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In this paper, we argue that the consequences of democratic backsliding are not limited to the domestic sphere. Instead, we posit that democratic erosion generates strong incentives for leaders to engage in hostile foreign policy behavior toward other states. We estimate a series of models using event data from 2005–2018 to test our hypothesis. Our results consistently support our argument, even after using estimators that account for potential endogeneity issues. Leaders of backsliding democracies are more likely to behave in an aggressive way toward other countries. Our confidence in these results is strengthened by multiple robustness checks, all of which point to the same conclusion. This paper demonstrates that backsliding states are more likely than full democracies to engage in aggressive actions toward other states, which has important academic and policy implications for understanding the international ramifications of democratic erosion.

The article discusses New Zealand's evolving foreign policy focus on the Pacific region, driven by rising geopolitical competition and concerns over China's growing influence, while highlighting the complexities of regional engagements that often overlook local priorities like climate change. Topics include security and defense arrangements, development assistance, and the diverse actors influencing Pacific geopolitics.

The article attempts to determine the principles of international legal regulation of the application of restitution as a form of material responsibility in international law, as restitution is a means of legal protection available to the claimant in the consideration of an international dispute, for which seized property is returned to the original owner in kind. The theoretical provisions regarding the international legal regulation of the application of restitution as one of the forms of material responsibility under international law have been analyzed, using the following sources - the UN International Law Commission (ILC); Article 35 of the Articles on State Responsibility of 2001; Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) (predecessor of the UN International Coin! of Justice). Legal doctrine distinguishes two forms of restitution - restitution in kind («restitutio in integrum») and restoration («restitutio in pristinum»). Restitution in kind (restitutio in integrum) consists in restoring the former material situation. The second form of restitution - restoration (restitutio in pristinum) - is the restoration of immaterial rights. The issue of property restitution has been central to many political changes and peace agreements since the end of the Cold War. Restitution of property, homes, and land has been seen as a means of redressing past injustices in many forms, ranging from communist nationalization and colonial-era land confiscation to outright ethnic cleansing and war crimes. The politics of restitution often figure in broader transitional justice efforts following repression, persecution, and mass violations of human rights. Among the range of transitional justice mechanisms, restitution is most closely related to reparations, both because of their shared historical origins and because of their common desire to return victims to the conditions in which they would have been satisfied if their rights had not been violated. Practical examples of restitution that took place in the Czech Republic, South Africa, Bosnia and Guatemala were analyzed. Were studied the recommendations on how to better plan, organize and implement the restitution program in the conditions of the transition period, which were aptly described in his writings by the outstanding scientist Mr. Rhodri C. Williams [13]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question is considered, which aims to establish the main types of armed conflict and to determine the types of armed conflicts in international law, as well as when this or that act of the state will be considered aggression, armed attack or armed conflict, or not. It is indicated that the analysis of modem international relations shows that humanity has not yet managed to get rid of wars and other armed conflicts, which are mostly armed conflicts of a non- intemational nature. This is evidenced by the events in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia, and the Caucasus, and since 2014, Ukraine has not been an exception, the international armed conflict on whose territory has grown from February 24, 2022 into a full-scale war waged by the Russian Federation on the scale of which Europe has not knew since the Second World War. It is noted that modem international relations are characterized by a change in the nature of the conflict, the emergence of a number of new categories and situations, an increase in the number of victims among the civilian population, and an increasing internationalization of armed conflicts of a non-intemational nature. In this regard, the question of the qualification of various types of armed conflicts is extremely relevant, especially in the context of the ongoing full-scale war waged by Russia against Ukraine. The author pays special attention to the provisions of the statute of the International Criminal Court and the statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which essentially form the modem doctrine of criminal responsibility for war crimes and the crime of genocide. The article highlights the provisions and the author's assessment regarding the prerequisites for proper qualification, because the prerequisite for proper qualification is a deep study and understanding by a person who applies the mles of law, the principles of international humanitarian law, international state policy, international judicial and investigative practice; correct clarification and interpretation of the content of the international agreement, determination of the limits of the selected norm in time, space and by the number of persons, as well as establishing all its features; collection and analysis of evidence in the case, full and comprehensive establishment of the actual signs of the armed conflict; application of qualification mles developed by theory and practice, with a justified combination of the signs of an armed conflict established by international law with the signs of a committed act. An important place in the work is covered by the theoretical analysis of the term qualification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the issues related to the historical evolution of the concept of «prisoner of war» and the rules of detention, treatment and internment of such persons. It is stated that the precedent of discrepancies between legal acts providing for legal regulation of the status of prisoners of war is retrospective. The author analyses the customs of the ancient world and early civilisations for compliance with moral norms in the context of treatment of prisoners of war. Early states did not actually know what a system of «humane» treatment of prisoners of war was, but such countries and states as Ancient Greece and India were the driving force for fundamental changes in the vector of humane treatment of persons held in captivity. Using the method of comparative legal analysis, the author concludes that the periods of the Middle Ages and Modem times in terms of treatment of prisoners of war have both a close correlation and direct inconsistency. The author identifies the legislative acts that served as the basis for the regulatory settlement of the problem, such as the Special Prisoners' Decree or the Hague Convention of 1899. The author analyses the historical changes in international approaches to understanding the concept of «prisoner of war» and the rules for the treatment of such persons from early armed conflicts to modem norms of international humanitarian law. Attention is drawn to the national framework of Ukrainian legislation in the context of the customs of Kyivan Rus, the late Middle Ages, the Ukrainian SSR and the period of independence. The treatment of prisoners of war on the territory of Ukraine has always been historically consistent with moral values, even those which can be compared with modem international humanitarian law. The author concludes that the conflict between theory, legislation and practice has been present throughout human history due to the destructive nature of war and hostilities. The author emphasises the need to find new practical approaches to improve the level of legal regulation of the status of prisoners of war in international humanitarian law and national legislation of Ukraine (in particular, criminal procedure law). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is hope, and how can we measure it? These questions have occupied the minds of hope scholars across disciplines. This article outlines a comprehensive approach to understanding hope: the Bidimensional Model of Hope. Building on the standard definition of hope, the bidimensional model explores hope as the intersection between wishes (desires, aspirations) and expectations (assessment of possibility). Hope is thus located on a bidimensional plane with two perpendicular axes; one corresponds to the levels of wishes to achieve an outcome, and the second to the levels of expectations of achieving the outcome. We claim that the bidimensional approach is comprehensive enough to include existing definitions of hope while being parsimonious, versatile, and applicable to many contexts, including those where the hoped-for outcome is beyond people's actual or perceived control. We show the model's theoretical and methodological utility and its use in existing qualitative and quantitative research on hope in the context of intractable international conflicts. We end with suggesting pathways for developing and applying the Bidimensional Model of Hope to assist hope research in a variety of contexts and disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the changing roles of non-military government personnel and private military contractors in combat situations, particularly in low-intensity conflicts. It explores the legal standards for determining combatant status in armed conflicts, emphasizing the need for clear rules to uphold the laws of war. The text argues for classifying non-military personnel as combatants when engaged in combat operations and discusses the implications of extending combatant privilege to non-international armed conflicts. It challenges the notion that civilians directly participating in hostilities, such as CIA personnel and PMCs, are not entitled to combatant immunity, asserting that they can be considered combatants as agents of the State. The article advocates for extending the protections of the Geneva Conventions to all parties involved in armed conflicts, including non-military personnel. [Extracted from the article]

The use of cyber operations in armed conflicts has become a reality, with several states openly admitting to being involved in such activities. An increasing number of nations are developing military cyber capabilities, and the use of these operations is expected to rise. Advancements in offensive cyber capabilities have demonstrated that these operations can significantly impact civilian infrastructure and cause harm to humans. This study explores the complex application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to cyber warfare, focusing on the evolving roles of both state and non-state actors. It examines the difficulties in distinguishing between combatants and non-combatants in the light of the concept of direct participation in hostilities during cyberattacks. Furthermore, this paper examines the responsibilities and legal consequences for states that direct or control non-state actors and the need to adapt IHL to the specific nature of cyber conflicts. It underscores the crucial need for strong legal frameworks to protect civilians and uphold humanitarian principles in the digital era. This study employs cyberattacks which occurred during the Russian-Ukraine armed conflict as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research uses a behavioural game-theoretic paradigm to study the role of emotions in forming and preventing international conflict. We find that when two countries' strengths mismatch their resource, one of the two sides is motivated to initiate a conflict. However, national-dignity-related emotions can reduce this motivation. This is because countries with emotional populace are more likely to retaliate, thus becoming less susceptible to provocation. Meanwhile, these countries' leaders are more cautious in provoking other nations due to the fear of losing face from failed provocations. Consequently, long-term patriotic education can reduce international conflict by fostering these emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research is motivated by the arbitrary nature of decision-making environments and the dynamic changes in decision patterns, particularly in international dispute resolution. These challenges introduce uncertainties that could be effectively managed by fuzzy logic, which provides a robust framework for evaluating alternatives under multiple criteria. In this study, an Interval-Valued Type-2 Fuzzy TOPSIS approach is proposed to assess various dispute resolution methods, including negotiation, good offices, mediation, international inquiry, conciliation, international organization, arbitration, and international jurisdiction. Common criteria are determined by examining academic literature and by interviewing relevant experts.—cost-efficiency, duration, impartiality, binding nature, and generalizability are considered essential in determining the best resolution method. The proposed method allows for a nuanced evaluation by incorporating both primary and secondary levels of uncertainty, enabling decision-makers to determine the best alternative solution more reliably. This method's application extends not only to the international law field but also to industrial engineering, where complex, uncertain decision environments require similarly sophisticated multicriteria decision-making tools. By systematically analyzing these resolution methods, this study aims to provide a structured, quantifiable approach that enhances the decision-making process for both international legal practitioners and engineers working with uncertain and dynamic systems. The results of this study ultimately contribute to improved decision-making outcomes and greater efficiency in multidisciplinary problem solving. The assessments of experts in international law, international relations, and political science in their respective fields of expertise have been gathered to form a consensus. This study contributes to the literature as it is the pioneering application of fuzzy multicriteria decision-making techniques in the field of international law. The results of this study imply that the best option from the different decision-maker evaluations is international jurisdiction. Consequently, the utilization of multicriteria decision-making tools can result in more informed and effective decisions in complex and uncertain situations, which is advantageous to both legal practitioners and engineers. Additionally, incorporating different disciplines can help streamline the decision-making process and improve overall efficiency in solving multidisciplinary problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global