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Discusses various issues related to the treatment of money and credit in the socialist economies, with specific reference to the erstwhile Soviet Union. Nature of money in the socialist economies; Assumption of Marxism that in a socialist planned economy without markets money would disappear; Retention of a form of paper money with certain restricted social functions; Use of socialist quasi-money and socialist quasi-prices.

Commentary is presented for the article "Three Modes of Conflict," by Anatol Rapoport, published in the April 1, 1961 issue of the periodical "Management Science." The author notes that he is in agreement with many of Rapoport's principles concerning conflict resolution, but is unconvinced of the applicability of these principles. According to the author, at the time of publication Rapoport's assumptions surrounding conflict resolution are invalid when an attempt is made to apply them to the conflict between the United States and Soviet Union.

The legacy of legal-political ideologists is seldom used as an element of argumentation in court. The situation is different in proceedings focussing on political crimes, in particular, the trials taking place in disruptive moments of history. One of such moments was the period after Poland regained independence, when the Soviet Union posed not only a military threat, but also one of doctrinal influence. The objective of the paper was to verify the hypothesis that the trial of communists which took place in Lwów in late 1922 / early 1923 (known as the St. Jura trial) was significant not only in terms of its legal-criminal aspects, but was also important from a historical and doctrinal perspective. The verification of the hypothesis was based on the analysis of court speeches, especially their elements including references to the legacy of legal-political ideas. Additionally, the paper presents legal-political ideas as highly argumentative material that may be, and perhaps should be, used in legal practice today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at Mikhail Gorbachev's strategy of bringing structural change in the political, economic and social order of Soviet Union. The Soviet Union ruled by Gorbachev and his successor reflects different scenarios including the Communist Party proving itself incapable of maintaining its totalitarian preeminence, the intention of a tightly managed and very limited change and the preservation of the Soviet system with repressive mechanisms and expansionist policies.

