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Anti-gender movements, politics, and discourses are now part of the political, social, and media landscape in Europe. These anti-gender movements, with their various transnational ramifications, include political parties in many national contexts. Criticism of gender and the so-called gender theory as well as gender ideology lies at the heart of anti-gender politics (Norocel and Petterson 2022). Among the wide range of actors participating in anti-gender politics, far-right and conservative parties play a role. While anti-gender politics have been extensively studied in the realm of far-right parties, our argument is that conservative parties also play a role. More specifically, our hypothesis is that there are shared and opposing anti-gender discourses between these two party families. Despite attempts to generalize anti-gender politics to far-right and conservative parties, national context is crucial for a better understanding of these phenomena, especially within a comparative framework (Verloo 2018). This led us, for our research, to focus on Spain, one of the first countries where anti-gender discourses emerged (Kuhar and Paternotte 2017). More precisely, and to strengthen the rigor and relevance of comparison, we will study the parliamentary activity of the Spanish far-right party Vox and the conservative Spanish Partido Popular (PP). Our sample of parliamentary activity was selected during the 2019-2023 legislature and comes from the Spanish Equality Commission, the Comisión de Igualdad., info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse porte sur les « campagnes d’information et de sensibilisation » sur la migration financées par l’Union européenne (UE) et ses États membres (EM) en Afrique de l’Ouest. Il s’agit d’un instrument de dissuasion migratoire, utilisé par l’UE depuis les années 1990, dont le but est de freiner l’immigration irrégulière en tentant de décourager les « migrants potentiels ». A partir d’une perspective ancrée dans la sociologie politique et l’instrumentation de l’action publique, cette thèse s’intéresse à ces campagnes en tant qu’outil de gouvernement par lequel l’UE entre en contact avec les populations ouest-africaines pour tenter d’influencer, à distance, leurs aspirations et leurs comportements. Le point de départ de cette recherche est un paradoxe :depuis 2015, ces campagnes ont connu un essor sans précédent au sein de la politique migratoire européenne, alors que leur effet dissuasif demeure indémontré et contesté. Le premier enjeu de cette thèse est dès lors d’expliquer cet essor, en s’intéressant non pas à la réception de ces campagnes par leur public, mais au processus de fabrique collective de cet instrument, fait d’allers-retours entre l’UE et l’Afrique de l’Ouest. Le deuxième enjeu de cette thèse est ensuite de comprendre les effets de cet essor de l’instrument sur la politique migratoire européenne elle-même, en montrant la façon dont il influence la conduite de cette politique.Pour ce faire, cette thèse se base sur une enquête qualitative multi-située, qui permet d’appréhender ces campagnes à la fois depuis l’UE et depuis deux contextes prioritaires pour leur mise en œuvre, le Sénégal et le Niger. Les résultats de cette enquête montrent que l’essor politique de ces campagnes depuis 2015 est indépendant de leur efficacité dissuasive inconnue, mais s’explique par la capacité propre à cet instrument de répondre aux attentes divergentes et de servir les intérêts conflictuels des décideurs politiques européens, d’experts internationaux, et des nombreux uti, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Populism is often associated with direct democracy. However, empirical support for this connection remains limited. Analysing a unique dataset on national referendums across 29 countries, this study challenges the presumption that populists are more inclined to advocate for referendums. Surprisingly, populists exhibit this tendency primarily when in opposition. Despite the increasing inclusion of populist parties in coalition governments, their impact on facilitating national-level direct democracy is more complex than anticipated. Utilising V-DEM data over 30 years, we find that populists prima facie enhance the use of direct democracy. However, this effect is contingent on contextual factors, such as party system institutionalisation and the democracy's age, indicating a nuanced relationship between populism and direct democratic practices., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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In Kinshasa, chronic crises and lack of access to employment, quality education, and other resources contribute to the social exclusion of a growing number of disadvantaged young people. They are deprived of the possibilities of leading a decent life and alienated from both the market and legitimate authorities. Despite their social, political, and economic marginalization, many of these precarious Congolese youth have proved adept at improvising livelihoods in the informal economy and seek out ways to be agents of social change., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

