreneurship and institutional theory lenses, we find that the evolution of legal, political, and socio-economic forces converged to undermine Indigenous peoples' entrepreneurial activity and well-being in Canada. Our narrative suggests a dynamic view of the relationship between entrepreneurship and institutions and the role of power. Whereas Baumol's view is that institutions shape entrepreneurship by determining the relative payoffs to productive or unproductive entrepreneurship, our narrative shows the ways in which unequal benefits to various entrepreneurs change institutions over time. This advances the field of entrepreneurship by historically situating entrepreneurial processes in settler society and exposing the role of power in the relationship between entrepreneurship and institutions in society over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the main common policies of the European Union. It was found that the common policies of the European Union are based on three main principles: allocation of competences, proportionality and subsidiarity. Common policies in certain areas are based on the fact that only the European Union has the right to adopt laws. Areas where the EU has exclusive powers include: customs union; rules of competitiveness within the single market; monetary policy (for eurozone member states); trade and international agreements; common fisheries policy. In some areas, legislation is adopted by both the EU member states and the EU institutions. It was analysed that such spheres include: the single market; employment and social policy; economic, social and territorial cohesion; agriculture; fishing; environment; consumer rights protection; transport; trans-European networks; energy; justice and fundamental human rights; migration and home affairs; public health; research and space; development cooperation and humanitarian aid. Also, in certain areas, the EU institutions helps member states create legislation, in particular, it concerns the following areas: public health (certain aspects), industry, culture, tourism, education, youth and sports, civil protection and administrative cooperation. In addition, it was found that scientists distinguished the following policies: common agricultural policy, common fisheries policy, rules of competitiveness, common foreign and security policy as the most important. It was analysed that the EU regulations, the Treaty on the European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union are the legal basis of EU common policies. In addition, it was determined that all policies of the European Union are formed on the basis of long-term strategies that contain key directions of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article advocates for a multidisciplinary approach to the challenges surrounding nuclear weapons and the implementation of the proportion and distinction IHL principles. It also examines the relationship between nuclear deterrence policies and IHL norms. To this end, it traces the historical development of IHL from the Roman law codification of jus ad bellum and jus in bello to the contemporary IHL institutions of the law of Hague and the law of Geneva. It also highlights the role of the Martens Clause as a safety net for humanitarian protection and reviews the existing legal instruments on nuclear weapons, such as the NPT, the TPNW and the ICJ advisory opinion. The study's outcome underlines the need for more comprehensive and binding legal mechanisms to regulate nuclear weapons in a way that is in accordance with IHL and human rights.

The young national Romanian state would reaffirm itself in the first decades of the 20th century as a factor of equilibrium and of collective security in the Balkan Peninsula, in the context of the two wars which were about to begin (1912;1913), both conflicts which would precede the greatest diplomatic and military conflict known to international society until that time, namely the First World War (1914-1918). Romania acted in accordance with the principles of public international law regarding its external policy to maintain its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of state built from the ruins of the former Ottoman Empire, thus acting for the respect of the status quo in the Balkan area according to the regulations of international treaties, seen as formal sources of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The most unanswered question today is whether or not a country will employ the atomic bomb. Could we get the result that we never again have to deal with the question at all? Experts can answer this question with uncertainty by analysing the current wars and the possibility of weaponising outer space. In this study, I collected and analysed the things necessary for a country to use the atomic bomb. These conditions are obstacles rather than opportunities for using the most destructive weapon ever created by humanity. In the course of my conclusions, I looked for the answer of whether it is possible to say with absolute certainty that the nuclear bomb is likely to be used, and whether its use can be ruled out. In the second part of the thesis, I analysed the constitutional regulation of the application of nuclear weapons and the involvement of societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We read differently outside. Discussing works by two experimental poets, a. rawlings and Christine Stewart, this essay draws on geocritical and ecocritical methodologies alongside Indigenous theories that link language, story, and land to consider how an outdoor pedagogical practice attunes readers not only to the spatial dynamics of language, but also to the linguistic dynamics of place. While the colonial, sedentary structures of traditional classrooms shut out the world, immersing us in literary realms as though they were separate from our physical realities, reading outside makes us viscerally aware of how land and language shape one another. Beyond the walls of our classrooms and homes, we can feel our entanglements with the land, its histories, and other species. In the colonial spaces of Canada, which continues to grapple with considerable ecological and social harms, cultivating such awareness matters: while reading outside is not enough to save us from the environmental crises we are facing or assuage colonial grief and guilt, doing so brings us closer to the living edges of language, which is where new forms of attention might nourish a more mutually sustaining relationship between land and words.

