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The current socio-political approaches to reconciliation in South Africa are fragile which is evidenced by the high levels of poverty, corruption, and inequalities which cancel the strides taken in the right direction of democratizing and unifying the country. These inadequacies evidence a need to come up with new ideas, particularly from the religious sector, that can play a leading role in enhancing the capacity of these socio-political systems to build reconciled and peaceful communities. Pentecostalism has the potential to be used as an instrument of peace and reconciliation in our community, therefore this article explores African Pentecostalism as a way of assessing how this tradition can contribute to the transformation of communities, leading to co-existence, reconciliation, and love for the other. To achieve this objective, this study will make use of a systematic review methodology which will involve analyzing selected works written by various scholars on the topic of reconciliation and African Pentecostalism.

The current socio-political approaches to reconciliation in South Africa are fragile which is evidenced by the high levels of poverty, corruption, and inequalities which cancel the strides taken in the right direction of democratizing and unifying the country. These inadequacies evidence a need to come up with new ideas, particularly from the religious sector, that can play a leading role in enhancing the capacity of these socio-political systems to build reconciled and peaceful communities. Pentecostalism has the potential to be used as an instrument of peace and reconciliation in our community, therefore this article explores African Pentecostalism as a way of assessing how this tradition can contribute to the transformation of communities, leading to co-existence, reconciliation, and love for the other. To achieve this objective, this study will make use of a systematic review methodology which will involve analyzing selected works written by various scholars on the topic of reconciliation and African Pentecostalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of 2016, Anglophone Cameroon has endured the scorching stench of an internal political conflict between security forces and separatist militia groups, in which numerous human rights violations have been committed. Given the magnitude of these violations, they have been categorised as serious crimes in international law (crimes against humanity). While international law urges the prosecution of perpetrators, this paper, acknowledging the rule of law as a relevant tool in transforming and shaping societies, nonetheless opines that in post-conflict scenarios, the responses of states are not always influenced by the rule of law, as they sometimes involve factors that have no legal bearing or backing. These responses have been recognised generally to constitute components of transitional justice. This paper thus views transitional justice as comprising all the measures which states usually turn to in search of ways to respond to past atrocities, whether legal, non-legal or a combination thereof. This paper argues that the situation in Anglophone Cameroon has reached unprecedented levels of violence and given the degree of victimisation and mayhem caused to society, there is a need for transitional justice, in order to give closure to victims and restore stability. To suggest the form such transitional justice may take, the paper uses a comparative methodological approach in examining the transitional justice perspectives of South Africa and Rwanda, to assess what lessons could be drawn from them in respect of how they dealt with their legacies of past abuses. The paper recommends the establishment of an Anglophone Cameroon Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (ACTJRC).

