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Copyright of Sociology & Technoscience / Sociología y Tecnociencia is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Escuela Universitaria de Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this case study, we propose a network analysis approach to map social movements through an intersectional feminist lens. We aim to gain a more in-depth understanding of movements' network structures to examine the roles and relationships of movement actors, the flow of resources between them, and potential areas of collaboration and conflict. By incorporating Social Network Analysis (SNA) techniques and visually mapping dynamics within social movements, this approach can assess the significance of small actors in creating change and stresses the need for their perspectives to be heard. Furthermore, our methodology adopts a feminist intersectional framework that recognizes the role of different identities in shaping the movement and its actors. To demonstrate the practical application of this approach, we examined the movement for the right to abortion in Mexico between September and December 2021. Our multi-step process included (1) designing a survey tool adapted to the context of the movement, (2) collecting and analyzing survey responses on movement actors' relationships and interactions, including their priorities, activities, needs, risks, and challenges, (3) visualizing the network using SNA techniques that account for the complexity and diversity of the movement, (4) interpreting the findings through insights collected in semi-structured interviews and validation meetings with key movement actors, and (5) implementing safety and security guidelines to safeguard the identity of individuals whose activities could put them at risk of suffering institutional, emotional, and physical violence. Our case study offers valuable insights that not only encourage the integration of feminist and intersectional perspectives into data collection processes but also provide a roadmap for accompanying social movements and supporting meaningful and contextually responsive activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the “people’s spring,” the period of unprecedented social mobilization in Argentina in the early 1970s, frequently omit rural women even though they were among the sectors that rallied for social justice. In most of Latin America at the time, rural women were prevented from equal participation in social movements; in contrast, rural women in northeastern Argentina actively participated in the Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). This article uses letters and newspaper articles in Amanecer agrario to answer two questions: First, what did womanhood mean for rural women in northeastern Argentina during the early 1970s? Second, what did the “people’s spring” mean for these same women? Although the movement split, with women from small farms generally wanting MAM to expand its efforts to broader societal problems and women from medium farms generally wanting MAM to stay focused on the concerns of Misiones farmers, throughout it all, rural women communicated their hopes, desires, and concerns for themselves, their families, and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the work and contributions of Dorothy Smith to the field of adult education. Smith, a feminist sociologist, challenged the established discipline of sociology and developed the concept of ruling relations. She emphasized the importance of understanding the everyday world and the experiences of individuals within it. Smith's work focused on the agency and consciousness of people, and she provided a revolutionary way of understanding and changing society. The article also highlights the application of Smith's institutional ethnography method in adult education research. [Extracted from the article]

Abstract: The hybrid genealogy of young women activists in Argentina: “Many dissidences and many feminisms” Feminist mobilizations have intensified in Latin America thanks to the incorporation of a significant youth contingent. These new activists bring with them transformations in social movements’ strategies and frameworks of understanding. Taking the Argentine case as the context, in this article we focus on a fundamental dimension of young women’s feminist imagination: who they consider influential movement figures. Based on a qualitative study, we reconstruct a feminist genealogy from the perspective of a new generation of activists. Their movement genealogy, according to our findings, combines figures from diverse trajectories of struggle and sites of activism, with heterogeneous positions regarding feminism. Furthermore, in this genealogy, the young women themselves play a central role. Resumen La movilización feminista se ha intensificado en América Latina gracias a la incorporación de un importante contingente juvenil. Estas nuevas activistas traen consigo transformaciones en los marcos de sentido y en las estrategias de los movimientos sociales. Tomando Argentina como contexto de estudio, este artículo aborda una dimensión fundamental del imaginario feminista de las jóvenes: a quién consideran antecesoras en la construcción del movimiento e inspiradoras para su propias biografías feministas. Mediante un estudio cualitativo, se muestra que las nuevas generaciones reconstruyen una genealogía híbrida que combina figuras prove-nientes de diversas trayectorias de lucha y sitios de activismo, con posiciones heterogéneas respecto del feminismo. Además, en esta genealogía, las propias jóvenes se colocan en un papel protagónico y no como meras herederas de espacios construidos por predecesoras.