Treaties in force, more precisely those not affected by a cause of nullity or not expired, must be applied by the parties in good faith. The application of a treaty implies the obligation to introduce it into the internal legal order of each state party and raises the issue of the relationship between international law and the internal law of the states. The application in time of treaties is governed by the principle of non-retroactivity of conventional provisions. In principle, a treaty is applied on the territory or with regard to the territory of the contracting parties. There are, however, cases in which the treaty can only be applied to a part of their territory or it can have an „ultra-territorial” application, that is, it is intended to be applied on the territory of third countries.

The aims of the article are to analyse the legal status of English after Brexit and present possible scenarios for this language in the post-Brexit Union. Firstly, the article highlights the status of languages in the EU and depicts three major categories of languages in the EU: Treaty languages, official and working languages. Secondly, the article analyses two possible scenarios for retaining the official and working status of English through notifications by Ireland and Malta. Thirdly, the paper focuses on the third scenario of introducing English as a single EU official language. Finally, the article outlines the status quo of English in the EU after UK’s withdrawal from the EU. It concludes that English is likely to remain the official and working language of the EU as a result of proper notification made by either Ireland or Malta.

The research reviews the most important foreign political situations of the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid I, as the Ottoman Empire faced during his reign a lot of political events, which were represented in a series of wars fought against the major European countries, led by the Russian-Ottoman war and its signing of the Kocek Kinarji Treaty, as well as the entry of the state The Ottoman Empire was at war with Iran during the Zandids’ rule in Iran and their occupation of Baghdad, and the Ottoman Empire entered into another new war with Russia, which ended with its loss of Crimea in favor of Russia, in addition to these events, the research also discussed the issue of the Russian-Austrian wars and their alliance against it and the position of Sultan Abdul Hamid the first of them . Hence, the pages of this research will focus on the most important external events of the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid I and the resulting repercussions that in turn affected the conditions of the Ottoman Empire in general after losing many of its parts in favor of these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article generally analyses the prerequisites for the creation of the Constitution of the European Union. In particular, the factors contributing to its development were considered. Thus, it was found that following the results of the summit, at which a decision was made to develop a draft Constitution, the European Convention was formed, the creation of which provided for the completion of the institutional reform, the main purpose of which was to determine the future of Europe: the distribution of powers between the member states, the review of the EU treaties, the role of national parliaments, as well as the status of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In addition, the article summarizes the structure of the Constitution. The Treaty on the Creation of the Constitution of Europe, which was supposed to become the basis of the future Constitution, was also analysed. It was determined that the future Constitution consisted of a preamble, four parts, protocols, and annexes. The article also explored that the Treaty was signed on behalf of the states mainly by the plenipotentiaries of the state, among whom the vast majority were prime ministers or foreign ministers. In addition, it was determined that the process of ratification of the Treaty was thorny. It was analysed that the European Parliament voted to support the implementation of the Constitution. Most of the parliaments of the member states, in accordance with the treaty ratification procedure adopted in the state, ratified the Treaty at the level of voting in the state parliament. The main prerequisites that stood in the way of the adoption of the Constitution were also investigated the main states that decided to hold a referendum on the ratification of the Treaty were identified. In addition, it was determined the states in which the citizens voted against the adoption of the Constitution because of the referendum, as well as those states where the citizens spoke in favour. It was also analysed that after the results of the referendum in France and the Netherlands, the leaders of the European Union decided to take a break and created a working group that will develop the next steps regarding the adoption of the Constitution. The article also determined that based on the results of the activity, it was decided to create a new agreement based on the Agreement on the Creation of the Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For about ten years, both the European Union and China have decided to embark on a "not easy" road to reach an investment agreement. So, two different cultures, two international powers, set out to regulate the main aspects of the investment mechanism between them. The road to this agreement is perhaps the most difficult in the recent history of the field, largely because of the narrow loopholes through which the negotiating parties must pass. The only good path for the parties on this road is the public international law governing the treaties, while foreign policies should retain their position as auxiliaries with a limited role. This article aims to analyse the legal aspects of the procedure required by such a treaty, taking into account its particularities. The method used for the elaboration of this study is specific to differentiated comparison and introspection.