Jewish religious life in the Soviet Union is typically the subject of dichotomous depictions that offer only a superficial rendering of this rich and complex environment. This paper aims to complicate this image by pointing out several religious thinkers who engaged with Communist and Marxist ideas and incorporated them into their religious thought, while upholding rabbinic culture. Among the figures and themes examined are Alter Hilewitz's (1906–1994) Hasido-Marxism, Rabbi Avraham Yosef Guttman's (1870–1940) crisis of faith, and Shmuel Alexandrov's (1865–1941) use of Russian Nietzscheanism. Alexandrov was also the narrator who revealed these fascinating ideas to us in a rare collection of his letters, which possesses both a philosophical and a theological nature. These letters, which have received very little attention in previous studies, provide a small window into the conflictual world of rabbis and yeshiva students in the first decade of the Soviet Union. Reviewing the ideas generated in a struggle to make sense of one of the great crises of modern Judaism, and pondering questions of historical perspective and how empathy may distort it, this article wishes to go beyond the image of a defensive preservation of religious life and to re-envision this unique and innovative period of Jewish thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the death of Chairman Mao Zedong, when China gradually initiated reform and open door policies, Soviet leaders' political agendas were no less appealing to post-Mao China than were Western agendas. This paper will show that Chinese scholars made tactical use of the writings and programs of Vladimir Lenin; this was done to grasp the nettle of Chinese socialism in the early 1980s, after the disastrous Cultural Revolution. According to the secondary scholarship, Chinese Sovietology after 1991 has consistently emphasized the role of the last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and his policies, which (in the eyes of the Chinese communist regime) brought about the downfall of the Soviet empire. In reality, however, Chinese Soviet-watchers were researching various Soviet leaders throughout the 1980s and 1990s - and particularly Lenin, who featured prominently in Chinese writings and claimed equal importance to Gorbachev. In the early 1980s, Chinese scholars used the first Soviet leader, Lenin, and his writings to rebuild faith in socialism and to disperse scepticism of the Chinese communist regime after the disastrous Mao era. While some pieces of work resorted to using Lenin's socialist humanism to attack Maoism and Chinese communist rule, most of the time Chinese scholars used Lenin to strengthen the weakening legitimacy of Chinese socialism without tarnishing the image of Mao, and to command support for new leader Deng Xiaoping's open door policy and future reforms. Their main argument pointed out that Lenin's moderate approach to socialism should be China's model after Mao. Arriving at the conclusion of this paper, first, Lenin's name could be used to help rally Chinese communists against the radical policies that had long prevailed. On many issues, his views were introduced in an effort to justify new policies or rally support behind new proposals in the early 1980s. His stand was invoked to weaken the hold of Maoist remnants in favour of utilising all possible resources for economic construction, and to support reformers in their pursuit of more sweeping changes. Having said this, the use of Lenin was by no means for leading the attack on Mao, but rather for defending the legitimacy of Chinese socialism founded by the Chairman. His theory was intended to help save the Chinese communist regime that had been paralysed by the Cultural Revolution. The first Soviet leader was seen by Chinese officials and scholars as an epitome of the new kind of image the Party forged for itself after the maelstrom of the Cultural Revolution. The Chinese writings played on these positive associations of the Grail of Lenin, making him the moral centre of its representation of post-Mao China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of the USSR significantly affected the economic and political situation of all the republics which gained sovereignty as a result. Among them were countries such as Estonia and Kazakhstan. This article considers whether these countries have coped with the new political conditions. Using known economic indicators, a comparison was made of the economic and financial situation of both countries, pointing to the potential causes of diversification of their socio-economic development. Currently, Estonia is considered the most developed country of the 15 former members of the USSR, and Kazakhstan is in 5th place. The research carried out in this paper shows that the current economy of Kazakhstan is clearly moving away from that Estonia needs radical measures to achieve economic acceleration. The authors, analyzing the strategic activity of Estonia and Kazakhstan and the independence of financial management, concluded that these have had a significant impact on the current state of economic and financial development of the countries in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War I led to changes both on a European and a global level. Romania is a significant case/example considering the fact that in 1918, after the fall of the multinational empires, it achieved the goal of national unity. In the following years, the Romanian state promoted the peace established then, in order to strengthen its territorial integrity and alliances. The institutions of the national security system worked, since the end of the military actions, to fulfil this strategic objective. Both the army and the national intelligence services were confronted with complex threats. "Great Romania" had, at the time, three neighbouring countries with an obvious revisionist foreign policy and territorial claims - Hungary, Bulgaria and Soviet Russia. By far the most dangerous enemy (both in terms of force and means) was the Soviet Union which never accepted the territorial losses of the Tsarist Empire and the loss of Bessarabia. Lenin's Russia and then Stalin's Soviet Union attempted, in the two decades that separated WW I and WW II, to destabilize the Romanian state through means and methods that echo the modern "hybrid warfare" - from propaganda performed by the communist movement aimed at changing the constitutional order, to various attempts to ignite peasant revolutions (as a pretext for the Red Army intervention), and factory strikes, to an intensive espionage activity. The paper aims to analyse on the one hand the ample subversive actions of the soviet secret services and, on the other, to look at the countermeasures that the Romanian intelligence structures adopted for their annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, the U.S. adopted foreign policy strategies whose objective was to meet the challenges of Soviet Communism. In the early years of the Cold War, the use of intelligence gathering and covert operations rested on a general consensus regarding the nature of the competition with the Soviet Union. Driven by the apparent urgency of the competition, U.S. policy makers increasingly turned to covert interventions. The CIA which was created in 1947 by the National Security Act has often been accused of interfering in the internal affairs of other nations, especially the third world nations. These interventions were prevalent during the Cold War. Immediately after the end of the Second World War, the United States defined its foreign policy in relation to the Soviet Union, as the two countries battled for supremacy. In other words, American foreign policy was profoundly shaped by the international war which ended in 1945. This paper will therefore have a panoramic view of American foreign policy with emphasis on the instruments of the country's foreign policy and intelligence gathering. The role of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in intelligence gathering and covert activities will also be examined critically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Controlled by the communist movement of the country, the Union of Hungarian Workers of Romania (MADOSZ) was founded in 1934 in the Romanian Kingdom. Shortly after its creation it managed to spark a revolt in the Gyimes valley of the Eastern Carpathians. A national-revolutionary organization at its inception, MADOSZ became one of the few Romanian popular front organizations after 1936, only to be banned with all the political parties in 1938. In this paper, I’m addressing the core questions of the history of the organisation, focusing mainly on the double determination of the movement. Can MADOSZ be solely as the Trojan horse of the interests of the Soviet Union? What other dimensions of its existence can be highlighted? How was the organisation embedded in the political system of the Romanian Kingdom and what were its views regarding the modernisation of Transylvanian society? How were the members of the movement perceived and addressed and how did their fate turn after 1945? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the image of the Soviet people - builders of communism. The object of the study is a series of Soviet posters in different years. In this paper semiotic approach has been used to consider posters as signs. Each poster is a product of the ideology on a denotative and connotative level of the sign. For semiotics verbal messages, color, perspective, the value of the figures, postures, gestures and facial expressions are important. Poster is a complex of the two-roots system. It combines verbal and iconic messages. Images of the Soviet human were constructed from various combinations of the elements from these levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition from a planned command economy to a market economy means tearing down a socio-economic setting where everybody follows orders and nobody bears individual responsibility for anything. The absence of personal responsibility does not promote ethical behavior in any walk of life. Today, the malnourished business ethics in the former Soviet Union creates a critical obstacle to economic development. The paucity of new official rules governing the conduct of business makes the transition process painful and difficult to people habituated to numberless rules and regulations. The first part of this paper surveys the most visible unethical business practices that have been reported by the Western media and those that are causing the largest number of complaints by the local governments and businessmen. The second part of the paper looks at ethical problems that have been under-reported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comparative Literature / Primerjalna Književnost is the property of Slovenian Comparative Literature Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the characteristics of the recent Soviet literature on public administration and organizational behavior. During the Stalin era research in these areas was effectively stifled, and some promising early studies were repudiated. The past decade has witnessed a tremendous renewal of interest in administrative science among Soviet scholars. Much of the conceptual apparatus and methodology is admittedly borrowed from the West, but applications are interesting and the potential for originality is high. These developments have evoked a conservative reaction from ideologists who seek to preserve the purity of orthodox Marxist social theory, but the innovators appear to have won official acceptance for administrative science as a valid and useful discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper analyses the potential of a theoretical comparison between communism and colonialism, focusing on the cultural dimension of the Stalinization process in Eastern Europe. The paper applies this theoretical perspective to late 1940s-early 1950s Romanian culture in relation with the appropriation of culture by the communist regime within the late 1940s political and ideological shift in Eastern Europe. The approach uses as a background for its argumentation a theoretical debate which started 2001 and has continued until today (Moore 2001, Kovačević 2008), also reinterpreting on a series of theories developed during as well as at the end of the Cold War (Kulski 1959, Kolarz 1964, Horvath 1972, Katsenelinboigen 1990). The paper uses a series of conceptual tools such cultural transfer, cultural dependences, cultural identity, cultural export, which are applied for the first time to the Romanian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ellenpontok was the only Romanian samizdat periodical. The author was one of the initiators and collaborators. This paper recalls the stages of creating this newspaper and then its cessation in the 1980s. The basic idea of this Hungarian publication was that in the circumstances of the party system it was impossible to ensure the rights of a greater minority in the long run. Besides the conception of the periodical the paper presents the story of the articles, the publication of issues, the persecution of collaborators and the fading memories in the history of this periodical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article briefly analyzes a research paper titled "Teaching of Economics in the Soviet Union," published in a previous issue of the journal "American Economic Review." It characterizes the main contents of the article and attempts to find out that to what extent do these contents represent a departure from orthodox Marxian economics as accepted in the Soviet Union, and what contribution does the article make to economic theory of Marxism or to a better understanding of the Soviet economy. The author states that the trouble with the teaching of political economy in the Soviet Union is not only confined to the formal arrangement of the instruction but grave mistakes are committed by the authors of the paper itself also in interpretation and evaluation of the subject matter itself. These mistakes, although listed in an almost random fashion, seem to have something in common. They all represent "ultra-left" aberrations and all tend to promote an attitude which does not conform to the present tenets of Soviet policies and thinking. The author concludes that the research is not a departure from Marxian orthodoxy but it is rather its renewed and vigorous affirmation.

