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We study whether autonomous schools, which are publicly funded but can operate more independently than government-run schools, affect student achievement and school segregation across 15 countries over 16 years. Our triple-differences regressions exploit between-grade variation in the share of students attending autonomous schools within a given country and year. While autonomous schools do not affect overall achievement, effects are positive for high-socioeconomic status students and negative for immigrants. Impacts on segregation mirror these findings, with evidence of increased segregation by socioeconomic and immigrant status. Rather than creating "a rising tide that lifts all boats," autonomous schools increase inequality

Public spending on education has increased significantly in Latin America over the last several decades. Yet, the question remains as to whether greater spending translates into a more equitable distribution of resources. We address this issue by measuring inequality in per-pupil spending between regions of varying socioeconomic status (SES) within five different countries: Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. The results show that while Brazil's funding gap has narrowed over time, this federal nation has the widest socioeconomic spending divide, due to large inequalities in local revenues between high and low SES regions. School funding in Colombia has become more regressive over time, though its gap is half the size of Brazil's. Meanwhile, the distribution of school funding in Peru has changed, shifting from regressive (benefiting the richest regions) to progressive (benefiting the poorest regions). Education spending in Chile and in Ecuador have instead been consistently progressive. However, while the progressiveness of funding in Ecuador is driven by transfers targeting disadvantaged rural areas, the funding formulas in Chile address socioeconomic inequalities beyond the rural-urban gap.

This paper investigates whether the decision to attend university depends on university enrollment of close neighbors. I create a unique dataset combining detailed geographic information and educational records from different public agencies in Chile, and exploit the quasi-random variation generated by the rules that determine eligibility for student loans. I find that close neighbors have a large and significant impact on university enrollment of younger applicants. Potential applicants are around 11 percentage points more likely to attend university if a close neighbor enrolled the year before. This effect is particularly strong in areas with low exposure to university and among individuals who are more likely to interact; the effect decreases both with geographic and social distance and is weaker for individuals who have spent less time in the neighborhood. I also show that the increase in university attendance translates into retention and university completion. These effects are mediated by an increase in applications rather than by an improvement on applicants' academic performance. This set of results suggests that policies that expand access to university generate positive spillovers on close peers of the direct beneficiaries.

As a result of its direct link to the labour market, technical and vocational education and training (TVET) plays an important role in equipping the modern workforce with in-demand skills. This discussion paper aims to inspire the introduction of entrepreneurial learning in TVET towards a fully mainstreamed approach, whereby entrepreneurial learning is integrated into the role, function and delivery of TVET systems for the benefit of all learners. The paper provides insight into the different approaches to mainstreaming entrepreneurial learning and illustrates the contribution of the key pillars that make up the entrepreneurial learning ecosystem. This is supported by a series of practical examples from TVET systems around the world, illustrating how entrepreneurial learning is being transformed into reality by governments, TVET systems, communities, networks, institutions, teachers, trainers and TVET learners. This paper explores five elements of the entrepreneurial learning ecosystem: (1) Developing policy for entrepreneurial learning; (2) Curricula and pedagogies; (3) Supporting teachers and trainers; (4) Learning modes other than formal curricula; and (5) Career paths and start-ups.

A student's ranking in the grade point average (GPA) distribution has emerged as an admission variable that increases admission rates of both segregated minorities and high-performance individuals. In 2012, Chile's centralized university admission system introduced a GPA ranking variable relative to the previous cohorts' average GPA. Such a system introduces academic incentives to exert effort, but also to inflate GPA. In this paper, we analyze the effects of that reform on the GPA distribution and achievement measures. Our results, based on difference-in-differences and simulated instruments methods, suggest that: (i) GPA increased across the entire distribution, independently of the incentive structure; and (ii) GPA increases were unrelated to improvements in achievement. We interpret the results as evidence that the introduction of the new variable caused GPA inflation rather than increased learning.

As hours per day are inherently a limited resource, increasing daily instruction time reduces the amount of time pupils can dedicate to other activities outside school. We study how the effect of longer school days on achievement varies across students and schools. We exploit a large-scale reform of school schedules that substantially increased daily instruction time in Chilean primary schools. We show that the average effect of one additional year of exposure to the longer school day on reading and on mathematics test scores at the end of grade 4 masks substantial heterogeneity. Students from disadvantaged backgrounds benefit more from longer schedules, indicating that returns to time spent at school are larger the scarcer the learning opportunities available at home. Added instruction time yields higher gains in charter than in public schools, suggesting that more autonomy on administrative and pedagogical decisions may increase the effectiveness of other school inputs. [This paper was produced as part of the Centre's Education and Skills Programme.]