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article summarizes the characteristics of the law of the European Union the components of the acquis of the EU were analysed, including those enshrined in the legislation of Ukraine, in particular primary and secondary legislation. Chapters acquis during the fifth and sixth enlargement of the European Union were also characterized. As a result, the analysis showed that the changes in the acquis were made to make the balancing between chapters and clusters more understandable for the candidate state. In addition, some chapters of the acquis of the EU before the fifth and after the sixth enlargement were explained in more detail. While others have added chapters. It was found that the acquis of the EU consists of several legislative acts adopted in the European Union during more than 50 years of existence, and which contains 6 clusters and 35 chapters. In addition, it was determined that the clusters are formed into the following thematic blocks: the first cluster concerns fundamental rights and freedoms, the second - the internal market, the third - competitiveness and inclusive growth, the fourth - the «green» agenda and sustainable interconnection, the fifth - resources, agriculture, and unity, the sixth - foreign relations. Ukraine should implement the acquis of the EU into domestic legislation in accordance with 35 chapters. In addition, the article analyses the main clusters and provides a brief description of each chapter of acquis, including individual articles contained in the founding treaties of the European Union. It was determined that all candidate states must implement the acquis of the EU in their legislation before they can join the EU and from the moment of official accession to the European Union, the candidate states are obliged to use the acquis of the EU. In addition, because of the analysis, it was found that the implementation of some chapters of the EU acquis in the domestic legislation of the member state is optional, but some should be fully implemented. The latest results of the evaluation of the implementation of the EU acquis in Ukraine were also analysed, according to which the chapters in which significant progress has been achieved and in which it is necessary to continue work have been determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The new plastic treaty, slated for 2024, represents a shift in the global fight to address environmental pollution and degradation. The international agreement, unlike previous resolutions, covers the lifecycle of plastics and represents a legally binding instrument for ending plastic pollution across all ecosystems. Plastic waste contamination poses significant challenges to African nations. It challenges food security, ecological variation and economic development. The African region has been identified with a high level of enactment of waste management policies but a deficiency of sustainable measures to adopt and implement these policies. The new treaty could provide an instrument for collaboration and innovation and set the stage for Africa to transition to a sustainable plastics environment that promotes zero‐waste.

The development of the promotion and protection of human rights, in general, has been gladdening. However, in instances where human rights are affected by business activity, efforts to uphold them meet certain obstacles. This is exacerbated when the business activity involves a complex and international dimension in it—i.e., in the case of multinational enterprises. This paper provides three arguments to support the establishment of international binding treaty on business and human rights. It examines the current Corporate Social Responsibility platform, state responsibility to protect human rights, and also the importance and benefits of legally binding treaty. This research found that the implementation of the current CSR platform fails to prevent business harm to human rights. Therefore, state responsibility is fundamental in this matter and should be enhanced by the duty to establish an international treaty. A legally binding treaty is important to protect human rights from irresponsible business activity and can be beneficial and relevant to the interest of parties involved in business and human rights.