This article explores the relationship between political expediency, perception management, and governmental goals. The subject matter forms the research question of “How a tool such as perception management can be used to politically expedite a government’s interests and goals?” It is understood that these ends can be achieved through the usage of perception management by constructing them from a given audience’s interests and values. The concept of perception management is introduced to the reader and illustrated by the example of the United States government’s knowledge of the Katyń Forest Massacre. This article is presented in two parts – the United States’ initial conclusion that the Nazi party was responsible for the massacre and its later reassignment of fault to the Soviet Union. The first instance which involved the reconstruction of truth, was used to politically advance the United States’ cooperation with the Soviet Union in fighting Hitler’s Germany. The second instance also involved the revelation of truth and was used to justify its fight against the North Korean communists. This article should effectively demonstrate how the practice of perception management has been used historically by the United States government to expediate its political goals. The instrumentalization of Katyń is important as it may inspire the reader to consider why certain events take hold of the media’s attention versus others, and how these events specifically may relate to domestic and international political issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the revolutionary origins of Soviet communism this paper argues that symbolic structures were crucial in the making of Soviet communism as a political force. It conceptualizes symbolizations as contingent interpretive acts that capture people in extraordinary situations of dissolutions of political order. In the first part, I identify the dramatic and imaginative sources of the Bolshevik Revolution, which created a schismogenetic system, in which symbolic structures of time, representation, and leadership would become disintegrative forces in Soviet society. In the second part, I elaborate on the creativity of political symbolism by understanding symbolizations as rites of passage, constructions of origins and ends, as well as reality-creating self-fulfilling prophecies. Rather than to know the origins of symbols, the proposition here is to understand how symbolic meanings contributed to the creation not only of the empirical-objective world of Soviet communism but also of dominant social science interpretations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship between the policies of the Soviet Union and the state of communism in Europe following World War Two. The author attests that two fundamental differences arose in the Soviet attitude regarding Europe: the cessation of revolution as a viable means of solving conflicts between states and the emergence of a communist influence that was integral to Europe’s future. The role of Joseph Stalin, who held the position of General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union’s Central Committee, is discussed. The paper urges that the hostilities that arose between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia led to the demise of any potential for international communism.