In this interview, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak revisits the debate between essentialism and anti-essentialism by reconsidering various theoretical frameworks she has engaged with over her intellectual journey. These frameworks include deconstruction, Marxism, and feminisms, alongside reflections on the role of philosophy. One key focus of her reflection is the concept of strategic essentialism in understanding social movements, diverging from her previous stances. Spivak suggests viewing it as an ongoing critique of essentialist approaches, emphasizing the importance of maintaining critical, strategic, and indispensable elements within a minimalizable essence. She also stresses the significance of authorial positioning and autobiographical narratives, drawing on childhood lessons. She explores teaching as a practice that can convey the impossibility of fixed essences rather than engaging in theoretical debates. She examines her own place within the Subaltern Studies Group and the political connotations of the "Third World." Towards the end, she delves into the practical perspective on essences concerning empirical realities and the dynamic between researchers and their audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voice is central to claims-making and contestations around gender equality. This article engages with a diverse set of literature, social and feminist movement theory, and gender and development scholarship, to foreground voice in the analysis of the discursive strategies of backlash actors and the counter-actions by feminist coalitions. Drawing on rich discussions with feminist academic-activists based in the global South and the UK, the article unpacks the various conceptual and methodological challenges that emerge in researching feminist collective voice in countering backlash, particularly on matters such as intersectionality and building collective feminist voice; intra-movement backlash and fragmentation of voice; capturing subtler forms of expressions of agency; and the cyclical nature of backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a framework to analyze social movements in the digital era, from three concepts: i) digital participation, ii) social interaction, and iii) empowerment (PIE model). In addition, it was applied to the #metoo movement. Tweets were collected in 12 months, according to certain keywords. More than one million tweets (and retweets) were collected from 1,450,000 accounts. The aim was to generate a holistic tool to study in depth the impact of cybermobilization on the physical environment, and vice versa, which could be used to study other social movements.

This article analyzes the configuration of anti-speciesist feminisms (AF) based on the experiences of a trans activist and twelve animalist women from Ecuador, along with the performative work of a trans artist from Colombia. A theoretical model is used that puts community feminisms in dialogue with Feminist Animal Studies to identify the decolonial discourses and practices that characterize these political subjectivities. Qualitative methodology based on fourteen indepth interviews and the analysis of images coded with the Atlas.ti program is used. On the one hand, we show how activists denounce patriarchal and carnist regimes within social movements and, on the other hand, we emphasize the place of the body-territory and animality as a sensitive space of political dispute to question gender and species binarisms. Through reanimalization as a decolonial practice, which entails embodying certain politics of the abject through "animal transvestism", the close link between speciesism and the coloniality of power and gender becomes evident. It is concluded that these anti-speciesist feminisms question the place of the animal as a marker of power and as a process of subalternization and, through performance, seek to translate the suffering place of non-human animals to promote interspecies alliances and fabrics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Literatura y Lingüística is the property of Universidad Catolica Cardenal Raul Silva Henriquez and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the second half of the 19th century, women began to organize worldwide to achieve the goal of gender equality. National women's movements emerged and were followed somewhat later by the first transnational political mobilization of women on a larger scale. The range of topics that were on the national and international agenda included, alongside the access to education and the enforcement of equal civil rights, as well as the fight for political participation, with the women's right to vote taking center stage.1 The political, social, and cultural contexts, in which women raised their voices, varied. On the national level, female activists often had conflicting positions and their strategies reflected a wide spectrum; the chosen forms and the course of the protest, on the other hand, showed similarities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eradicating the mistreatment of Puerto Rican women and people that local and U.S. governments enact has been a major transformative goal for Puerto Rican feminist movement communities. The celebration of International Working Women's Day presents optimum opportunities for organizations to celebrate and make visible the monumental achievements of Puerto Rican women and people. Similarly, they foster the opportunity to strategically protest the large-scale and harmful attacks of the United States and Puerto Rico's (abbreviated throughout as U.S. and P.R.) governing double-bind onto minority Puerto Rican populations. Feminist activists, protesters, artists, and attendees collaborate in performances, speeches, and overall programming, resulting in dually celebratory and protest-based marches. Further, the multifaceted approach to protesting observed at the celebration of International Working Women's