À quelques mois des élections régionales, fédéraleset européennes de 2024, le spectre des partis de l’extrêmedroite plane sur la Belgique. Dans l’agendade ces partis, les questions touchant aux droits despersonnes LGBTQIA+ (lesbiennes, gays, bisexuelles,trans, queers, intersexuées, asexuées et autres) sontbien présentes. Parler de la relation entre les personnesLGBTQIA+ et l’extrême droite peut paraîtrecontradictoire du fait des liens de ces partis avecdes mouvements religieux, conservateurs et hostilesaux personnes LGBTQIA+ dans de nombreux payseuropéens. L’objectif de ce chapitre est de décrypterle lien complexe et les stratégies mises en place parles partis d’extrême droite autour des questions liéesaux personnes LGBTQIA+., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Le 17 mai 2017, l’Union européenne et l’Ukraine signent un accord sur la libéralisation du régime des visas octroyant aux citoyens ukrainiens munis d'un passeport biométrique le droit de se rendre sans visa dans les États membres de l'espace Schengen pour de courts séjours. L’obtention d’un tel accord fait suite à la mise en œuvre par l’Ukraine de réformes encadrées par un « plan d’action pour la libéralisation du régime des visas » reçu à la fin 2010. Celles-ci couvrent un large éventail de politiques ayant trait aux matières « justice et affaires intérieures », parmi lesquelles le contrôle de la migration et des frontières occupent une place centrale. La thèse entend tout d’abord dépasser la vision de la libéralisation des visas comme simple levée des obstacles à la circulation des ressortissants de pays tiers vers l’UE. À ce titre, elle propose d’envisager cette politique comme une modalité d’intervention sur l’État en tant que régulateur des mobilités, qui a pour effet de reconfigurer celui-ci, de travailler sa relation avec la population et de façonner des sujets plus ou moins mobiles, des sujets (im-)mobiles. La thèse propose également de renouveler les approches de la libéralisation et de l’action extérieure de l’UE. Elle examine ainsi les interactions multiples entre les programmes et pratiques d’intervention de l’UE d’une part, et un large panel d’acteurs européens, internationaux et ukrainiens d’autre part. Ce faisant, elle met en lumière les dynamiques d’appropriation, de traduction et de conflit, tout en soulignant la manière dont la libéralisation redéfinit les contours de l’européanité et de l’appartenance à l’Europe. La thèse s’appuie sur une enquête multi-située menée entre Bruxelles, Kyiv et la région ukrainienne de Transcarpathie entre 2018 et 2021, ainsi sur une stratégie de collecte de données plurielle (entretiens, observations, analyse de documents)., On May 17, 2017, the European Union and Ukraine signed a visa liberalization agreement granting Ukrainian citizens holding biometric passports the right to short-stay visa-free travel to Schengen member states. The agreement follows Ukraine's implementation of reforms contained in a "Visa Liberalization Action Plan" received at the end of 2010. These cover a wide range of "justice and home affairs" policies, among which migration and border control are central. The thesis aims to move beyond the vision of visa liberalization as simply the removal of obstacles to the movement of third-country nationals into the EU. As such, it proposes to consider this policy as a modality of intervention on the state as a regulator of mobilities, which has the effect of reconfiguring the state, transforming its relationship with the population and shaping more or less mobile - (im-)mobile - subjects. The thesis also advances a renewed approach to visa liberalization and the EU's external action. It sheds light on dynamics of appropriation, translation and conflict, while highlighting how liberalization redefines the contours of Europeanness and belonging to Europe. The thesis is based on a multi-sited inquiry conducted between Brussels, Kyiv and the Ukrainian region of Transcarpathia between 2018 and 2021, as well as on a mixed data collection strategy (interviews, observations, document analysis)., Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Public authorities are expected to provide a salient infrastructure network, with only limited financial resources. However, many of these infrastructure projects go over budget and, therefore, research about these cost overruns is necessary to better understand the dynamics at work and provide solutions. We conclude that in Belgium, and broader, solutions need to be found for relational issues internal and external to the project core. Before a lot of attention was given to technical and legal project aspects, while our insights show that we should focus more on the relational aspects., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

