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When forming expectations, households may be influenced by perceived bias in the information they receive. In this paper, we study how individuals learn from potentially biased statistics using data from both a natural experiment and a survey experiment during a period (2007-15) when the government of Argentina was manipulating official inflation statistics. This period is interesting because attention was being given to inflation information and both official and unofficial statistics were available. Our evidence suggests that, rather than ignoring biased statistics or naively accepting them, households react in a sophisticated way, as predicted by a Bayesian learning model. We also find evidence of an asymmetric reaction to inflation signals, with expectations changing more when the inflation rate rises than when it falls. These results could also be useful for understanding the formation of inflation expectations in less extreme contexts than Argentina, such as the United States and Europe, where experts may agree that statistics are unbiased but households are not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Izquierdas is the property of Izquierdas, Universidad de Santiago de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educación is the property of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Territorios: Revista de Estudios Regionales y Urbanos is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last few decades the concept of self-regulation accompanied the process of dismantling the welfare state. In this context, in central countries-Europe and North America-the importance given to private regulations versus public action increased, thus requiring new mechanisms of legitimacy. To this end, appeals to the principles of economy and technical efficiency to legitimate private regulations have been made by several researchers. However, these principles acquired a negative view in Argentina because they were used to use to legitimate processes that led to various crises, especially taking into consideration the neo-liberal experience of the 1990s. Against this historical background, this paper seeks to show a particular case of legitimizing the self-regulation of non-state organizations (social clubs) by using classic topoi, which had been historically used to legitimize state action. In order to do so, this text focuses on the analysis of "Luna de Avellaneda" Act of 2007, by which the government of Buenos Aires sought to legitimize the self-regulation of clubs appealing to the classical values of democracy, participation, and solidarity. For this, the historical experience of the Argentinean political community will be observed from the perspective of the history of these clubs, thus recovering the social function they played in the diverse political and economic crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuario del Instituto de Historia Argentina is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The crisis of 2001 in Argentina was characterized by a popular uprising in the streets that generated a series of subaltern responses at social and political levels, which had a large impact on the way artistic productions were created. The temporary foundation of alternative modes of organization, such as public assemblies, local cooperatives and seized factories, had its counterpart in the artistic field in the emergence of colectivos ('collectives'). Their collaborative and horizontal way of working soon became widespread cultural practice. While for many artists it was a political or ideological stance, for others, who were struggling to survive, it was a practical solution. The lack of economic resources forced them to recur not only to the power of a group of individuals, but also to recycling rubbish in order to be able to produce. Although various collectives' works have received considerable academic attention in the past decade, how they made aesthetic virtue out of economic necessity is still far from being fully analyzed and comprehended. Moreover, only a few collectives have received proper coverage to date, while many others have fallen into oblivion. Thus, this paper aims to explore how this economic resource of cooperative work and wasted materials turned into a unique aesthetic in the case of the collective Oligatega Numeric and, in doing so, challenged other more established aesthetics such as 'trash' and 'cyberpunk'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuario del Instituto de Historia Argentina is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Beagle Channel dispute between Chile and Argentina presented great challenges to them. An award delivered by an arbitral tribunal did not manage to settle it. The crisis after the award brought the States to the brink of war. Only tenacious efforts by the Holy See to mediate between these two largely Catholic nations managed to calm tensions as well as a change in political climate allow the parties to finally settle the dispute. This paper describes and analyses the background to the dispute, the principles and arguments involved in the dispute, the decision of the Court of Arbitration, the crisis following the award, the papal mediation and the events that finally brought the dispute to an end. Some general comments will be offered in the last section. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mundo Agrario is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on different urban and architectural projects, as viewed by the local press during Lencinas' administrations, a member of the Radical political party in the Mendoza province who was active from 1918 to 1930. Among the corpus of projects, we focus specifically on public spaces and housing for the low-income population, which became a significant point of attention in the first decade of the 20th century. The political change brought about by the arrival to power of nontraditional, underrepresented groups had an impact on different cultural fields in Mendoza. Lencina's arrival to power fostered social transformations that benefited the low-income social strata that had been neglected by previous governing elites. Among other changes, the new leaders implemented laws that favored the working class, such as retirement for public employees, and the 8-hour work day. These shifts in the political sphere had an impact on the architectural and spatial spheres. In this paper we systematically trace articles published in the contemporary local press in order to establish relationships between some of these projects and the populist political ideology of these governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Argentinan parliamentary opposition in legal reform debates between 2009 and 2010, that searched to extend rights concerning to communicative and sexual citizenship in that country. From analysis of interventions in the Congress' voting sessions, the paper proposes two categories to describe strategies of displacement of the parliamentary opposition: displacements by procedures flaws and displacements by political feuds. Both categories group discursive