Purpose — The aim of this paper is to show that there could still be the possibility of a complementary relationship between capitalism and socialism (effective state), so that a higher human, social and economic order is realised. Design/methodology/approach — The paper is a meta-analytical study, which relied on secondary sources of information. It is a qualitative study that is based on conceptual analysis, theory building and "emic" perspective (authors' viewpoint). Findings — With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1998 and the fall of the famous Berlin Wall, the final victory or triumph of capitalism over its alternatives was heralded. This development saw nations, most especially the developing ones, rushing to infuse themselves into the capitalist global system, which is reflected by the opening of borders to the capitalist onslaught. However, soon after this euphoric capitalist triumphalism, capitalism seems to be heading to another cross-road, which is capable of undermining the aforesaid euphoria. As capital is now set to continue its accumulation, expansion and profitability, unemployment is on the rise, as government ability to create lasting employment has become ineffective due to the privatisation of the public sectors, retrenchment by private business, etc. The state of affairs is exacerbating the crime rate (both within nations and globally), ethnic and global tension, poverty and ill-feeling. Hence, there could be other better global alternatives to the current single capitalist triumphant orthodoxy. Practical implications — Socialism has failed and capitalism is in the process of failing. Therefore, the only hope left to resurrect socialism and resuscitate capitalism, is a complementary and comprehensive ideological order. In that sense, there is a need to complement the positive aspects of both ideologies. Originality/value — This paper is original, since no other paper has taken up the topic of "Triumphant capitalism and the future of human, social and economic progress in the post-Cold War era". The suggestion given in the paper could help to achieve a higher level of human, social and economic progress in the post-Cold War era, most especially in the developing nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the question of mass participation in the Great Terror in the Soviet Union in 1937. The author analyzes the proliferation of repressive measures both in and through unions by tracing party directives from the Central Committee down to union members. Moreover, the author contends that repression was a mass phenomenon. Repression was closely related in 1937 with a campaign for union democracy, a mass movement for secret ballots and worker participation. Furthermore, the paper also highlights Stalinism, social movements and comparative genocide.

This article focuses on ideology and sociology in Soviet Union as of March 1970. The author is concerned not only to show how Marxism has been so adapted to the needs of Soviet Union's elites, but also to examine the impact in that country of western sociology. Not only have there been significant changes in the Soviet elite's use of Marxism but, in company with the development of sociology in western societies, the role of Marxism as a radical critique of industrial society has been replaced by a pragmatic empirical approach to social problems. In both societies, this change is related to the specialization of sociology, to its separation from philosophy and to the shift in emphasis which takes place when a subject becomes professionalized and moves from a speculative to a scientific discipline. After the October Revolution, the study of sociology in Soviet Union was strongly dependent on Marxist philosophy. Marxist sociology was synonymous with historical or economic materialism. But economic materialism is open to different interpretations. It has both a positivistic, empirical component, and a dogmatic one: the first emphasizes the priority of matter over mind and actual social relations, the second is didactic showing the course and predicting the direction of social change. In the U.S.S.R. both these tendencies have been adopted.