L’engagement ne cesse d’être interrogé. La diversité des productions scientifiques, révèlent l’intérêt constant de cette question, dans un monde où les gouvernements appliquent insidieusement « le conditionnement Pavlovien », afin de réaliser sur leurs populations, l’idéal de servitude volontaire d’Étienne de la Boétie. Au Gabon, l’engagement s’observe sur divers terrains (politique, éducatif, syndical, etc.). Toutefois, quel que soit le terrain sur lequel vous vous engagez, il est judicieux de préalablement connaître les risques encourus. Ce qui n’est pas le cas de certaines personnes qui s’engagent dans des causes « raisonnables ». Les activistes et les leaders syndicaux sont conscients des dangers auxquels ils s’exposent (intimidation, chantage, emprisonnement, radiation, etc.). Or, les élèves et les étudiants qui s’engagent de façon tout azimut, pour dénoncer le manque d’enseignants pour les premiers, et pour réclamer l’amélioration de leurs conditions d’études (les bourses, la vente de fascicules de cours, etc.) pour les seconds, ne mesurent pas les risques (gardes à vue, emprisonnement, exclusion, etc.). D’où l’objectif de cette réflexion est de montrer qu’au Gabon, l’engagement sur le terrain politique, syndical et éducatif, fait en sorte que l’engagé.e soit perçu.e comme un « opposant » aux politiques gouvernementales, et il/elle se voit ficher auprès des services de renseignements comme un « élément perturbateur » à surveiller – mise sur écoute, surveillance discrète des déplacements entre autres. Spécifiquement, il s’agit de saisir d’une part, les actions concrètes sur ces terrains de l'engagement, les forces et faiblesses des engagé.es, et d’autre part, de mettre en relief le dispositif répressif juridico-légal et sécuritaire, et les manœuvres de coercition physique et psychologique employées sur l’engagé.e pour qu’il/elle se désengage.

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The situation of LGBT people represents a real challenge within the European Union. Across the Union, this situation is far from homogeneous in many areas, from rights to social attitudes. The objective of this research is to understand how the situation of LGBT people in Croatia has evolved since the country joined the European Union in 2013. We study this evolution using norm diffusion theory and the theory of Europeanization, and by drawing on the perceptions of a specific type of actor: members of Croatian LGBT organizations. This research allowed us to observe a change in the evolutionary dynamics of the situation of LGBT people in Croatia, notably the lack of significant evolution. One key reason for this is the resistance of several actors to the dissemination of LGBT norms. We do not observe any real change in social attitudes toward LGBT people., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Criminalization of solidarity towards migrants at the external and internal borders of Europe is in full swing. It roots into the wider process of criminalisation of racialised foreigners and their mobility towards and within Europe, as well as into the increasing judicialization of direct activism and grassroots social movements on the ground of anti-terrorism. Law and society scholarship has grasped the complex relationship between legal institutions or tools and social movements, and how these latter can use Law as an offensive or defensive weapon to protect themselves and enhance their cause. Activists can also turn the weapon of Law against the State, when using repressive measures and trials as mediatic and political stages to launch general statements and denounce the State’s inconsistency and law violations. Aiming at contributing to the understanding of the room and conditions to transform judicialization into a political weapon, the article investigates a peculiar case of criminalization of solidarity, namely the territorial bans issued by Italian police against “No Border” activists on the French-Italian border of Ventimiglia since 2015. It points out that, in spite of the annulment of the bans obtained by the defendants and their lawyers in court, the peculiar features of the repressive tool, of the social movement itself and of the context in which they occurred, strongly limited the possibility of a political reversal of judicialization. Crossing a legal opportunities framework with a legal consciousness perspective, the article also shows the plurality of activists’ attitudes towards law and the effects of criminalization on activists’ life paths., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Il est difficile de continuer à séparer les conceptions anthropologiques de l’individu (responsable, capable, autonome, fragile, vulnérable…) et l’évolution de l’État, du droit, des services publics. Dans un tel contexte, face aux interrogations sur ce qu’est l’État et sur ce qu’il fait aujourd’hui, les sciences humaines sont riches du travail sociologique et des concepts de Jean-Louis Genard. Cette contribution retrace le chemin emprunté par la sociologie de ce dernier au sujet des mutations conjointes de l’État, des droits, du pouvoir, de la capacité, de l’individu et de l’administration. Dans un premier temps, les reconfigurations actuelles de l’action publique y sont étudiées (management, participation, expertise…), en étroite relation avec l’examen des coordonnées