operations that question the democratic institutions based on external factors, displace the object of legislative debate and seek the annulment of parliamentary debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to explore Great Buenos Aires's politics analyzing midterm elections (2009) from my ethnography in a shantytown of La Matanza under a process of urbanization. I will try to show some outlooks which are usually darkened by electoral analyses. While these researches usually focus on campaign strategies and political networks in order to explain (or predict) electoral results, the main contribution of this paper is to show how elections are generally imposed and locally appropriated from a local perspective oriented towards the urbanization of the shantytown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to integrate mobility as across component of the management of specific public actions. The case of study concerns the public health services in Argentina, and mother's mobility conditions in the suburban of the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area. In terms of methodology, the paper working on the concept of access trying to identify, measure and evaluate the relationship between mobility conditions and maternal health care. Access is weighted according to the realization of health services, and not according to the arrival at the places where they are offers. The result is innovative empirical evidence, useful as an indicator to make more relevant the role of mobility within the public agenda of transport and others specific sectors, asa basic social right behind the access that requires coordinated actions and cross-sectoral approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Universitas Humanística is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Psicoperspectivas is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Escuela de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is part of a more comprehensive study in which I focus on teaching practice conflicts in Cordoba during the 90's, in the context of state reforms. Within this framework, on one hand I am interested in showing the real nature of official and pedagogic discourse around the educative reform; on the other hand, to discusse and leave open the possibility of thinking that there was a displacement of logical organization of the business sector to the educative area and also that the use of philosophical assumptions of onhism were being applied to other work areas. This factor had also a great influence on educative sphere as a part of global transformation and in consequence, it influenced national and provincial government discourse around that reform. Finally, this paper aims to suggest deeper analysis to follow on how those discourses were received among teachers, and the individual or collective resistance that they might have generated. This article points to answer three questions: Did the national and provincial government discourse about this educative reform point to change the organization of the teaching job and the teacher's profile? In what sense did they do that? And how did the teachers receive those government interpellations? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the forms of political action of subaltern people in a particular space of peripheral Argentina: Neuquenian municipalities of the first half of the 20th Century. Even when national territories were excluded from the federal political system, the recreation in these spaces of some of the so called creole politics provides an opportunity to explore the complexity of political clientelism in those decades of Argentinian history. Furthermore, this paper pays attention to interactions between local elites and the inferior members of the clientships, observing the ways in which the latter were represented, thus shaping the relationships that both sectors kept between them. Albeit subaltern sectors of territorial Neuquen did not consolidate themselves as an autonomous political actor, it is interesting to call attention over the negotiations they were capable to maintain with local political elites. It is suggested in this paper that clientelistic practices, as the explanations constructed on them did so, contributed to shape some of the features of the Argentinian political culture of that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 2001, Argentina experienced a decisive crisis. A financial collapse accelerated by the massive flight of capital and the IMF denial of a new loan was followed by a popular insurrection which, by putting forward the slogan ¡que se vayan todos, que no quede ni uno solo! forced the resignation of national authorities. Whilst Duhalde's provisional government is negotiating the conditions for international financial support, faced with inflation and the rise of the dollar exchange rate, social mobilisation is expanding in new forms. This paper argues that the popular insurrection of December 2001 opened a space for the reinvention of the political as negative politics, the asambleas barriales constituting one example of this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the conflictive implementation of freedom of the press in Buenos Aires, after the fall of Rosas' regime. It examines norms and the initiatives to reform them, some trials, government actions, and the debates within the legislature and the press. The study discusses the traditional interpretation according to which, in the province of Buenos Aires, those years were characterized by a wide freedom of expression. It also argues that the difficulties to implement freedom of the press in the 19th century are explained by the tension between the consideration of the press as a pillar of civilized, republican societies and, at the same time, as a corrosive agent of the social and political order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At this paper we analyze a number of sexual violence reports portrayed by women citizens against military personnel during the last military dictatorship in Argentina. We consider that analyzing those reports allows us to visualize how the sexist practices that we know that were taking place inside the clandestine detention centers also occurred outside them. The concentracionary power assumed similar characteristics outside the clandestine detention centers and that was because of the power that State Terrorism gave to the military personnel. In this research, the gender perspective allows, firstly, to deepen the analysis of everyday life during the last military dictatorship. Secondly, it allows us to inquire about hierarchical gender relations within our society, which, although not static, preceded and followed the military government. However, the military regime sought to reinforce such hierarchical gender relations during the period of State Terrorism both inside and outside clandestine detention centers. In that sense, the analysis of the selected cases shows, both with the reiteration of the cases and the mechanisms to discourage the reports, how the sexual violence was present further in the boundaries of clandestine detention centers (in