The article focuses on the decision by the Council of Soviet Ministers to put the ruble on a gold basis corresponding to its gold content. There has been and still is little quarrel among Soviet economists on gold in the context of the capitalist society. The point of controversy is the well known Marxist proposition that gold being a product of labour is equivalent to any of equal labour content, while paper money is equivalent to the quantity of gold which it represents symbolically. The author remarks that most recent developments seem to confirm the contention of the growing emphasis on the reality of money in internal economic calculus. The trial-and-error readjustment process has been used to impress on industrial management the importance of a strict money economy regime, though it has been frankly admitted in literature that the problem has not yet been satisfactorily solved, one is allowed only to guess how far this is the to the intrinsic difficulty of making real money make-believe profits a stimulus, especially in conditions of conventional rigid supply and release prices for plants on different levels of technico-economic efficiency.

Intelligence analysis is inextricably linked to the CIA, where it was established and developed as a specific professional activity. Based on a short-lived experience, accumulated during World War II, the CIA's first analytical structure, the Office of Reports and Estimates (ORE), faced the difficulty of producing intelligence products on the new security environment of the early Cold War period, with the focus on the threat posed by the USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For centuries, many women have been at the forefront of the struggle for emancipation and political changes. Efforts at integrating the idea of emancipation into society was an important part of the Bolshevik ideology; thus, the October Revolution of 1917 brought women new hope and new expectations. The Soviet Union was the first country in the world to successfully open the door to new economic and educational opportunities for women. In 1917, the Bolshevik legislative initiatives provided them with full political and civil rights while new legislation made women legally equal to men. The constitution adopted in July 1918 secured the political and civil equality of women and men. However, the gender policy developed and implemented by Lenin significantly changed after his death. Until the second half of the 1930s, the Soviet Union remained the world leader in terms of providing women with equal rights. However, after the new leader of the Soviet Union, Stalin, came to power, the government policy on women and equality substantially transformed. During Stalin's rule, the concept of "a new type of woman" was created. The early Bolshevik policy, which started with a radical liberal vision of individual freedom and women's rights, devolved into an abyss of cynicism that burdened women with a disproportionate responsibility for unpaid work in the household. The purpose of this work is to study the role of women during the early Soviet period and to examine legal and political changes in women's status. The study aims at explaining what the main goal of the Soviet gender policy was in fact, whether it actually changed the status of women and what crucial changes it ultimately brought to them. Using the method of content analysis, the content of official documents, press and scientific literature was analyzed. At the same time, attempts were made to identify and analyze the positive and negative results of the Soviet policy by applying the method of critical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Latvian History / Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls is the property of University of Latvia, Institute of Latvian History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main objective of this paper is to define, negotiate and debate radical socio-cultural approaches of landscape creation in today's megacities, within a strict capitalist context. For this reason, it investigates both the theoretical and concrete manner of the spatial expression within an imposed contemporary Foucauldian state of disciplines. Therefore, the research methodology simultaneously develops two different hypotheses in order to bridge the gap between the theoretical explorations and concrete dimension of architectural creation. The primary hypothesis is based on the Lacanian dimension of doubt that is considered in this work as the Chomskyan primitive power that gives birth to every idea or concept, having the potential to exasperate the radical imaginary of each society such as it is defined in Castoriadis' writings. The second main hypothesis is based on an analytical exploration of space creation within strict political and economical contexts. For this purpose, a post-Soviet country served as a case study in order to investigate the cultural landscape values in both communist and capitalist regimes. Hence, focusing on Armenia and especially on Yerevan's landscape transformations during the transition from communism to capitalism, this article first departs from the need to employ a deep theoretical analysis of non-economic factors in order to guide capitalist societies through cooperation with the disadvantaged social structure that has no space in today's megacities and, second, details an original landscape creation sketched by a real recent architectural competition that is seen here as a contemporary Foucauldian state of disciplines. The main object of the architectural composition presented in this contribution is to fulfil the competitions' guidelines – having in mind, however, consolidation of the imposed image of global capitalism with local elements in order to form a Foucauldian heterotopia by allowing different socio-cultural identities to debate, contest or doubt the proposed iconic spatial expression. The article offers a new approach regarding the notion of doubt seen here as a positive element of architectural practice by proposing its continuous existence in the conceptual dimension of architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Discusses the implications of Stalinism for politics in the Soviet Union. Implementation of grandiose schemes of industrial construction to transform the country's productive base within one decade; Arguments on the vast inefficiencies and structural imbalances generated by the command economy; Absence of market mechanisms regulating supply and demand.