Day shines light on decolonial and feminist efforts that bring about social justice and transformation. This article analyses ethnographic data collected through participant observation in one march held in Puerto Rico, as well as a small archive of news articles relating to said march. Results reflect strategic forms of organizing and protesting that exercise activists' agency in communication with the government and state. Further, they show the demand for accountability and action in favor of minority Puerto Rican populations. Simultaneously, the results also shine a light on the synergistic character of state and government approaches to minimize the impact of activist protesting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The multiple interconnections given by social media have opened up the possibilities to people to organize themselves around the feminist movement demands. In this article we present the results of a digital ethnography, where we seek to understand the relationship dynamics that are established in a group of women on Facebook around mutual care, delving into the role of this tool in the generation, obstruction or maintenance of spaces. The main conclusions suggest that: a) the online tools allow to create and to maintain thematic relational spaces of interest to the feminist movement; b) the online group analyzed supports the exercise of care among its participants; c) the relationships around care go beyond the online social network, materializing itself in hybrid spaces; and d) the interactions on the platform by the participants reproduce patriarchalized relationships and also offer concrete options for their confrontation, in a constant game of reproduction/subversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women in the Movement of Rural Women Workers (Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais or MMTR) in southern Brazil envisioned a social movement that represented their interests both as women and as small farmers and agricultural workers, while also allowing for a plurality of voices and strategies. This article describes the feminist and democratic culture of militancy that these women sought, from the 1980s through to the 2000s, and shows how difficult it was to establish and sustain such a culture. These women not only confronted the deep, ongoing difficulties of challenging gendered social relations, but also the pain, shame and silencing that intertwined with gains in voice and equality. They also confronted larger social movements whose leaders understood power differently to the way these women did. For the women described in this article, women's activism requires a deep form of democracy where all voices are heard. Paradoxically, in the context of rural Rio Grande do Sul in southern Brazil and the panorama of movements that are active there, the rootedness in the everyday lived experience that made the movement relevant to women who advocated for this form of democracy also kept them from taking on powerholders within the movement who chose to ally with larger, more hierarchical movements, sacrificing significant forms of autonomy and voice in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws on Frantz Fanon's insights about the sociogenesis of psychiatric disorders, and on the insights of feminist standpoint theory, to sketch a map toward sociogenic mental health. We argue that psychiatry should move away from iatrogenesis (the harms of our current individual-level and pathologizing approach) toward sociogenesis of mental health through robust collaboration with social movements of oppressed people, and their collective healing approaches, ranging from harm reduction centers to community gardens. The essay ends with the outlines of a reinvented, community collaborative psychiatry that supports sociogenesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the considerable attention given to how mainstream media portrays feminism and social movements, there remains a notable research gap regarding the exploration of how these movements themselves engage in internal articulation and employ communication strategies to connect with their publics. To examine communications practices of cyberfeminists within the fourth wave of feminism and the 8M movement (feminist strike), this study analyzes the communication platforms utilized by Rede 8 de Março, which mobilizes the strike in Portugal in three dimensions: (1) institutional and internal communication; (2) content production for online dissemination on digital platforms; and (3) mobilization strategies and action repertoires. Specifically, we focus on the years 2020 and 2021, considering the pandemic context, using a combination of netnography and semi-structured interviews with organizing activists. Our findings indicate a significant rise in Instagram's platform utilization and exploration, concomitant with the establishment of WhatsApp as a central tool for both organizational and internal communication. These observations enhance our scholarly grasp of the intricate communication dynamics inherent in these organizational contexts and feminist movements, thereby offering significant contributions to our understanding of its operational mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GENDER: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GENDER: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gender dimension, from a feminist perspective, in urban policies is a subject that urban planners, urban sociologists, politicians, and activists have often grappled with over time. However, the need to achieve an overall feminist take (Mol) or a gender urban advocacy approach (Kern, 2020) has frequently clashed, in urban activism or in the analysis of policy areas and segments open to gender issues, with a cultural climate resistant to gender inequalities, especially in the context of the neoliberal city. The latter is focused on maximizing its ability to extract