Canada and New Zealand were two of only four countries which voted against the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, before eventually moving to support. Since then, this declaration has influenced Canadian politics and practices, particularly the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's 2015 'calls to action', legislation, and subsequent action plans on both the federal and provincial levels. Different political parties' priorities affect the implementation of indigenous rights policies. Nonetheless, Canada demonstrates the importance of normative change, outside of legislation or formal policy change. Norms of co-development, co-design and co-drafting create opportunities for indigenous peoples to have a say in policies that affect them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous women and birthing parents in Canada disproportionately face mistreatment in their maternal health care experiences due to systemic anti-Indigenous racism, ongoing harmful impacts of settler colonialism, and power differentials inherent in many health care relationships. Indigenous midwives and doulas are important leaders in resisting these conditions and reclaiming traditional Indigenous birth knowledge and practices. Ultimately, they work to uphold Indigenous self-determination and sovereignty. Grounded in an understanding of historical and current challenges regarding Indigenous maternal health, this qualitative study explored how best to situate oneself as a settler researcher and maternal health practitioner to support Indigenous maternal health in a culturally safe, anti-racist manner. In this article, key insights are shared from semi-structured interviews conducted with five prominent Indigenous scholars, midwives and community leaders. These consultants emphasized the central importance of intentional relationships in advancing the reclamation of traditional birth practices and providing culturally safe care, along with the indispensability of Indigenous midwives and doulas in these processes. Consultants also stressed the critical need for increased numbers of, and accessibility to, Indigenous practitioners in communities across the country. Settler practitioners are urged to understand the historical and contemporary impacts of settler colonialism, and the significance of building culturally safe, anti-racist relationships with their Indigenous colleagues and clients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do we repair and reconcile a society broken multiple times by years of political violence and cyclic mass atrocity events? Reconciliation processes in post-conflict societies tend to favour state-led peace processes to aid individuals and communities alike to heal, make sense of the past while also imagining and forging an interdependent future together. The Burundi Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), established in 2014, has the mandate to investigate past crimes and mass violence events dating from 1885 to the 4 December 2008 ceasefire with the aim of aiding truth-telling, reconciliation and transitional justice. The article comments on how the TRC shapes ongoing healing, reconciliation and transitional justice efforts in post-conflict Burundi. This article uses desk-based research to draw insights from documented works and reports of the TRC between 2018 and 2022. The TRC's findings sparked multiple narratives and public discourse in the Senate which further led to the reexamination of the 1972-1973 massacre, the legacy of colonisation and its impact in cementing ethnic divisions that led to cyclic mass violence in Burundi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical policy was one of the main directions of the domestic policy of the Roh Moo-hyuns government (2003-2008). The ideological justification of revising the 20th century history of Korea was the idea of building a new Korean society based on the principles of democracy and the rule of civil rights and freedoms. Through the implementation of a new historical policy the Roh Moo-hyuns government tried to prove that the creation of such a society was impossible without revealing the truth about the historical past, in which the state repeatedly neglected civil rights and committed crimes. Increased attention to issues of restoration of the historical justice is typical for the current government of Moon Jae-in, the political successor of Roh Moo-hyun. Based on the analysis of the governmental documents, legislation this paper reveals the main disagreements between political parties of the Republic of Korea around the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, identifies the key results of its activities.

South Africa's transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation has been viewed with admiration the world over, while the 1996 Constitution has been hailed as one of the most progressive and has served as a model for many other constitutions. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, intended to heal the divisions of the past and bring an end to racial tensions, has set an example for other transitional countries. Yet nearly three decades after the advent of democracy, racial tensions continue to dominate the society and are, in fact, deteriorating. This essay asks why this is the case. It first argues that the creation of a just and equal society is central to eliminating racial polarization. It then examines the efficacy of judicial and legislative efforts to address the issue of racial polarization. It concludes that, although judicial measures are necessary to address specific incidences of racial tension and transgression, social justice education is a more effective solution to address polarization in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The largest school division in Winnipeg, Canada--the Winnipeg School Division--is undertaking several initiatives in the teaching for reconciliation and in meeting the educational mandate of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's 94 Calls to Action. These initiatives are being implemented in many of the division's K-12 schools and a variety of subject areas. This article examines the reconciliatory initiatives that provide Indigenous and non-Indigenous learners alike with meaningful information about traditional practices and opportunities to engage in relationshipbuilding and cross-cultural understanding. The literature review section examines the historical and societal injustices perpetrated upon Indigenous peoples, newcomers' needs around Indigenous issues, and the important role that Indigenous and non-Indigenous teachers have in the reconciliation process. The methodology section focuses on document analysis and its relevance as a research method. The article concludes with an examination of the potential and resistance of teaching for reconciliation in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the book by Professor Charles C. Jalloh, The Legal Legacy of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, published in 2020 by Cambridge University Press. In this book, the author examines the "hybrid" international/national criminal tribunal, known as the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), which was created under a pathbreaking bilateral treaty between the United Nations (UN) and the country of Sierra Leone as a UN member state. Jalloh seeks to evaluate the contributions made by SCSL to the development of international criminal law. In particular, he assesses the scope and significance of SCSL legal contributions from its solutions to problems arising between its opening and the completion of its work in 2013, having to do with personal and temporal jurisdiction; gender crimes as crimes against humanity; recruitment of children as war crimes; head-of-state immunity; amnesty; and tensions between criminal tribunals and truth commissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is giving an overview of the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa through a thesis of congruence between its protocols and elements of theatrical performance. After an introductory survey of the historical context of apartheid, it offers an analysis of TRC’s work through two roles it had – the role of a legal instrument, and the one of a tool for facing the past and producing the national historical narrative. This paper analyses the relation between theatrical and performative characteristics, and concepts of transitional and restorative justice; the influence of elements of performance is also studied in TRC’s effect on creating national narratives, which are used to legitimate new legal and political order.