The article advocates for a multidisciplinary approach to the challenges surrounding nuclear weapons and the implementation of the proportion and distinction IHL principles. It also examines the relationship between nuclear deterrence policies and IHL norms. To this end, it traces the historical development of IHL from the Roman law codification of jus ad bellum and jus in bello to the contemporary IHL institutions of the law of Hague and the law of Geneva. It also highlights the role of the Martens Clause as a safety net for humanitarian protection and reviews the existing legal instruments on nuclear weapons, such as the NPT, the TPNW and the ICJ advisory opinion. The study's outcome underlines the need for more comprehensive and binding legal mechanisms to regulate nuclear weapons in a way that is in accordance with IHL and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Direito GV is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For about ten years, both the European Union and China have decided to embark on a "not easy" road to reach an investment agreement. So, two different cultures, two international powers, set out to regulate the main aspects of the investment mechanism between them. The road to this agreement is perhaps the most difficult in the recent history of the field, largely because of the narrow loopholes through which the negotiating parties must pass. The only good path for the parties on this road is the public international law governing the treaties, while foreign policies should retain their position as auxiliaries with a limited role. This article aims to analyse the legal aspects of the procedure required by such a treaty, taking into account its particularities. The method used for the elaboration of this study is specific to differentiated comparison and introspection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The communication presented, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the enthronement of Alba Iulia, wishes a tribute and pious gratitude to King Ferdinand and the politician of deep patriotic resonance, who was for almost 15 years the president of the Conservative Party – Alexandru Marghiloman. Both the king and the true conservative politician were animated in the years of the First World War, by a special perseverance to fulfill the great desideratum of the full unification of all Romanian territories and the creation of Great România. The “unifying” king, closely advised by a competent chamberlain, I would say, who had at his top the incomparable liberal leader I.I.C. Brătianu and Queen Maria. Even if he did not excel in the specific skills of a true political leader, being more inclined to scientific and cultural concerns, King Ferdinand knew how to choose his advisers and engage them in the fulfillment of national ideals. Such was the case of Alexandru Marghiloman, who, due to his special abilities, was elected by I.I.C. Brătianu and proposed to the king to form a government that would treat and conclude peace with the Central Powers, when the country was in great danger, in the spring of 1916. In our paper, we insisted on the most realistic presentation of the way in which Alexandru Marghiloman and his team acted to save the country, but especially of those measures and actions taken under the conditions of concluding the armistice and signing the separate capitulation by the defeated Central Powers. I also insisted on a more realistic presentation of the two personalities of the time, who also left their mark on the front page of what would become, through the joint efforts of the sovereign, also of the president of the Conservative Party, Greater Romania.

Around World War One, Romanian diplomacy had to occupy a position which satisfied the fundamental strategic objectives of the Romanian nation, namely the achievement of the Romanian national unified state.

This article discusses Mongolia’s 15 years of diplomatic efforts to join the United Nations, the main factors that influenced it, and the changing policies and positions of the Soviet Union, the Kuomintang of China, the United States, and other great powers. Although the Mongolian People’s Republic was able to join the United Nations in 1946, it was influenced by the Soviet Union’s communist position. Since 1946, Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese policy and position have been a major obstacle. The history of the Republic of China, which existed on the mainland between 1912 and 1949, was the history of the struggle for power between the warlords, the history of the struggle between the Kuomintang and the Communists. In the nearly 40 years since the founding of the Republic of China in 1912, neither the warlords nor the Kuomintang have been able to exercise their sovereignty on the mainland, but they are keen to see Outer Mongolia as part of their territory. The Kuomintang was expelled from the mainland in 1949, shortly after 1946. During the Korean War, initiated by Kim Il-sung, Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong, Mongolia stood firmly behind North Korea, providing both moral and material support. It has not been mentioned anywhere that this resulted in Mongolia’s efforts at the UN being postponed for many years. When Communist China entered the Korean War, the Kuomintang, which fully supported the US-led UN military operation (peacekeeping), not only continuously provoked at the Security Council of the United Nations, but also presented false documents about the MPR - described as “a Chinese territory seized by the Soviet Union” - sending troops to North Korea. The United States, which has recognized the status quo of the Mongolian People’s Republic, has made it clear that it has played an important role in the country’s admission to the United Nations. Thus Mongolia’s attempt finally succeeded and it became the 101st state to join the United Nations. As a consequence, Mongolia’s independence has been approved by a recognize of Western powers and it began to emerge out of its isolation, participate in decision of global issues, and cooperate with the international community. However, not only did this opportunity not be fully exploited, but due to the Cold War, Mongolia became a hotbed of ideological competition between the socialist and capitalist systems at the United Nations, the speakers’ rostrum Nevetheless,Post-Cold War, a whole new era of cooperation between Mongolia and the United Nations began.

