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This research employed the Anker and Anker (2017) methodology to measure the living wage and assess the socioeconomic reproduction capacity of workers at the lowest wage level. This measurement compares the contractual wage with the minimum wage, the extreme urban poverty and the urban poverty wage and calculates the percentage increase needed to come close to a living wage. The results reveal that the contractual wage is 47% above the minimum wage, 48% above the extreme urban poverty wage, but 4% below the urban poverty wage. And it is significantly below the living wage, with a deficit of 49%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the possibility that an automotive company located in Mexico could be accused of social dumping if it does not respect the rules of the T-MEC and the internal norms on freedom of association and bargaining, which require union representativeness and workers' support for collective bargaining, it could be expected that future negotiations will establish explicit criteria aimed at wage recovery. In this context, it is important to consider by how much wages should be raised in order to avoid becoming precarious in the automotive industry. Given the existing wage heterogeneity among different companies, derived from regional characteristics and different technological levels and product segments, this article asks how generalized or specific the wage determination in future union negotiations should be. To provide an answer, this article compares living wages calculated for companies located in different regions, with different country of origin, seniority, market segment and production volume. From this exercise, wage gaps are identified that can serve as a reference in negotiations under the new T-MEC labor regulations. The article performs an ad hoc adaptation of the living wage methodology of Anker and Anker (2017) in plants in Aguascalientes (Nissan I and II), Hermosillo (Ford), Puebla (VW), San Luis Potosí (General Motors) and Toluca (Chrysler-Fiat), calculated for 2017 and 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uno de los principales objetivos del T-MEC es la “legitimación” de las relaciones laborales de México bajo los nuevos criterios para la fuerza de trabajo mexicano. Las disposiciones laborales del T-MEC exigen la creación de instituciones clave financiadas por el gobierno de Estados Unidos (EU) y, sobre todo, México. Los asuntos relacionados con la implementación de la reforma laboral de México de 2019, la cual incorpora diversos elementos novedosos en torno a procesos de ratificación de contratos colectivos de trabajo y titularidad sindical, en la cual se prioriza el ejercicio de votación libre y secreto, ahora es oficio del Representante Comercial de Estados Unidos (United States Trade Representative, -USTR). Afirma el gobierno de EU que tiene el poder de monitorear los derechos laborales de México, lo que permite que el USTR actúe sin el consentimiento de México. Irónicamente, sindicatos de EU están abogando por un “salario digno” para los obreros mexicanos para evitar o disminuir la desindustrialización. La imposición desde afuera de un mejoramiento en los salarios miserables es algo inimaginable para la oligarquía mexicana y las empresas transnacionales de EU con fábricas y minas en México.

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Copyright of Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)