Abstrak Sampai saat ini, upaya penuntasan pelanggaran HAM berat di masa lalu masih menjadi hutang yang belum tertunaikan. Upaya rekonsiliasi yang hendak ditempuh pemerintah, sebagai salah satu alternatif penyelesaian seharusnya tidak boleh meninggalkan upaya mengungkap kebenaran. Pembentukan Undang-Undang Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi (UU KKR) yang sejalan dengan UUD 1945 dan instrumen HAM yang berlaku secara universal sebagaimana diamanatkan Putusan MK Nomor 6/PUU-IV/2006 menjadi kebutuhan yang penting dan mendasar. Tanpa adanya UU KKR tersebut, maka upaya rekonsiliasi yang dilakukan pemerintah akan mengalami problem hukum yang pada gilirannya akan semakin menunda penuntasan pelanggaran HAM berat di masa lalu. Bahkan implikasi ketiadaan UU KKR, membuat KKR Aceh yang dibentuk melalui Qanun Aceh Nomor 17 Tahun 2013 seolah mati suri karena dalam menjalankan tugas dan kewenangannya akan berbenturan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang lebih tinggi. Karenanya, Pemerintah dan DPR seharusnya meningkatkan komitmen dan political will-nya untuk segera melakukan pembahasan RUU KKR, dan segera menghilangkan kebiasaan yang hanya memasukkan RUU KKR dalam daftar program legislasi nasional. Abstract Up to now, the efforts to resolve human rights violations are still considered as a debt thas have not been fullfilled. The renconciliation steps that have been taken by the government, as one of the alternative dispute settlement should not put aside its aim to uncover the truth. The Establishment of Law on Truth and Reconciliation Commission [the Law] which is in line with the 1945 Constitution and international human rights instruements that apply universally as mandated by the Constitutional Court Decision Number 6/PUU-IV/2006 became fundamental needs. In the absence of the Law, the government’s reconciliation efforts will run into legal problems, which in turn will further delay the completion of serious human rights violations in the past. In fact, the implications of the absence of the Law, lead to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Aceh formed by Aceh Qonun Number 17 in 2013 as suspended because it collides with the higher legislation that cannot be reached by Aceh Qanun. Therefore, the government and House of Representatives should pay more commitment and its political will for immediate discussion of the Law Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and immediately eliminate the habit that only put the Law on Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the list of national legislation program.

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Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The antagonism between deontological and teleological conceptions of law can be felt throughout the field of law. It is particularly pressing, however, in the context of what is commonly referred to as ‘transitional justice’. Should the legal response to massive violence and bloodshed be primarily a deontological one, giving primacy to the right in awarding ‘each what is his’ (suum cuique) according to a given set of principles of law? Or should this response be primarily teleological in nature, with the right being subservient to the restoration of society as a higher good? Our paper investigates this issue from the perspective of a Ricoeurian reading of Aeschylus’ Oresteia and Yael Farber’s Molora, a modern play in which Aeschylus’ story is staged against the backdrop of post-apartheid South Africa. It is argued that both the Greek original and its modern adaptation confirm Ricoeur’s view of justice as a precarious balance between Kantian deontology on the one hand and Aristotelian teleology on the other.

When the Honorable Justice Murray Sinclair, Chair of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was asked the one message that non-Aboriginal Canadians can learn from the work of the TRC, he said "put the relationship back into balance". Sinclair stressed that in order to achieve reconciliation and facilitate balance in the relationship we need to change the way non-Aboriginal people are educated about Aboriginal peoples. Justice Sinclair also stated that racism and colonialism are firmly embedded structurally, systemically and institutionally in Canada. This has to change. This paper will explore how the findings from the TRC can transform the theory and practice of reconciliation research in Canada. How can the academy respond appropriately and meaningfully to the TRC recommendations? This paper proposes that reconciliation research agendas should draw upon Indigenous research paradigms which privilege Indigenous worldviews, epistemologies, and knowledges as productive elements in the way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a film review of Winnie (2017), directed by Pascale Lamchi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on how the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Canada's Calls to Action pertain to early childhood education. The author, who is a student and soon to be educator, traces her understanding of reconciliation within early childhood spaces by considering the TRC call to develop culturally appropriate Aboriginal early childhood education programs. Incorporating her recent learning, she explores curriculum, language, parents, community, and treaty relationships. She questions her own previously held assumptions around dominant discourses of success and reflects on new understandings of reconciliation gained in her program of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is dedicated to recounting the main initiative of Nelson Mandela’s government to manage the social resentment inherited from the segregationist regime. I conducted interviews with South African intellectuals committed to the theme of transitional justice and with key personalities who played a critical role in this process. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is presented as the primary institutional mechanism envisioned for the delicate exercise of redefining social relations inherited from the apartheid regime in South Africa. Its founders declared grandiose political intentions to the detriment of localized more palpable objectives. Thus, there was a marked disparity between the ambitious mandate and the political discourse about the commission, and its actual achievements.