temporal and spacial terms). Furthermore, it shows how sexists' myths and the discrimination towards women that impregnated the judicial system didn't allow an audibility framework for the reports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes Kirchnerism as a populist political process. Using specific literature, it is possible to reconstruct the change in the political and social alliances of the government, marked by the conflict with the agricultural fraction of the bloc in power in 2008. This conflict caused a change in the emphasis on the political strategy of the government, which modified its discourse and alliances. On this basis, the article proposes a periodization of the process in two stages, changing from the populist rupture to a particularistic affirmation of the Kirchnerist identity. The article shows in detail the new features of the political order after 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the new waste management is set in public agenda in the case of the city of La Plata, Provincia de Buenos Aires. We analyze in what extent this new agenda is implemented, delving into the reasons. A case analysis is developed using qualitative methodology, a documental and bibiliographic review. The inscription of Integrated Waste Management in the public agenda is explained by new laws; specific action collective patrons and their link with justice; as by new spaces that local government generated. However, while implemented reform shows an imminent closing of the landfill in Ensenada, it is no clear that the model that regulations establish would be adopted in a comprehensive and systematically way, in a context in which different actors behave strategically to resist change process and management is complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research will analyze the last two political- electoral reforms carried out and/or under discussion in Argentina: the first, promoted by the Kirchnerist government, sanctioned in 2009, and the second, promoted by the Macrist government, debated throughout 2016 and still under legislative treatment. In this paper, we propose a critical reading of both Political Reform projects, first setting forth the assessment that preceded each one, then reviewing the arguments that have supported each proposal. Subsequently, we will analyze in detail the content of both reforms, pointing out the concrete effects of the clauses (real in the first case and possible in the second), theoretically outlined or incorporated with each one. Thus, through the evaluation of the three elections celebrated since the enactment of the first law, we will consider that the objectives set forth with its enactment were not achieved. But, at the same time, there is no evidence -based on recent international experience- that the proposals included in the new project will lead to this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For over a decade, social and political scientists stress the centrality of citizen security policies within the political dynamics of the province of Buenos Aires. In general, the literature emphasizes that the Buenos Aires police is an organization with a high capacity to become autonomous and carry out security policies according to their interests, often illegal and repressive. However, recent research has emphasized the dependence of the police operation of political and social terms. In this context, the aim of the paper is to analyze which actors have the ability to influence the formulation of security policies and how. The central hypothesis of this work consider that governors are the actors with capacities and interests to pursue a policy of security of left or right according to their plan of campaign, which responds to other factors which are not the alleged police interests: mainly the ideology of the national executive and the location of the median voter. The corroboration of this hypothesis instructs on the strategic game behind securities policies and the relative autonomy of the police and the penal system in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis in mass media and the emergence of internet based media have generated mutations in political discourses. In this paper we will focus on the study of one aspect of the digitalization of politics: media interaction. We use tools of socio-semiotics, the mediatization of politics theory and theories of new media. The corpus consists of accounts in Facebook of the candidates for president in the election of 2011 in Argentina. Our hypothesis is that digital politics discursivities involve operations of apropiation of television discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I propose to address the treatment of international migration by the State. In order to do so, I analyze public policies which do not focus on the subject but which impact strongly on the foreign population. Thus, I seek to shed light on logics which may obviate and/or contradict the ones established in migration laws. Such logics become evident when research is conducted from the social and symbolic margins of the State, working with a broad conceptualization of public policies. I exemplify the contributions made by this perspective with the analysis of four policies implemented by the Government of the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina, between 2004 and 2014 in the Parque Indoamericano Villa Soldati, area with one of the highest percentages of migrant population residing in this city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will discuss —from an approach that recovers the sociology of the body and emotions— the first actions in the field of social policy in Argentina in the early nineteenth century, conducted by the Charitable Society of the Capital. From a qualitative analysis of secondary data, I will discuss the impact that government intervention possesses in terms of certain assumptions related to how the beneficiaries of social policies should behave. It is concluded that governmental interventions together with the regime of capitalist accumulation presuppose a set of emotions and sensitivities related to living in an abject deprivation condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mediacoes is the property of Universidade Estadual de Londrina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The opposition between the categories of shantytown and neighborhood has been crucial in the disciplinary analyses of popular habitat in Argentina. The urbanization of a shantytown in Great Buenos Aires enables us to refresh this discussion, setting the categories into motion. The ethnographic analysis of the category of neighborhood in the urbanization of Villa Torres (La Matanza) will help to explore how this shantytown is constructed as “emblem" for public policies, receiving various resources. In fact, this paper will analyze how the urbanization is legitimized through an image of the neighborhood, of the urbanization and of the people in charge of it as “gente del barrio" [people from the neighborhood] in order to show how local knowledge is implied in this public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]