The following paper analyzes changes in Soviet gender politics of the 1920s and 1930s. It starts with a general discussion of the relationship between Marxism and feminism, emphasizing issues especially relevant in the Soviet context. The second focus of the article is Fedor Gladkov’t, a novel originally written between 1922 and 1924 but reworked several times during the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, as the official policy on omen was changing. By sketching out the differences between the first and later version of Cement, the author shows how Stalinism emerged also as a response to the 1920s inability to deal with undermined traditional gender relations (and not just as a result of Stalin’s consolidation of power). Consequently, it seems, all projects that aim to construct a “better society” must start with an analysis of sexual difference and desire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS PAPER ANALYZES the Communist Party of Canada's view of the woman question, the role women played in the party, and the party's successes and failures in its attempts to organize working-class women. The Communist Party's view of the woman question was shaped by the advice of the USSR and the Communist International, as well as by the party's social base and the political understanding of its own membership. The Communist Party's Women's Department helped to create a new national organization for women, the Women's Labor Leagues, which, led by Florence Custance, experienced substantial growth in the 1920s. The Communist Party gave more attention to women's inequality than had previous socialist parties, although it failed to live up to its stated aims to organize working-class women and encourage women's participation in the revolutionary movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the issues involved in the plan-market economic relationship in the Soviet Union. The three major groups of economic units are: state enterprises, collectives, households. Interactions among units in an economic system fall into two main categories: vertical and horizontal. Vertical interactions are those between units in a hierarchy wherein each unit possesses administrative authority over the units below it. Horizontal interactions are characterized by direct interrelations between units, in which neither unit has administrative authority over the other. In the literature on Soviet economic planning and centralized economic planning in general, it would appear that many hold the view that only vertical mechanisms and interactions matter. The horizontal relations that we will discuss take three forms: 1) rationing, 2) monetary payment, 3) free acquisition (besplatnyi). There is, again, a tendency in analysis of the Soviet economic system to associate rationing with central planning, monetary transactions with the market, and free goods with full communism.

For international relations theory, the history of the world Communist movement may be viewed as a dialogue during which Communists have articulated a series of conceptions for radically restructuring the international order. The paper briefly surveys two of the main alternatives (the Marxist and Stalinist) and describes in greater detail the third, Khrushchevian, alternative—a world system of socialist states. It examines the validity of projections made at the outset of the 1960s about the expansion of the Communist international system and the boundary‐maintaining qualities of that system and concludes that on neither count do there exist empirical grounds for projecting to a Communist alternative to the international system. For the contemporary multistate system, this conclusion about relations among Communist states lends credence to the view that relations within the dominant international system will be increasingly characterized by the flexibility of alignment and the proliferation of cross‐cutting linkages typical of pragmatic multipower systems. Journal Abstract [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes conflicts caused by the different perceptions held by the United States and the Soviet Union about the democratic subjects and the problem of selecting the representatives of the democratic subjects in the Korean Peninsula after World War II. American democracy was based on freedom, exceptionalism and moralism, whereas Soviet democracy was based on the dictatorship of the proletariat for the real working class. These two conceptions of "democracy" collided in the Korean Peninsula after World War II. During the First U.S.-U.S.S.R. Joint Commission, the heart of American democracy was conveyed as the freedom to express opinions. The Soviet Union, on the other hand, argued that true democracy should represent the workers and peasant. With respect to what kind of "democratic" government should be established in the Korean Peninsula, the United States tuned the concept of American democracy and prepared more concrete ideas for a national system and electoral methods based on American democracy. The Soviet Union envisioned election based on the People's Committee and the establishment of the People's Congress in the North. The United States and the Soviet Union did not agree on the democratic subjects and the form of democratic government in the Korean peninsula. Consequently, a Communist government of the democratic people was established in the North. In the South, a democratic government far from the application of the authentic American democracy was established after the failure of integrating the left and the right groups. For the Republic of Korea, but it was an urgent matter to make room for securing various voices against the threat of independence and communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Censorship existed and still exists, in different forms, in all kinds of social regimes and in all the states of the world. The most harsh and destructive form of censorship was applied and is still being applied by the totalitarian regimes, among which Romania was a part of, during the period 1948-1989. At the beginning censorship and the political regime in Romania were imposed by the Soviet Union. Later on, the Romanian totalitarian regime promoted its own form of suppressing the freedom of speech for its citizens. After the formal abeyance of censorship in Romania, the majority of writers, journalists and artists appealed to self-censorship in order to not get into any conflict with the state's authorities. The censorship of the communist regime in Romania stimulated the creative imagination of a number of talented writers, who managed to find solution to publish their works, as well as the methods to promote Romanian culture worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Max Weber's insights, two kinds of bureaucracy are distinguished: charismatic and legal-rational. Bolshevism is analyzed as a charismatic movement which, through institutionalization, results in a "charismatic bureaucratic society." The Communist bureaucracy is a ruling class, administering a state property system and, in that institutional setting, industrialism serves not so much to raise the standard of living as to maintain and extend Communist power and guarantee charismatic claims to superiority. Charismatic bureaucratic society, though a common historical form (found also in Incan Peru and Pharaonic Egypt), is outside the Western tradition of pluralistic societies based on private property. Western bureaucracies are not totalitarian; they neither raise total moral claims nor constitute a ruling class but remain sources of countervailing power in a pluralistic, not a monolithic, society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the author's perspective on the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in Prussia, Germany. He points that GDR is the last Stalinist in East Europe and its existence depends upon the Soviet divisions stationed within its boarders. He adds that the stressing of things in the East represents a deliberate attempt to identify their own state with the real German past. He also mentions that the East German government has strong historical antecedents from the time of Otto von Bismarck has consistently voted communist.