landscape, enshrined in a wide range of international legal agreements, envisions an era of peaceful coexistence among nations. This vision is based on fundamental legal acts, such as the Charter of the United Nations and the Statute of the International Court of Justice (dated 26.06.1945), which enshrine the principle of peaceful coexistence. In addition, the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States (24.10.1970) and the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (01.08.1975) build on this foundation, strengthening the doctrine of peaceful interaction between states. The United Nations Charter resonates as a clear call to nations to prioritize peace and diplomacy over confrontation. The provision that “all Members of the United Nations shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner as not to endanger international peace, security and justice” (Article 2(3)) is not just a statement of intent; it is a guiding principle that emphasizes the value of peaceful coexistence. This principle favors dialogue over discord, cooperation over confrontation, and understanding over unilateral action. However, the development of international relations from the mid-20th century to the beginning of the 21st century demonstrates a somewhat opposite dynamic. Despite these well-established doctrines, there have been many instances where disputes have escalated into armed conflicts. The Korean War, the Vietnam War, multiple conflicts in the Middle East, and the recent civil war in Syria are just a few examples that have left a deep mark on the structure of world relations. Such events demonstrate the unfortunate tendency of states or groups within states to resort to force or the threat of force as a means of resolving disputes. This departure from the established norm of peaceful settlement raises a number of pressing questions and concerns, especially within the framework of international humanitarian law. How to accurately define “armed conflict”? What distinguishes an international conflict from a non-international one? When delving into this sub-topic, it is very important to distinguish between different classifications of conflicts. A thorough understanding of the criteria that distinguish, for example, between international conflicts, internal unrest, and other types of hostilities is of paramount importance. Referring to these criteria not only helps to accurately categorize conflicts, but also ensures that appropriate legal mechanisms are applied to mitigate the humanitarian consequences of such events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of wartime diplomacy is becoming increasingly important under the influence of global challenges that threaten international security and stability. This study is devoted to the investigation of wartime diplomacy as a tool for the peaceful settlement of international disputes. The article provides a theoretical and legal research of wartime diplomacy in the context of pacific settlement of international disputes. The fundamental international legal acts that enshrine the basic principles of pacific settlement of international disputes are processed and their content is characterized. The main criteria for distinguishing between diplomatic and judicial means of resolving international disputes are proposed: the legal framework, the form of implementation, the subjects of influence and the nature of the result achieved. A brief historical discourse on the formation of the institution of diplomacy is formed and approaches to the definition of the concept of “diplomacy” are detailed. By using general scientific and special, empirical and theoretical, quantitative and qualitative methods of scientific research, the phenomenon of wartime diplomacy is detailed through the prism of the proposed criterias, in particular, identifies the features of this category through its legal framework, forms of implementation, subjects of influence and the nature of the achieved results. The purpose of wartime diplomacy is formulated. The goals, forms and methods of wartime diplomacy in the context of the issues under study are highlighted. The research also examines the wartime diplomatic tools aimed at preventing or resolving international conflicts, in particular: diplomatic conferences, сonsultations, congresses, meetings. Particular attention is paid to “peace conferences” as means of implementing military diplomacy, and three types of peace conferences aimed at resolving conflicts are distinguished: a conference that either follows a “major” conflict or is held to negotiate the termination of one of them; a conference to promote “general” world peace or to mitigate and resolve the outbreak of a conflict; global conferences [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International humanitarian law mandates that the dead must be respected and protected in armed conflict. Among other things, parlies to an armed conflict must ensure that the dead are treated with dignity and that their bodies are not despoiled, pillaged, mutilated, or otherwise maltreated. Not all human remains located on the battlefield, however, will have a direct nexus to the fighting. Some, like those of Prince Grigory Potemkin, a historical figure whose bones were seized by Russian forces from a Ukrainian church in 2022, might even pre-exist an ongoing conflict. Whether rules applicable to the dead apply to such remains is debatable. The international humanitarian law governing the dead implicates the bodies of combatants and civilians killed in conflict, not those of re mote figures from the past. How, then, should the bodies of long-dead people be evaluated under international humanitarian law? This Article, examines a particular subset of human remains--the remains of what the Article describes as the. "exceptional dead"--and determines whether such material can be treated as property under the law of armed conflict. The Article then explores the. "no-property" rule. in. dead bodies and its effect on the protection of human remains in armed conflict. Lastly, the Article considers whether the remains of the exceptional dead might qualify as cultural heritage material entitled to protection as cultural property under international humanitarian law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The definition of the concept of war crimes is studied in a transdisciplinary course in the close connection of criminal and international law. The author's position regarding the legal definition of the terms «war», «military conflict», «armed «conflict», «laws and customs of war», «aggression» and their combination is formulated and substantiated. It has been confirmed that the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court provides for the definition of war crimes, taking into account Art. 6 of the Statute of the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg, and recognizes war crimes as gross, serious violations of the laws and customs of war with a significantly expanded list of such violations. And this, taking into account the national interests of Ukraine, is enshrined in Art. 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. It is proven that wars and armed conflicts: 1) are not identical concepts and it is incorrect to combine them in terms of content, apparently partially; 2) war is a type of military conflict, which is characterized by bilateral use of military force and 3) war can be a military conflict of a non-international character only in the case of civil war, which in the civilized world should be cut off forever through diplomatic efforts and peaceful resolution of conflict problems with respect for rights people and nations. Focused attention on the need for further terminological improvement of the edition of a number of international documents and Art. 