President Barack Obama recently announced a proposal to eliminate tuition charges at community colleges so that everyone can easily complete the first two years of a university education. At the same time, the administration is creating new regulations to curb the worst abuses of for-profit universities. This suggests that the country has reached a turning point regarding access to higher education. There is a practical limit to privatization, and the countries that have privatized their higher education systems most aggressively, such is the case of the United States, are now reaching it. One country where the increase in university tuition has reached the limit of what the public will tolerate is Chile, where the most deliberate and comprehensive university privatization experiment in the world was carried out and where the most intense student protests calling for greater access have occurred, bringing this issue to the forefront of the nation's political discourse. Indeed, President Michelle Bachelet has recently promised to make higher education free of charge. This essay examines the recent history of Chilean universities and current debates regarding tuition and inequality that reflect a similar discussion in the US regarding whether higher education is a public or private good, and who should pay for it. A bibliography is included.

In 1981, Chile introduced nationwide school choice by providing vouchers to any student wishing to attend private school. As a result, more than 1,000 private schools entered the market, and the private enrollment rate increased by 20 percentage points, with greater impacts in larger, more urban, and wealthier communities. Using differences across roughly 300 municipalities, this paper shows that the first-order effect of this program was increased sorting, as the "best" public-school students switched to the private sector. A simple method was used to make the more general point that if choice leads to sorting, then one cannot determine its impact on achievement solely by assessing whether public schools improve in response to competition or by measuring whether students benefit from attending private schools. Rather, one has to look at changes in aggregate outcomes in entire educational markets. Finally, using test scores, repetition rates, and grade for age as measures of achievement, no evidence was found that the large reallocation of students from public to private schools improved average educational performance in Chile. (Contains 48 references, 12 tables, and 12 figures.) (Author/RT)

The expansion of private sectors of higher education has usually been regarded as a factor of diversification in higher education systems. Some of this differentiation has been associated, but without systematic study, to the affiliation of private institutions with organizations outside the field of higher education. This article reports the results of a study of this form of interorganizational relationship in private universities in Chile. Cases include universities founded or sponsored by religious, business and military organizations. A typology of private universities is proposed, on the basis of the forms affiliation (or its absence), was observed to take in the cases examined. Weak and strong forms of affiliation are described, and affiliated universities are compared to "proprietary" universities, i.e., those owned by individuals who govern them from their positions in the board of directors, and "independent" universities, in which governance lies with internal--academic or administrative--constituents. Albeit derived from the case of Chile, the typology could be applied to the analysis of private higher education in other national systems. The second part of the article seeks to ascertain whether affiliation operates as a source of differentiation in Chilean private higher education. Results show that, compared to the other types of private universities, the affiliated ones possess distinctive mission statements and declarations of principles, consistent with the orientations of their sponsor institutions, tend to be smaller, and tend to have more full-time and better qualified faculty. Some receive financial support from their sponsor organization or its members. Distinctiveness was not found in indicators of prestige and student selectivity, nor in tuition levels, program offerings, curriculum design, the weight of research and graduate programs in their functions, student socioeconomic profile, and faculty involvement in governance. This is not to say that there are no differences in these dimensions among private universities: much diversity exists, but most of it cuts across all categories of interest for our study. (Contains 3 tables and 29 notes.

This paper reviews the research evidence on vouchers and considers the factors that make education vouchers a "live issue" in U.S. education policy. These factors can be articulated in terms of Levin's notions of freedom of choice, productive efficiency, equity, and social cohesion. It is possible to construct a reasonable case for voucher reform based on economic principles, triangulated evidence, and the absence of a strong set of counter-arguments. However, it is equally plausible to reject this case after considering the principles, evidence, and counter-arguments more closely. Moreover, voucher schemes are a trivial component of U.S. schooling, with some ambivalence on both the right and the left, and no popular mandate. Hence, vouchers are not a "live issue"; there is much discussion, but little action. Nonetheless, voucher schemes are part of a general trend toward liberalization of supply and demand of education. This trend includes a range of policy initiatives, including greater competition, greater accountability, and more contract schooling. A new example of this trend is tuition tax credits. Evaluating these credits may be even more complicated and politically charged than the debate over voucher schemes. (Contains 54 references.) (Author/RT)