The article focuses on the subject of the study of history in the Soviet Union. Westerners are not in a position to judge whether Soviet historians who succeeded in having his work published might afterwards have been reprimanded and prevented from further publication, or exposed to some punishment in his personal life. However, indications showed that the publication of scientifically documented editions of historical documents, together with critical commentaries, had attained a very high level in nineteenth-century Russia.

The article focuses on reliability of statistics in the Soviet Union. The author reflects that the distortion of statistics by party-line philosophy in Soviet Union is clearer in theoretical interpretation than in practice. He narrates on the problem of distorted statistics and independence of mathematicians in Soviet Union. He assumes that statistical data are biased in such a manner that result favorably to the communistic way of life. These biases are often used in interpreting statistical indexes of industrial production and national economy and income. He further elaborates on Soviet theory of statistics and on recent conferences on statistical theory.

The article reports on the science and scientists in Russia. Despite rumors inimical to the integrity of Russian science and its achievements, the field has a two-hundred-year-old tradition of high achievement. The principle of conservation of energy enunciated by Lomonosov, Mendelyeev's establishment of the periodic system of elements and the discovery of viruses attest to Russian science credibility. However, government interference via its ideological offensive compromise the achievements of Russia's science and its scientists.

The article analyzes the biological theories of Soviet agronomist Trofim Denisovich Lysenko and discusses their 19th century origins and the motives of their advocates at present. According to the author, Russia's leadership in genetics stopped after it was attacked by T. D. Lysenko, with the support of the Communist Party. One tragic event in Russian genetics is the arrest and death of N. I. Vavilov and the disappearance of other internationally acclaimed geneticists without a trace. From then, Michurin doctrine abiding the philosophy of dialectical materialism has dominated the biological science in the country. The author contends that Lysenko has not produced even the slightest original idea, but a mere relapse towards views that were current in biology.

In the Soviet Union's planned society where the means of production and distribution are government and Party monopolies, commercial advertising would appear to be superfluous. Official Soviet policy has always spurned advertising as economic waste and has at times denounced advertising and other "bourgeois capitalistic" devices as competition, production differentiation, and installment buying. Why, then, is commercial advertising "catching on" in the Soviet Union and changing established marketing practices? This article traces and evaluates the rise of this surprising new development in the leading Communist state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the major pieces of all-union labor legislation adopted by the Soviet Union in 1970 and 1971. The goals of the labor legislation are discussed. The role of the legislation in promoting Communist aims and institutionalizing methods of achieving them is elaborated. An assessment of the implication of the legislation for detailed legislation by the republics and administrative regulations for particular industries, as well as laws for a number of special groups with unique conditions and problems, is offered. The article also covers the observation that a major characteristic of Soviet labor legislation is detailed centralized regulation of labor relations and standards of wages, hours, working conditions, and social benefits.