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine from the point of view of the further implementation of the principle of the rule of law and its key element - the legal certainty of the norms that determine criminal responsibility for the committed act. The author considers it expedient and offers a way to solve the problem of the correctness of the use of the legal construct «laws and customs of war» in the specified article and in international norms (primarily the so-called «Hague laws» and «Geneva laws»). Opinions are expressed regarding the adoption of a decision at the international level to ban wars as military conflicts of an international nature and any armed conflicts as phenomena unacceptable for humanity, and to criminalize violations of the ban on wars at the national level. The term «aggression» is presented as having a defining psychological component, which calls into question the validity of its use to characterize military conflicts as a type of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effect of the adversarial principle within international commercial arbitration has been studied in the article. It has been noted that the ever-growing development of economic relations inextricably leads to an increase in disputes in the field of economic activity. The author believes that international arbitration is one of the most effective means of peaceful resolution of international conflicts. International arbitration is understood as a special procedure for hearing and settling international disputes, as well as an international body, which is created by mutual agreement of the parties to resolve a specific dispute, disputes of a certain category, or any dispute between the contracting parties in case there are some. It has been substantiated in the article that the activity of international commercial arbitration is primarily built on the system of certain procedural principles (dispositive, adversarial, procedural equality of the parties, etc.). The procedural equality of the parties is a condition for the implementation of the adversarial principle, since the parties can compete for defending their subjective rights and interests protected by law only under the same legal conditions by using equal procedural means: to defend own position in the dispute by presenting evidence; to participate in the examination of evidence; to demonstrate initiative and activity in the process of hearing the case; to give arguments for defending oneself and to object the evidence and arguments of the opposing party. It is the adversarial nature of the parties in combination with the procedural requirement of conscientious usage of procedural rights by the parties, as well as the prevention of their abuse constitute a sufficient legal basis for regulating the procedural relations of the parties while hearing a case within international commercial arbitration. Adversarial judicial proceedings are the optimal principle, the one that really ensures effective protection of violated or disputed rights and interests, and that reflects its democratic orientation. The effect of the adversarial principle is mostly manifested in specific features of the rules of evidence within international commercial arbitration, when each person participating in the case proves the referred circumstances or their absence in supporting own claims and objections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a scientific and practical analysis of international legal aspects relating to the issue of determining the exclusive jurisdiction of a dispute by means of a choice of court agreement, which is quite relevant, since the ratification of the relevant Convention, which was signed in 2014, took place during the martial law regime, which complicates the process of implementing the provisions of the Convention in the Ukrainian legal system. The author analyses the current Ukrainian legislation in the area of determining the jurisdiction of private law relations with a foreign element, in particular, proceedings in cases related to the jurisdiction determination procedure, and international documents in the area of choice of court agreements, such as the Laws of Ukraine «On International Private Law», «On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine in connection with the Ratification of the Convention on Choice of Court Agreements», the Hague Convention on Choice of Court Agreements and the New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards. The author identifies certain problems of enforcement of the choice of court agreement in the judicial system of Ukraine and issues of procedural protection of the parties to the agreement. It is noted that currently there is no definition of an exclusive choice of court agreement in national legislation and there are problems in the enforcement of a Ukrainian court decision by other states where no agreement on legal assistance has been concluded. The difficulty of applying the Convention on Choice of Court Agreements in comparison with the New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards has been proven, which may lead to differences in the practice of use among the countries that are parties to the Convention. The author identifies the need to expand Article 4-1 of the Law of Ukraine «On Private International Law» and improve the implementation of disputes involving an exclusive choice of court agreement. The author emphasises the need to resolve problematic issues, as this will positively affect the international legal image of the state and prepare further legislative changes for more effective synthesis of the legal systems of Ukraine and the EU member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the role of humanitarian diplomacy during the Tigray humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia, a humanitarian disaster marked by severe shortages in food, healthcare, and essential services that deeply affect civilians. A qualitative approach using both primary and secondary data grounds the study by exploring key actors in humanitarian diplomacy, their successes, and barriers to aid delivery. Humanitarian actors, such as UN agencies, international NGOs, donor countries, the EU, the US, and the African Union, have engaged with the Ethiopian government, the TPLF, and the Tigray Transitional Government to alleviate the crisis. Notable achievements in humanitarian diplomacy include negotiations, information gathering, communication, civilian needs assessment, resource mobilization, advocacy for international law, and distressed civilians. Humanitarian diplomacy has facilitated international aid operations, saving lives during critical periods, despite practical difficulties. Diplomatic efforts have faced significant interruptions due to access restrictions imposed by the Ethiopian government, security threats from ongoing fighting leading to attacks on aid convoys and casualties among aid workers, and bureaucratic obstacles imposed by the Ethiopian government. This study highlights the necessity for effective humanitarian diplomacy in accounting for complex political landscapes in conflict-affected regions, developing flexible strategies that enhance access to aid, and improving humanitarian interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Strangers on a Plane" from Diplomatic History recounts the tragic crash of the Yankee Clipper in 1943, shedding light on the experiences of noncombatant Americans during World War II. The narrative focuses on six passengers aboard the flight, including a Jewish refugee, an Olympic athlete, and a war correspondent, highlighting their diverse backgrounds and international experiences. Through meticulous research and individual stories, the author, Brooke Blower, offers a nuanced perspective on Americans' involvement in the global conflict, challenging stereotypes and exploring the complexities of wartime activities. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Methaodos: Social Science Journal / Methaodos: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicacion y Sociologia, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Activation at the beginning of the 20th century. international and national initiatives of many states of the modern world in the direction of ensuring sustainable and balanced development led to the emergence of a number of acts of international organizations, a significant update of the national legislation of Ukraine in the energy and other spheres. A significant part of them are documents of a strategic nature, in particular, they relate to the energy sector, ensuring energy security, energy law and order. At the same time, the latter phenomenon remains insufficiently studied, it is about its theoretical and practical aspects. The purpose of the article involves the study of the theoretical foundations, prerequisites and regularities of the conceptualization of the international energy legal order, substantiation of relevant theoretical and practical aspects that strengthen its role and importance. Achieving this goal will be facilitated by the implementation of relevant tasks and the use of an appropriate methodological framework, which includes such methods as dialectical, epistemological, axiological, comparative-legal, phenomenological, formal-logical, synergistic, etc. It is also advisable to use a number of methodological approaches (integrative, comparative, activity, instrumental, complex, etc.) and methodological principles of research (objectivity, systematicity, integrity, etc.). Іt was noted that in the context of integration and globalization, there was a need to study the state of the international legal order in general, the international energy legal order in particular. The dynamics of international legal regulation are observed, while some gaps or a certain lag in such regulation in the energy sector, problems of the effectiveness of the international energy legal order and the effectiveness of its guarantees remain. At the same time, a detailed study of the concept and nature of this phenomenon, essential features and characteristics, correlation with other types of international legal order, peculiarities of organization and functioning, etc., is considered necessary. Therefore, the mentioned aspects determine the continuation of thorough conceptual research in this direction, taking into account theoretical and practical specifics. It is optimal to understand the international energy legal order as a fundamental complex component of the modern system of international legal relations, international legal order. The strengthening of its role and importance in the modern world order, the system of international law, universal and regional levels of international legal regulation, etc., is justified. This is emphasized by periods of political-legal, socioeconomic instability, ongoing armed conflicts, including hybrid wars, Russia's aggression against Ukraine, resulting in the destruction of energy infrastructure facilities, violations of energy and other rights and freedoms of man and citizen, rights and interests of states, serious threats to international peace and security continue to exist. Therefore, the scientific community, experts, officials of states and international organizations, and other subjects of international law faced tasks that require an urgent solution of a global and strategic nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a comprehensive theoretical and legal analysis of criminal liability for violations of the laws and customs of war, in light of contemporary challenges facing international humanitarian law. The relevance of this study arises from the need to enhance mechanisms of accountability for war crimes amidst modern armed conflicts and the importance of ensuring effective justice against war criminals. The research delves into the historical development of legal regulation for liability concerning breaches of war laws and customs, starting from the Hague Conventions to contemporary international legal instruments. Particular attention is given to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which serve as a foundational pillar of modern international humanitarian law in protecting the rights of participants in armed conflicts. Through systematic analysis, the article outlines the distinct legal status of various categories of armed conflict participants (combatants, noncombatants, civilians, and prisoners of war) and the nuances of their protection under international humanitarian law. A detailed examination of the elements of the crime defined in Article 438 of Ukraine's Criminal Code is conducted, with a specific focus on the contextual elements that characterize war crimes. The article addresses contentious aspects of the doctrinal interpretation of the contextual element in war crimes, exploring various academic perspectives on its nature and its place within the elements of the crime. The relationship between contextual circumstances and the objective and subjective aspects of war crimes is substantiated. The study also examines the specificities of different types of liability for violations of war laws and customs, including individual, collective, and state responsibility. It analyses the role of international judicial institutions in ensuring the inevitability of punishment for war crimes and highlights challenges in their effective operation. Based on the research, the authors propose improvements to mechanisms for criminal accountability regarding violations of war laws and customs and develop recommendations aimed at enhancing the effectiveness of international justice in this domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of international legal provision of nuclear safety in the conditions of war in Ukraine using the example of nuclear power plants. Attention is drawn to the fact that by launching a full-scale invasion of the territory of our country, Russia threatened the entire world with a nuclear war. Her actions showed imperfections and gaps in the international legal framework for the protection of nuclear installations, which did not provide for their protection in cases of terrorist attacks, sabotage and armed conflicts. The article highlights the general chronology of events that took place at the Chernobyl and Zaporizhia NPPs after the start of the full-scale invasion. The dangerous actions of the aggressor country and their possible consequences are outlined. It was found that in the conditions of an armed conflict, nuclear power plants, according to international humanitarian law, are subject to special legal protection, which provides for their protected status and the prohibition of any attacks on them. Key international legal documents on nuclear safety were systematized and researched, determined their role and significance for legal regulation in the field of nuclear safety. These documents mostly focus on issues of internal technical security of nuclear facilities, while their provisions on the general provision of nuclear security do not cover effective mechanisms of international regulation and responsibility, especially in the context of armed conflicts, hostilities or occupation. The reaction of the international community to the crisis events related to nuclear power plants in Ukraine, as well as the key international legal acts adopted to strengthen