anthropologiques (responsabilité, capacité, autonomie…). Dans un second temps, sont décrites les grandes lignes du livre intitulé Pouvoir et ne pas pouvoir (IES, coll. « Le geste social »), rédigé avec Jean-Louis Genard avant sa disparition, dont la visée est d’enrichir les conceptions classiques du pouvoir et de l’État. Cette contribution peut se lire en quelque sorte comme un geste à prolonger, un appel à transmettre, une invitation à poursuivre le travail sur l’État, à partir d’une approche décloisonnée, d’un esprit de dialogue critique et de libre examen., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Recent years have seen multiple controversies between the EU and its member states that revolve around different conceptions of what kind of polity the EU is, and what it should be. These controversies are particularly heated when fundamental democratic values are at stake. In this article, we address the fundamental tension between the assertion of common EU values and the pluralistic character of the EU polity, both among and within member states. The driving question of this article is how we can understand controversies between the EU and its member states in light of the presence of alternative conceptions of the EU and its democratic and pluralistic character. We reconstruct two opposing conceptions of the EU–the intergovernmental and the cosmopolitan conception–and then analyse how the disagreement between these fundamental conceptions plays out in five key controversies. We argue that the disagreement over what the EU is, and what it should be, is inherent to EU politics. The EU can only become democratic if it recognizes these conflicting understandings and provides political arenas in which the disagreements between them can be articulated, confronted, and resolved., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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The 2019 Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market represents an intriguing departure from the anticipated path of liberalisation in public policy. While it includes provisions seemingly aligned with the liberalisation of the Digital Single Market by relaxing digital copyright enforcement, it also introduces mechanisms that bolster digital copyright protection, signalling a shift towards market regulation. This paper explores why and how Jean-Claude Juncker’s European Commission proposed a directive featuring robust regulatory elements despite initial promises of copyright deregulation within the Digital Single Market. Combining insights from political economy and political sociology, I examine the concept of ‘political work’ as the practice of promoting, defending, and implementing a choice of public action. Within this framework, I identify a managerial dimension of political work involving political practices that influence the institutional structure and management of public action. Utilising a qualitative methodology involving twelve in-depth interviews with Commission officials conducted between 2018 and 2021, alongside document analysis, I demonstrate how Jean-Claude Juncker and his cabinet’s managerial political work, encompassing organisational reforms within the Commission, played a pivotal role in steering the proposed policy towards regulation., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Board-level employee representation rights are far from harmonised at the level of the European Union. Yet, beyond some limited cases of Europeanisation taking root in EU secondary law (i.e. the European Company Directive (Societas Europaea) and other corporate law instruments taking this framework as a reference), experiences of transnationalisation have found their way in multinational groups operating in the European Economic Area based on national law and practice and independently of any EU legislation. This Working Paper examines the diversity of institutional routes available and applied by actors in Germany, Sweden, Norway, Denmark and France. It argues that the legal, practical and political challenges raised by these bottom-up solutions call for pan-European coordinated solutions on representation rights, both in legislation and trade union strategy. Drawing on country case studies and interdisciplinary methods, the Paper identifies different practices of transnationalisation and the factors which promote or hinder them, as well as the implications for national systems of employee representation and the development of European industrial relations. Some recommendations emerge for trade unions, policymakers and research., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Tradução de artigo publicado originalmente em LOUAULT, F. De BARROS, M. e KERMOAL, K. (Orgs.) Marges et marginalités au Brésil: Espaces, pouvoir et societé. Bruxelas: Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2022., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The goal of the paper I would like to submit deals with the anti-genderism in Spanish politics. More specifically, the paper aims to analyze and compare the Conservative party Partido