The Tower of Babel narrative is profoundly connected to the history of South Africa and its interpretation in the Dutch Reformed Church document entitled Human Relations and the South African Scene in the Light of Scripture (1976), which was used to justify apartheid. In this article, it is argued that this understanding of the narrative is due to racist framing that morally justified the larger apartheid narrative. The Tower of Babel narrative was later reframed for liberation and reconciliation by Desmond Tutu. However, apartheid had an impact not only on the sociopolitical dynamics of South Africa. Submissions to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission by business and labour highlight the impact of apartheid on the economy and specifically black labour. These revelations are responsible for new questions regarding the economics of the narrative that arise and may enrich the understanding of the Tower of Babel narrative. This focus on the economic aspect of the narrative is also supported by historical research on the Tower of Babel narrative that reveals that the dispersion of the people on the plain of Shinar may refer to the demise of the Sumerian empire, which was among other influences brought about by a labour revolt. In this regard, the narrative is a theological reflection on the demise of an unjust economic system that exploited workers. The purpose of this article is to critically explore this economic justice aspect embedded in the narrative in order to determine whether this reframing of the narrative is plausible. This is particularly important within the post-apartheid context and the increase of economic problems such as unemployment, poverty and economic inequality.

The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has been presented as an exemplar tool related to subjects as memory reconstruction or reconciliation; none the less, several criticisms have been made in relation to its results. This essay focuses on the criticisms related to the exclusion of some discourses from the end results of the TRC, such as those from women, ex combatants and forced removals. Those discourses, whether they were absent form the conclusions of TRC, have found different ways to expose themselves, completing with this, the version of South African history and apartheid deduced from the Commissio

In 2008, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) was initiated to address the historical and contemporary injustices and impacts of Indian Residential Schools. Of the many goals of the TRC, I focus on reconciliation and how the TRC aims to promote this through public education and engagement. To explore this, I consider two questions:1) who does the TRC include in the process of reconciliation? And 2) how might I, as someone who is not Indigenous (specifically, as someone who is “white”), be engaged by the TRC?Ethical queries arise which speak to broader concerns about the TRC’s capability to fulfill its public education goals. I raise several concerns about whether the TRC’s plan to convoke the col- lective will result in over-simplifying the process by relying on blunt, poorly defined identity cate- gories that erase the heterogeneity of those residing in Canada, as well as the complexity of the conflict among us. I attempt to situate myself in-between proclamations of “success” or “failure” of the TRC, to better understand what can be learned from contested truths and experiences of uncertainty.

The Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools is a novel foray into a genre previously associated with so-called “transitional” democracies from the post- Communist world and the global South. This basic fact notwithstanding, a systematic comparison with the broader universe of truth commission-hosting countries reveals that the circumstances surrounding the Canadian TRC are not entirely novel. This article develops this argument by distilling from the transitional justice literature several bases of comparison designed to explain how a truth commission’s capacity to promote new cultures of justice and accountability in the wake of massive violations of human rights is affected by the socio-political context in which the commission occurs; the injustices it is asked to investigate; and the nature of its mandate. It concludes that these factors, compounded by considerations unique to the Canadian context, all militate against success. If Canadian citizens and policymakers fail to meet this profound ethi- cal challenge, they will find themselves occupying the transition-wrecking role played more familiarly by the recalcitrant and unreformed military and security forces in the world’s more evidently authoritarian states.