nuclear security in the context of armed conflict, were also investigated. In particular, the IAEA resolution "Implications of the situation in Ukraine regarding safety, security and guarantees" was analyzed, which emphasizes the importance of observing nuclear safety standards and establishes the principles of protecting nuclear infrastructure in wartime. Special attention is paid to the concept of "Seven indispensable pillars of nuclear safety", which was proposed by the IAEA to ensure the security of nuclear facilities and prevent incidents that could cause catastrophic consequences. The study emphasizes that the international mechanisms for regulating nuclear safety in conflict conditions remain limited, which necessitates the further strengthening of international legal standards and the development of more effective tools to prevent risks associated with nuclear infrastructure in the war zone. The situation at Ukrainian nuclear power plants demonstrated significant gaps in the international system of ensuring nuclear safety, in particular, the lack of proper international legal regulation for the protection of nuclear facilities in the zone of military conflicts. The result of the study was the conclusion that the experience of Ukraine should give impetus to the rethinking and improvement of the international legal framework for ensuring nuclear safety, in particular, by developing new effective mechanisms for the protection of nuclear installations, responsibility for violation of rules, as well as effective influence on violators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How individuals navigate perspectives and attitudes that diverge from their own affects an array of interpersonal outcomes from the health of marriages to the unfolding of international conflicts. The finesse with which people negotiate these differing perceptions depends critically upon their tacit assumptions—e.g., in the bias of naïve realism people assume that their subjective construal of a situation represents objective truth. The present study adds an important assumption to this list of biases: the illusion of information adequacy. Specifically, because individuals rarely pause to consider what information they may be missing, they assume that the cross-section of relevant information to which they are privy is sufficient to adequately understand the situation. Participants in our preregistered study (N = 1261) responded to a hypothetical scenario in which control participants received full information and treatment participants received approximately half of that same information. We found that treatment participants assumed that they possessed comparably adequate information and presumed that they were just as competent to make thoughtful decisions based on that information. Participants' decisions were heavily influenced by which cross-section of information they received. Finally, participants believed that most other people would make a similar decision to the one they made. We discuss the implications in the context of naïve realism and other biases that implicate how people navigate differences of perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of traditional international legal regulation of armed conflicts was primarily on international armed conflicts, which resulted in legal lacunae in respect of the limitation of the conduct of the parties to internal armed conflicts before the Geneva Conventions on the Protection of Victims of War and Additional Protocols to these conventions had been adopted. The subject of this paper is the analysis of the important changes brought about by the contemporary international legal framework in respect of the more detailed regulation of non-international armed conflicts. Furthermore, the author assesses that the more concrete limitations of the conduct of the parties to these conflicts have directed the application of the rules of international humanitarian law to the more efficient protection of victims of war. In this context, the relevant provisions of the international legal instruments applicable to non-international armed conflicts are analysed, followed by the consideration of different definitions of non-international armed conflicts and their parties contained in the Geneva Conventions and the Additional Protocol II, as well as by the analysis of the most recent decisions of international courts and tribunals, which have made a significant contribution to the interpretation and development of international law applicable in this kind of armed conflict. Special attention is given to the concept of recognition of insurgents as belligerents. In comparison to traditional international law, this concept has undergone significant transformation in the context of the obligation to apply international humanitarian law. The author concludes that the gradual cessation of the application of this institute, along with the mitigation of differences between international and non-international armed conflicts, has contributed to the awareness of all parties to armed conflicts of the obligatory nature of the relevant rules of international humanitarian law, i.e. of their responsibility for the protection of victims of war, the respect of the principle of humanity, and the demands of public conscience, from the beginning of an armed conflict to its cessation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When is the public more likely to defer to elites on foreign policy? Existing research suggests the public takes its cues from co-partisans, but what happens when co-partisans disagree? We argue that the public defers to elites whose prior experiences signal expertise and favorable intentions. Elites with backgrounds in socially esteemed institutions are thus especially powerful cue-givers, even when the core competencies of those institutions are not directly related to the issue at hand. Using two conjoint experiments, we find that the American public defers to more experienced elites generally, but is especially deferential toward elites with experience in trusted institutions: the public defers more to elites with military backgrounds, even when considering non-military issues. The theory and findings suggest that where elites sat in the past shapes how much power they wield once standing in office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the compulsory evacuation of children by force (hereinafter - forced evacuation) as one of the preventive mechanisms for the implementation of special protection of children during armed conflict. This is a new mechanism introduced by the Ukrainian government in March 2023 with the aim of protecting children in the area of hostilities and armed conflicts under martial law. The authors of the article examine the procedure for making a decision on the forced evacuation of children from a particular settlement in an area where hostilities are taking place and the mechanism of its implementation. It is established that evacuation of children during armed conflicts has been implemented before. However, such evacuations were exclusively voluntary and often involved children unaccompanied by legal representatives. The 'Ukrainian mechanism' provides for the forced evacuation of children and must be accompanied by one of their legal representatives. The authors note that this mechanism has been approved at the level of the Ukrainian government (the Parliament has not yet adopted any legislative acts). A comparative analysis of the peculiarities of the legal status of a child under international and national legal acts is carried out to take into account the scope of the child's rights and obligations during evacuation. The article concludes that the forced evacuation of children