Argentina and Chile have longstanding policies that give public subsidies to private schools. This paper uses data from 1997 from Argentina and Chile to compare the academic outcomes of seventh and eighth graders in public and private schools. Three types of private schools are analyzed: Catholic schools that are subsidized by the government, nonreligious schools that are subsidized, and private schools that receive no subsidies. The analyses suggest a mixed portrait of private school effectiveness. In both countries, Catholic subsidized schools are somewhat more effective than public schools in producing student outcomes, although these results are probably an upper limit to the true effects, due to selection bias. These effects may be due, in part, to the unique missions, policies, and resources characteristic of the Catholic sector, although empirical research to substantiate this is sparse. In contrast, there are few differences in outcomes between public and nonreligious subsidized schools in Chile. Enrollments in nonreligious subsidized private schools are substantially larger in Chile. The diminished effectiveness of these schools in Chile may be due, in part, to their different objectives. Again, however, research is not sufficient to explain why different types of private schools may produce different results. (Author)

The private sector is playing an increasingly important role in financing and providing educational services in many countries. (Often the term "private sector" encompasses households' out-of-pocket expenses rather than describing for-profit or not-for-profit sectors.) Private sector development has not arisen primarily through public policy design but has been affected by the design and limitations of public policy. Analyses of case studies of 11 of 70 World Bank education projects in 1995-97 reveal that the World Bank's interest in private sector development is in capacity-oriented privatization to absorb excess demand for education. This is crucial to the bank's general strategy for education lending: promoting access with equity, focusing on efficiency in resource allocation, promoting quality, and supporting capacity building. Absorbing excess demand tends to involve poorer families, usually much poorer than those that take advantage of other forms of privatized education. The bank emphasizes capacity-oriented privatization, especially of teacher training for primary and secondary schools, as well as institutional capacity building for tertiary and vocational education. The underlying principle is that strengthening the private sector's role in noncompulsory education over time will release public resources for the compulsory (primary) level. (Case studies of World Bank projects in the following countries are appended: Dominican Republic, Maldives, Chile, Mauritania, Argentina, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mali, Indonesia, El Salvador, and Comoros. Contains 74 references.) (KC)

This publication is a companion volume to a research report that examined local, national, and international interventions and initiatives aimed at promoting education and training for the informal sector. It provides four case studies on types of initiatives being taken by a wide range of actors in the area of education and training. "Ghana" (Osei Boeh-Ocansey) addresses how the government realizes that employment opportunities in the formal sector of the economy will continue to be limited; therefore, educational reforms are now emphasizing the acquisition of skills that promote self-employment and entrepreneurship. "Kenya" (Henry Oketch) reviews strategies that individuals, the government, and nonprofit organizations are using to improve skills in the informal sector. It identifies nine different types of agencies or processes providing skills for self-employment. "India" (Keith D'Souza, Liza Thomas) focuses on the activities of four nongovernmental organizations working in the field of nonformal education in the state of Gujarat. Their emphasis is on capacity building rather than on employment generation or job skill development. "Chile" (Graciela Messina) compares two training programs for unemployed youth to develop a series of reflections on the role that training for the informal sector ought to play. It concludes that the government is more concerned with employment policies than with training policies. (YLB)

This paper examines the current status of programs for preschool children in Chile. Section 1 of the paper provides an overview of the situation of preschool children in Chile. The country's population includes more than 1.6 million children between the ages of 0 and 5 years 11 months, and in urban areas, 18.4 percent of children between the ages of 0 and 6 years live in extreme poverty. Figures on child mortality; incidence of malnutrition; norms for sensory, psychomotor, and intellectual development; and participation rates in preschool programs are presented. These presentations particularly focus on poor children. Section 2 discusses the objectives of and differences between infant care programs, which focus on ensuring the healthy development of all children, and preschool education programs, which emphasize cultural, psychomotor, affective, and social development. Sections 3 and 4 describe the major public, private, and community-based young child welfare programs currently existing in the country. These programs include those which focus on nutrition, parent and family involvement, cultural development, and intellectual growth. The final section offers recommendations regarding the expansion of school readiness programs; the incorporation of popular culture into the content of programs; the clarification of the responsibilities of different government agencies; the expansion of access to care programs to children in urban areas; the implementation of parent education programs in rural areas; the development of community programs; the development of compensatory, remedial, and cultural programs; and ways to meet other needs. (Contains 26 endnotes.) (AC)