En este artículo utilizo la investigación que conduje desde 1995 en Perú a fin de explorar las comisiones de verdad y algunas implicancias en relación con las mujeres y la guerra. Me interesa examinar lo que constituye las estrategias de investigación "sensibles al género", como también los modos en los cuales las comisiones de verdad han incorporado estas estrategias dentro de su trabajo. Verdad y memoria son categorías que, de hecho, están atravesadas por el género, pero no en los modos en los que los plantea el sentido común. Por lo tanto, espero ofrecer una comprensión más sutil de las dimensiones asociadas al género presentes en la guerra.Neste artigo utilizo a pesquisa que conduzi desde 1995 no Peru a fim de explorar as comissões de verdade e algumas implicações em relação às mulheres e à guerra. Interessa-me examinar o que constitui as estratégias de pesquisa "sensíveis ao gênero", bem como os modos pelos quais as comissões de verdade têm incorporado estas estratégias em seu trabalho. Verdade e memória são categorias que, de fato, estão atravessadas por o gênero, mas não da forma como os que as colocam em sentido comum. Portanto, espero oferecer uma compreensão mais sutil das dimensões associadas ao gênero, presentes na guerra.In this article, I draw upon research I have conducted since 1995 in Peru to explore the commissioning of truth and some implications in terms of women and war. I am interested in examining what constitutes "gender sensitive" research strategies, as well as the ways in which truth commissions have incorporated these strategies into their work. Truth and memory are indeed gendered, but not in any common-sensical way. Thus I hope to offer a more nuanced understanding of the gendered dimensions of war.

This article deals with two texts written during the process of transition in South Africa, using them to explore the cultural and ethical complexity of that process. Both Njabulo Ndebele’s “The cry of Winnie Mandela” and Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s “A human being died that night” deal with controversial public figures, Winnie Mandela and Eugene de Kock respectively, whose role in South African history has made them part of the national iconography. Ndebele and Gobodo-Madikizela employ narrative techniques that expose and exploit faultlines in the popular representations of these figures. The two texts offer radical ways of understanding the communal and individual suffering caused by apartheid, challenging readers to respond to the past in ways that will promote healing rather than perpetuate a spirit of revenge. The part played by official histories is implicitly questioned and the role of individual stories is shown to be crucial. Forgiveness and reconciliation are seen as dependent on an awareness of the complex circumstances and the humanity of those who are labelled as offenders. This requirement applies especially to the case of “A human being died that night”, a text that insists that the overt acknowledgement of the humanity of people like Eugene de Kock is an important way of healing South African society.

All post-conflict societies switching to constitutional liberal democracies have to deal with their past through transitional justice mechanisms that offer to hear the victims, try the perpetrators of all types of abuses, introduce peace and reconciliation schemes. It is time for state and non-state organs to account for past crimes. Several countries have successfully tested such mechanisms. Northern Ireland is the ideal ground for transitional justice to operate but it dispels foreign tailor-made models. However, a number of major reforms and projects have addressed sensitive issues in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement. Two key institutions, the police and the criminal justice system, whose responsibility in the conflict was undeniable, have been reformed. Law and lawyers are concerned with these changes and the introduction of a Human Rights culture in Northern Ireland. A clear break with the past must be achieved for transitional justice mechanisms to work successfully.

Liturgical solutions to violence – an exploration Violence is an action that causes serious trauma – also in believers. The concept of violence should thus also be addressed and accounted for in all theological disciplines. In this article it is attempted to give an overview of what violence against women and children implies. Possible liturgical solutions to the phenomenon of violence are subsequently presented as seen from a feminist point of view. The viewpoint of the “liturgy of protest” is also discussed and finally the solutions suggested by acts of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission are scrutinised. In gatherings of the congregation, of family members and small groups in the congregation the traumatised should not be neglected, and the aspect of koinonia expressed by the community of worshippers should bring comfort and hope to the wounded in the body of the church – also by means of liturgical acts. Opportunities should be created for people to interpret the pain and humiliation they have experienced. These opportunities can also be utilised to remove the element of embarrassment that usually accompanies this kind of pain and humiliation. In every element of reformed liturgy possibilities are indicated that can be utilised in the processing of and coming to terms with the trauma effected by violence.