value from cities and citizens, and naturally tends not to pay the necessary attention to the spatialization of inequalities (both gender and intersectional) that occur in the urban context. On the other hand, the increasingly widespread adoption of the gender mainstreaming paradigm seems to permeate various institutional levels, descending from the supranational level of the EU, where it was formulated, down to a more formal than substantive incorporation in urban contexts. This paper aims to analyse, first and foremost, from a theoretical perspective with the necessary reference to the gender claim of urban space and the introduction of the gender mainstreaming paradigm in public policies, and secondly with an empirical approach dedicated to Italian metropolitan cities, the ways in which the right to the city (Lefebvre) is interpreted in terms of gender. The goal of the work is to highlight a formalistic and non-substantive adherence to the gender mainstreaming paradigm in the context of Italian cities, where, in the light of references to gender equality in the right to the city, predominantly symbolic and commemorative references to the role of women are made, proceeding only in limited cases towards planning urban spaces and services tailored to women, supporting women's participation in city life, and fully integrating gender issues into the programming of social, educational, and city-sized welfare services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a comparative inquiry concerning the rise in visibility, relevance, and power of trans exclusionary women’s and feminist movements in Canada and the United Kingdom (UK) between 2015 and 2022. It focuses on two case studies concerning trans rights: the successful campaign for Bill C-16 in Canada, and failed reform of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 in the UK. In both cases, key streams within trans exclusionary women’s and feminist movements increasingly engage in collaborative action with right-wing populist-centered anti-gender coalitions, which include right-wing religious, conservative, and right-wing extremist actors, from approximately 2016. It argues that a key role of women’s and feminist actors in these coalitions is to help legitimize, amplify, and give meaning to anti-gender and right-wing populist appeals and, therein, the politics of exclusion they promote. This occurs in part, it is argued, through symbolic appeals concerning authenticity and the non-materiality of trans lives; the promotion of narratives concerning conflicts in rights; and the provision of strong imagery, narrative, and emotional appeals concerning threat. These broad developments have had various important effects. In the UK, the combination of so-called ‘radical’ as well as ‘traditional’ actors within anti-gender coalitions, has been critical in challenging progress towards trans and broader (Lesbian, Gay, Bi, Trans, Intersex, and Queer) LGBTIQ+ rights. In Canada, although anti-gender movements have enjoyed less policy success during this period, women’s and feminist actors have helped popularize and provide legitimacy to wider coalitions.

Objective/Context: In the following pages, I describe three political feminist projects from Latin America, which we can characterize as critical, given that these projects endorse positions historically attributed to the political left. Methodology: Since I am addressing specific feminist experiences that are not eminently theoretical, I use the few theorizations produced by the movements mentioned above and interviews and descriptions of the activism of these feminist political projects. I apply aspects of a cultural studies perspective with a nonhegemonic methodology, deploying the creativity that characterizes the article’s subjects, and some elements of Participatory Action Research (PAR) methodology. Conclusions: I show that all three of these political proposals—although there are differences among them—have common ground and points of convergence that are important for thinking differently about critical Latin American feminisms. Specifically, I demonstrate that some of them share three characteristics: first, they are not born out of or made in academia; second, they are/live in the community; and third, they seek to unravel gender. Originality: This article presents an overview of these feminisms that have been of interest to feminists while providing academic readers with insight into social movements and their language. It could serve as a tool to discuss the relevance of these feminisms and expand the ongoing discussion in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this contribution, I reflect on the significance of the Paro Internacional de Mujeres (International Women's Strike) for contemporary Italian feminism. I draw from autoethnographic research within the feminist move - ment Non Una di Meno (Not One Less) to explore how the organization of the strike on March 8, 2017, contrib - uted to the development of the movement's theorization and mobilization strategies. In this piece, I illustrate how di - gital connectivity had a central role in facilitating the expression of solidarity and processes of exchange and 'contamination' (Salvatori 2021) between movements across borders. I describe how the sharing of materials, slogans, hashtags, and songs centred on similar claims contributed to the construction of a transnational political subject. Through the strike, feminists analyzed and denounced how economic and patriarchal violence play out in the context of Italy, while highlighting the systemic and non-exceptional character of these forces within neoliberal societies more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Derecho Penal y Criminologia is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia, Departamento de Derecho Penal y Criminologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Literary responses to Mexico’s 1968 sociopolitical movements tend