during armed conflict is a necessary preventive mechanism to provide protection to the most vulnerable category of civilians. At the same time, the authors focus on the existing shortcomings which require further regulatory regulation. The purpose of the article is to provide a legal analysis of the evacuation of children during armed conflict at the level of international legal instruments and at the national level, and its specific features established in Ukrainian legislation. The methodological basis of the study are the method of systematic approach, the method of descriptive analysis, the formal legal method and the method of comparative forecasting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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It is indicated that the problems of the interaction of international humanitarian law and international human rights law lie in the different historical origins, evolution and application of these two branches of law. The complexity of the interaction between the IHL and the ICRC lies in their extraterritorial action and different personal spheres of application. IHL undeniably applies to international and non-international armed conflicts, regulating the conduct of states and armed groups, while the IHL is recognized as the basis of law in peacetime, but also applies in periods of conflict. Finding the points of intersection between international human rights law (IHRL) and international humanitarian law (IHL) in the context of armed conflicts is the main objective of this section. The merger of these two legal fields, traditionally divided into separate areas of responsibility in peacetime and wartime, has gained unprecedented importance in the legal analysis of modern conflicts. The impetus for the development of the new paradigm was the rapid evolution of the nature of war, characterized by the emergence of asymmetric warfare and the blurring of the boundaries between state and nonstate actors. Such transformations in the theater of war require a nuanced understanding of the legal instruments used in this context, which emphasizes the need for this analysis. The urgency of the issue is emphasized by the changing dynamics of international practice. The recognition by the International Court of Justice of the continued applicability of IHRL in conflict and the definition of IHL as lex specialis emphasizes that the legal landscape is in constant flux. At the heart of this analysis is the difficulty of determining the applicability of IHL, a task that is complicated by the problems of classifying conflicts as international or non-international. The principle of derogation - whereby states may temporarily suspend certain human rights obligations - creates an additional layer of complexity, affecting the interpretation and application of laws during armed conflict. Many provisions of international human rights conventions define the protected interest and then provide that any restrictions must be justified by reference to a list of aims, which varies from article to article and treaty to treaty, that are necessary for the achievement of the aim in question and are proportionate to its achievement. In this way, the IHRL provides a mechanism for balancing the requirements of individuals with those of others or the community itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research, the system dynamics method has been used to simulate the causal loop model of the goals of the West from the nuclear dispute with Iran. First, we deal with the crises in which the Western world, the US at its head (especially the US), is involved. In the following, the status of sanctions policy and economic sanctions are discussed as the pressure lever in contrast to political issues and international conflicts. Given the existence of the Iran-West nuclear dispute, and the US at its head (mainly the US), the effects of the sanctions are expressed below and the relationship between the goals of the West and the nuclear dispute with Iran is shown by developing a comprehensive model. In the model, the goals of the West from the nuclear dispute with Iran, including the transition of the West from fossil fuels to new energy, the US trade deficit by raising the price of oil, the systemic leap of the West, the survival of the military industry of the West, and the project of the passageway of Western civilization using causal loops are modeled. The developed models provide a comprehensive and systematic perspective for policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile River has become a focal point in the fields of water diplomacy, economics, and environmental considerations in the Nile Basin. Announced during the Arab Spring in 2011, the GERD aims to address Ethiopia's significant energy shortfall and foster regional economic growth by potentially doubling the country's electricity output. However, this ambition has heightened tensions with downstream countries, especially Egypt and Sudan, which rely heavily on the Nile for their water needs. This paper examines the ongoing conflict surrounding the GERD, focusing on the deadlock situation despite considerable scholarly attention to its economic, political, and environmental dimensions. The analysis presented in this paper reveals the roots of contention by analyzing past treaties and the present negotiation status, illustrating the complex interplay between development goals, environmental sustainability, and regional water security. The paper advocates for a revised legal framework that moves beyond past agreements towards a more inclusive, cooperative management strategy for the Nile's waters. It proposes the development of a new treaty between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan, grounded in their 2015 Declaration of Principles agreement and inspired by successful international dispute resolutions. It also discusses the potential of neutral third-party interventions to facilitate unbiased negotiations grounded in the Graph Model for Conflict Resolution, emphasizing the importance of equitable and sustainable water governance. In essence, this research calls for a collaborative approach to resolve the GERD conflict, emphasizing the need for agreements that harmonize developmental ambitions with the water security of the Nile Basin nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding how target states respond to international provocations is crucial to the study of crisis management and conflict onset. The primary focus of existing research is on the individual effects of ally influence and domestic politics without considering their interaction. This study addresses this gap by exploring the combined impact of leadership transitions, manners of leader entry, and ally’s importance on target states’ decisions to resist challenges. Utilizing the Truly Dyadic Dyad-Year (TDD) version of the Militarized Interstate Confrontation (MIC) dataset from 1920 to 2014, the Archigos leadership dataset, and logit models for statistical testing, our findings reveal that target states’ leadership transitions and irregular means of leaders entry significantly increase the likelihood of target states’ resistance, particularly when leaders seek to consolidate power. Moreover, although the support of a powerful ally may embolden the target state to resist, the restraining effect of allies during the target state’s leadership transitions becomes more pronounced. Our research highlights the intricate balance between domestic political considerations and external influences, emphasizing that an understanding of the domestic political context is essential for comprehending how states respond to international provocations and the effectiveness of ally restraints.