The United Nations Environment Assembly (UNEA) recently adopted a resolution with a mandate to negotiate a new international legally binding instrument (a treaty) on plastic pollution. The mandate includes the need to ‘prevent’ as well as ‘reduce’ and ‘eliminate’ plastic pollution through a ‘comprehensive approach that addresses the full life cycle of plastic’. Unsustainable production and consumption of virgin (primary) plastic polymers represents the single greatest threat to preventing plastic pollution and risks undermining the incoming treaty. However, current discussions on a global plastics treaty overlook upstream measures that address virgin plastic production and consumption, focusing instead on midstream and downstream measures on product design and waste management. This article presents the justification for and benefits of a stepwise approach for controlling virgin plastic production and consumption internationally, inspired by the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer;

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reproduces the speech of Sergey N. Baburin at the plenary session of the inter-national scientific conference "Law Enforcement in Public and Private Law", which was held on March 26, 2021 at the Faculty of Law of the Dostoevsky Omsk State University. The conference was dedicated to the 200th anniversary of the birth of Fedor M. Dostoevsky. On the example of the law enforcement of the norms of the Treaty on the Creation of the Union Russian-Belarusian State of 1999 the speaker examines the issues of modern social choice in the development of mankind. Civilizm is proposed as a new social system, and the characteristics of its constitutionalism, political system, and justice system are described. The author argues for the necessity of establishing a moral state and creating a union state with the participation of Russia by using the mechanisms of integration constitutionalism.

The application of treaty is still influenced by different views on the approach chosen by Indonesia, whether monism or dualism. By using normative method, this study questions the relevance of monism-incorporation and dualism-transformation approaches in determining the application of treaty. Two key aspects will be reviewed, namely parliamentary approval and the drafting of national regulations to implement treaty. It concludes that the dichotomy of monism and dualism has various limitations, and is irrelevant for determining the application of treaty. Parliamentary approval is required for treaty application, both in monist and dualist countries. Several dualist countries have even sought parliamentary approval before ratification can take place. The formulation of national regulations is common in monist and dualist countries. Not to fulfill theoretical demands in line with the monism and dualism approaches, but to ensure harmonization and the ability of state to carry out its obligations.

Current developments in the field of international investment relations are influenced by the ruling of the Court of Justice in the Achmea case, when de facto European law became superior to international law. The verdict of the Court of Justice changes the usual legal procedures and customs in the field of bilateral investment agreements. However, the impact of this court decision is an almost unexplored area due to the lack of interest of legal theorists, and it is relatively difficult to find answers to the ambiguities and problems that have arisen. The scientific study analyses the current process of introducing new rules in the field of investment policy within the European Union, which means the end of bilateral investment agreements within the European Union. It also examines the European Union’s activities in the field of foreign direct investment and the development of a stable European investment policy. Determining the goal of the scientific study is based directly on current needs and emerging practical problems in practice. Their correct understanding and application has a fundamental impact on the possibilities of rules in the field of investment policy. Due to the nature of the researched topic, we applied selected qualitative methods suitable for recognising the law. However, we also analysed scientific literature, case-law and the analogy of law, thus providing qualified answers to the application pitfalls of legal practice.

The Antarctic Treaty was signed during the Cold War in 1959 in Washington D.C. and came into force on 23 June 1961. It regulates relations concerning Antarctica. Georgian translation was made from the English text of the treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: The UNCRPD is an international treaty that promotes the advancement of the rights of persons with disabilities. This scoping review aimed to map the evidence on strategies employed by countries in implementing the UNCRPD in Africa and the implementation challenges faced. Method: The PRISMA extension for scoping reviews (PRISMA-Scr) was used in this study. Key terms pertinent to the implementation of the UNCRPD in Africa were used to search for literature. Strict eligibility criteria were set and a qualitative data extraction template developed. Two reviewers worked independently to extract and chart data into data extraction forms. An analysis of country reports was also conducted to identify relationships between the African country reports and findings from the studies included in the scoping review. Inductive reasoning enabled the generation of themes. A total of 107 sources were initially retrieved and after a process of screening and exclusion, 31 sources (11 research papers and 20 country reports) were included for inductive analysis. Results: The study revealed evidence of implementation of UNCRPD in Africa, albeit limited, especially to the area of education, and employment. However, there are unique contextual limitations in implementation of UNCRPD in Africa. The country reports reflected similar implementation issues to those identified in studies selected for this paper. Conclusion and Implications: This calls for African governments to broaden focus on implementation of other articles of the UNCRPD in order to create inclusive societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is one of the most important developments of the modern era. This paper addresses the question posed, of what issues are to be discussed at the 1st Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty, which will occur one year after entry-into-force with fifty ratifications. In summary four main issues are identified: – The legal status of the Treaty, in the short-term – An issue of logic: irreversibility of the prohibition and the right of withdrawal – The legal status of the Treaty, in the long-term – Political division over the Treaty and the law: the persistent objector rule. Scope exists for further political initiative at the appropriate time regarding the Treaty itself, pertaining to the two central concepts of the Treaty – irreversibility and universality. Such initiative draws from an assessment of the contemporary state of customary international law, and whether the non-possession of all weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons, might be attaining, or have the potential to attain, the status of an emerging peremptory norm. The minority of States opposing, irrespective of military power, may come to be regarded as persistent objectors to the norm. It is open for ratifying States to lead in such initiatives, consistent with the binding article in the Treaty to ensure universal adherence through encouraging non-state Parties to join. Such an initiative would serve the strengthening of the multilateral rules-based order.