Popular (PP) and the radical right party VOX. One significant trait of discourse used in radical right parties and more broadly in conservative and anti-gender organizations is the anti-genderism or gender ideology discourse. Antigenderism refers to the (but not only) mobilization against gender and sexual equality that uses gender ideology discourse to attack and accuse social movements (feminists, LGBTQIA+, queers,) of reshaping the heteronormative society for their own and non legitime interests (Kuhar and Paternotte, 2020; Cabezas, 2022). Mayer and Sauer (2017) state thatgender ideology should not be defined; its users mobilize it as a vague empty signifier pushing the “us” versus “them” antagonism. The fluidity of the anti-gender ideology discourse facilitates the alliance of several actors including radical right parties (Ajanovic et. al, 2018). Through a victimization posture and conspiration, gender mainstreaming is perceived by anti-gender actors as imposed by the elite and has a goal to destruct the traditional gender role (Kuhar and Paternotte, 2020; Mayer and Sauer, 2017). The two parties analyzed in this paper share common roots. In fact, VOX was born from a scission from the Partido Popular (PP) and marked the end of Spanish exceptionalism (Rama et al. 2021; Alonso and Kaltwasser, 2015). The few researches made on VOX illustrate the importance that gender played in the establishment of their identity through masculinists, antifeminists, anti LGBTIQIA+ organizations and anti-gender positions (Cabezas, 2022; Bernardez-Rodal et al, 2020; Turnbull-Dugarte, 2019). Before the emergence of VOX in the Spanish political system, PP was the most active party in the opposition of gender policies (Alonso and Lombardo, 2018; Paternotte et al. 2016). In the frame of the comparison of VO, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Résumé (FR)La situation des personnes LGBT représente aujourd’hui un réel enjeu au sein de l’Union européenne. Cette situation est loin d’être homogène dans de nombreux domaines allant des droits aux attitudes sociales. L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre comment a évolué la situation des personnes LGBT en Croatie depuis l’adhésion à l’Union européenne en 2013. Nous étudions cette évolution en nous basant sur la théorie de la diffusion des normes et du processus d’européanisation en mobilisant les perceptions d’un type d’acteur ;les membres d’organisations LGBT croates. La situation des personnes LGBT en Croatie n’a pas évoluée significativement. Une des raisons principale réside dans la résistance de plusieurs acteurs à la diffusion des normes LGBT. Nous ne constatons pas de réels changements des attitudes sociales envers les personnes LGBT. Abstract (ENG)The situation of LGBT people represents a real challenge within the European Union. Across the Union, this situation is far from homogeneous in many areas, from rights to social attitudes. The objective of this research is to understand how the situation of LGBT people in Croatia has evolved since the country joined the European Union in 2013. We study this evolution using norm diffusion theory and the theory of Europeanization, and by drawing on the perceptions of a specific type of actor: members of Croatian LGBT organizations. This research allowed us to observe a change in the evolutionary dynamics of the situation of LGBT people in Croatia, notably the lack of significant evolution. One key reason for this is the resistance of several actors to the dissemination of LGBT norms. We do not observe any real change in social attitudes toward LGBT people, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

How and why states legislate against hate crime and what role various actors–including human rights movements and international bodies–play in enacting change is attracting increased scholarly interest. Drawing upon primary, mixed-methods research, with Poland as our case study, this paper seeks to understand how new transnational advocacy opportunities change the way local activists push for improved legal protection from anti-LGBT violence. Using Keck and Sikkink’s (1998) ‘boomerang’ model as our interpretative frame, we observe how Polish LGBT groups systematically work with intersectional and transnational networks to feed their grievances to international human rights institutions, which, in turn, apply pressure on the government to amend hate crime laws. We argue that such externalisation of hate crime as a policy issue is a result of the closing of political opportunity structures at home and the simultaneous appearance of advocacy opportunities abroad along with increased resources being made available to the LGBT movement. While the state still hesitates to change the law, there are signs that calls for a new approach to addressing hate crime, promoted by activists and international organisations, are increasingly being heard by bureaucrats in Warsaw, even if there is currently no political will to make any changes., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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