Countries vary in the adoption of sticks and carrots in climate policy. Differences in institutional capacity and fiscal space shape national policies. This matters for the effectiveness of national mitigation efforts and the extent of international conflict over climate policy. Multiple policy mechanisms exist to create climate policy. In this comment, the authors discuss the institution capacity and fiscal space that shape national policies around sticks and carrots mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist foreign policy is analyzed in the speeches published on two international conflicts in some government accounts of Colombia, Spain, Argentina, and El Salvador. To do so, a statistical analysis of the discourse and categorization of emotions was used in more than 2000 messages on the social network X. Colombia and Spain show a more significant commitment to the multilateral agenda and use characteristics of a feminist foreign policy. However, they approach the conflicts of Russia-Ukraine (Spain) and Palestine-Israel (Colombia) differently. Regarding the emotional tone, negative emotions (hatred, distrust, anger) predominate --particularly in Colombia-- and in the case of positive emotions, trust --predominantly in Colombia and El Salvador--. The implications of the findings for adopting feminist foreign policy are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peacekeeping is helpful in resolving civil wars, but there is little chance of peacekeeping operations or other international peace-building interventions for many conflicts. How do internal wars stabilize in the absence of meaningful international involvement? Two key factors, the government's political space for bargaining and the relative power of armed groups, help to explain when it is possible to reach either stable cooperation between states and armed groups or negotiated settlements. We analyze three conflict trajectories—"long-term limited cooperation" arrangements, state incorporation or disarmament, and ongoing conflict—to show that the paths to stabilization are often ethically fraught and empirically complicated but exist even when international involvement is off the table. We use quantitative and qualitative data to study the relationships between armed groups and governments in much of post-colonial South Asia, including during periods of little or no violence. Understanding these trajectories provides policymakers, analysts, and scholars with useful tools for identifying policy options and political trade-offs as they seek to reduce the human costs of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is important to have effective protection mechanisms that ensure that human rights are not violated in armed conflict. The aim of the study is to analyse the role and effectiveness of protective mechanisms used by European bodies and institutions to ensure human rights during military operations. The research employed formal logical, dialectical, logical semantic methods, as well as the method of comparative law. The study results show that the provisions of the Convention and international humanitarian law complement each other, providing comprehensive protection of persons during conflicts, not competing. The academic novelty is a thorough analysis of the relationship between the provisions of the Convention and international humanitarian law with an emphasis on the fundamental right to life in the context of military operations, using a historical analysis of the decisions of the ECHR in armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the challenges, case studies, critiques, and recommendations for implementing International Humanitarian Law (IHL) in conflict zones. It examines the foundational principles of IHL, including humanity, distinction, proportionality, and military necessity, which guide parties involved in armed conflicts. The complex relationship between IHL and state sovereignty is discussed, emphasizing the need to balance humanitarian norms with national sovereignty. Case studies of conflicts in Syria, Yemen, Myanmar, Israel-Palestine, and Iraq are analyzed to illustrate the complexities of implementing IHL. These conflicts demonstrate widespread violations of IHL, including attacks on civilians and the use of prohibited weapons, highlighting the urgent need for greater adherence to humanitarian norms. Critiques of IHL are examined, focusing on challenges such as the lack of enforcement mechanisms and the rise of non-state actors. In conclusion, the article stresses the importance of upholding and enforcing IHL to mitigate the humanitarian impact of armed conflicts and protect the rights of individuals affected by war. Addressing these challenges and implementing the recommendations outlined in this article can lead to a future where humanity, distinction, proportionality, and military necessity are upheld, safeguarding civilians and combatants from the devastating consequences of armed conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Haci Bayram Veli Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article emphasizes that protecting the rights and interests of children is the most important task of any democratic state. International human rights law and international humanitarian law regulate the rights of children and their protection, as well as the respective obligations of states and non-state institutions in this area. The universally recognized mechanism for the protection of children's rights remains almost unchanged, but in the conditions of martial law, new circumstances arise in which children's rights may be violated, especially the right to protection from violence and ill-treatment. The main violations of children's rights are: recruitment of children, use of prohibited weapons to wage war, obstruction in the provision of humanitarian aid, deprivation of citizenship, illegal deportation of children, murder and mutilation, damage to health care facilities, educational institutions, which leads to the impossibility of realizing the rights of the latter. The article describes the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the status of a child who suffered as a result of hostilities and armed conflicts. The legislation of Ukraine does not contain a uniform approach to the protection of children during the violation of certain types of rights and freedoms. In addition, some of the existing guarantees have no practical application due to the lack of a mechanism for their implementation or inconsistency with the realities of today. The international community, together with Ukraine, implemented a mechanism to protect and restore the rights of Ukrainian children. The violated rights of children during a full-scale invasion must be protected and restored through both national and international institutions. In this context, the Children of War platform created in Ukraine plays an important role. This is the only platform that collects information about children affected by war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prescription as an institution of law throughout the history of its development from the Roman era to the present day has reflected the development of economic relations in society, thus serving the security and clarity of legal-civil relations. If the legal relations of the civil circulation due to the inaction of the holders of subjective rights would remain in a state of uncertainty or a prolonged wait, this would cause negative consequences for third parties if it were not for the prescription institute. Given that this institute expresses the important principle that legal-civil conflicts must come to an end and their resolution avoids the difficulty in the judicial process due to the passage of a long time from the time of committing the violation of the right object of the conflict, the question logically arises: Can an institute that deprives the owner of the right only because another person has possessed it for a long time be legally justifiable? In the Albanian legislation, which is based on the Italian and French legislations, there are shortcomings in terms of this institution, where it is presented as the least analyzed by the doctrine in terms of the justification of the reason for its existence and creation, as well as the terms of execution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Majority voting and majority rule in a word, majoritarianism have been a cause of division in both parliamentary votes and binary referendums, and sometimes, subsequently, in societies as well. Indeed, at worst, such binary decisions have led to violence and war. Other, more inclusive voting procedures have been developed over the years, as often as not first used in Asia, and their adoption worldwide could lead to decisions, which more accurately reflect the common good. Furthermore, if decisions were based on a methodology which identified, not the more popular of just two options, but the most popular of a few the option with the highest average preference governance by a single party or a majority coalition could give way to that which is advocated for conflict zones: all-party power-sharing. Indeed, if such were the norm, consensus in international gatherings could more effectively be achieved, and maybe many violent conflicts could be at best prevented and at least resolved peacefully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]