The article is devoted to the study of Russian-Chinese relations at the present stage. The relations under consideration are dynamic, which is expressed in regular contacts at the highest level, cooperation in the international arena, including within the framework of international and regional organizations, trade and economic, humanitarian relations, common projects in the fi eld of military cooperation, etc. In this regard, the study and analysis of external and internal factors that contributed to the emergence, development, cooling, resumption and, ultimately, the formation of strategic partnership relations are important for the possible consideration of the Russian Federation in building further foreign policy relations with China and preventing previous mistakes.The authors studied and analyzed the defi ning directions and features of Russian-Chinese foreign policy relations, both in the historical context and at the present stage of development. In particular, the main periods in the development of bilateral relations are identifi ed; the factors that infl uenced the change of foreign policy strategies of the Russian Federation and the people's Republic of China are analyzed; the author reveals the nature of Russian-Chinese cooperation at the present stage, characterizes its role and importance both for regional policy and in the light of ongoing international processes, including in the fi eld of international security; identifi es possible risks that may adversely affect the nature of foreign policy cooperation between Russia and China.In conclusion, an attempt was made to formulate a possible forecast for the development of Russian-Chinese foreign policy relations, taking into account the current geopolitical situation in the world, as well as taking into account factors that can lead to contradictions between the two countries.

The article studies the Carpathian Ukraine’s factor in the policy of European countries according to the political configuration in the Central Europe in late 1930s after the Munich Conference, 30 September — 2 October, 1938. The author has used both historical research methods and methodological techniques of jurisprudence. It is analysed international legal documents, in particular, the Treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon determining the Central Europe’s policy after the end of World War I. The provisions of the Czechoslovak Constitution of 1920 are also analysed. The process of revising the Treaty of Saint-Germain and initiating the revision of the Treaty of Trianon determining the Carpathian Ukraine’s status iss analysed. It is underlined the German and Italian positions on the Carpathian Ruthenia’s situation. Diplomatic correspondence of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, covering the position of not only Germany but also Italy, Poland, Hungary, and Romania appealing to the Central Europe’s policy after launching the procedure of revising the peace treaties summing up the results of World War I, is used to address that problem. It is analysed the political and legal conditions of the Ukrainian state-established forces triying to realize the right to self-determination of the Ukrainian people in the Carpathian Ruthenia. The study of the problem of the Carpathian Ukraine’s factor in the policies of big European states with respect to structuring the Central Europe’s policy reveals that the strengthening of the policies of Poland and Italy towards the regional bloc foundation became possible after the Munich Conference of 1938. Such bloc provided for strategic consolidation of such Central European countries as Poland (which was expected to play a leading role in that bloc), Hungary, and Romania, while Italy assigned itself the role of a strategic partner of the bloc. However, the fact of existence of the Carpathian Ukraine (initially, as an autonomous territory within Czechoslovakia) obstructed such geopolitical formation. The bloc in the Central Europe with Polish domination and Italian strategic partnership was wholly at odds with geopolitical interests of Germany. Actually, that was the reason behind German support to the Carpathian Ukraine. However, the change in the German strategic plans regarding the future of Poland caused the revision of the policy to support the Carpathian Ukraine.

Copyright of Revista Daena: International Journal of Good Conscience is the property of Spenta University Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Selcuk Law Review / Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Selcuk Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)