to focus on male perspectives, resulting in a largely masculine version of the events. This study expands on this rather homogeneous response by focusing on two plays by women: Sócrates y los gatos by Elena Garro and Octubre terminó hace mucho tiempo by Pilar Campesino. Both works problematize the male-centered sociopolitical movement that advocated equity and inclusiveness while marginalizing women’s contributions to social activism. By focusing on personal relationships in parallel to political discourse, the two pieces underscore the political as explicitly intrinsic to gendered concepts and structures. Through their critique of Mexico’s political ideology, Garro and Campesino accentuate a male-centered social stratification that severely discounts women’s contributions to social change. Their plays propose an understanding of gender inequality as an encounter between a paternalistic nation-state, a tradition of masculine ideology as the center of Mexican thought and social movement, and a patriarchy embedded in identity formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Postprocessual Feminism, within the context of gender studies, represents a groundbreaking approach that transcends traditional boundaries and redefines the study of gender. By incorporating principles from nonlinear systems theory, this innovative framework acknowledges the dynamic, fluid, and interconnected nature of gender identities and relationships. This article explores the key principles of Postprocessual Feminism within a nonlinear systems perspective, emphasizing concepts of complexity, sensitivity to initial conditions, and emergence. The transformative potential of this approach lies in its ability to challenge binary thinking, embrace diversity, and encourage inclusivity, not only in academic discourse but also in society at large. Postprocessual Feminism, as viewed through a nonlinear systems lens, offers a promising path toward a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of gender, fostering empathy and understanding in a world of evolving identities and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) / Akdeniz Kadın Çalışmaları ve Toplumsal Cinsiyet Dergisi is the property of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article has a double purpose. The first is to sketch the Colombian and Afro-indigenous leader Juana Julia Guzmán, by circulating some excerpts from the interviews held with her by the Fundación del Caribe team in the archives of the Centro de Documentación Regional Orlando Fals Borda in Montería. This sketch could be considered, in certain aspects, divergent from the one outlined by sociologist Orlando Fals Borda in the fourth volume of his Historia doble de la costa. This forms the basis for the second objective of this article: to explore a feature of Guzmán's feminism, namely, acuerpamiento or support. The methodology used is strategically plural, close to the multiple ones used in cultural studies. In effect, on the one hand, based on archival work, we will reproduce those parts of Guzmán's words that contribute to create an image of the actions and some characteristics of her political trajectory, somewhat contradictory and unknown to the general public. To this end, we will also approach the discussions of the researcher Víctor Negrete in his book Origen de las luchas agrarias en Córdoba. On the other hand, and making use of a perspective that we have called mestizo philosophy, we use the tools of hermeneutics to creatively analyze Guzmán's actions, together with the notion of agreement that finds its origin in the actions of the feminist Lorena Cabnal. Besides providing other coordinates based on which to think about Guzmán's feminism, different from those of popular feminism that other people have pointed out in her, we hope that this exercise will also reveal the complexity of this leader, whose political actions were not inevitable, nor were they the product of the deprivation into which she was born and raised, but were determined by situations and decisions, such as supporting the political actions of others different from her. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the development model of the rural environment promoted by the first governments of the Autonomous Community of Andalusia, which had to shape their political project of reform of the productive structures of the Andalusian countryside with a reality in which their specific weight had diminished and It had to face new challenges, mainly convergence with the European market and the development of new social movements such as environmentalism or feminism with a different perspective when addressing the problems of the rural environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism of a young adult novel, Journey of the Sparrows, by Fran Leeper Buss and Daisy Cubias, as well as newer poetry collections by Leticia Hernández-Linares and Maya Chinchilla, and Valeria Luiselli's essay, Tell Me How It Ends, shows how the narrative of saving and resistance changes with the introduction of the refugee's voice. The article highlights the use of motherwork as a motivating force for activism.

Studies on advertising stereotypes in the radio are scarce and those that do exist have focused predominantly on female roles and stereotypes. The rise of feminist social movements and campaigns such as Gillette's 2019 campaign "The best men can be" suggest that something is changing in the advertising communication environment regarding gender stereotypes and the male role in society. This article, with a quantitative approach, focuses on the analysis of the stereotypes that radio advertising conveys about men. To this end, 679 radio advertisements were examined. The sample was recorded from the three main Spanish general radio broadcasters and collected 10 years apart with the aim of observing the changes produced in the image of the male target audience. The units of analysis were collected in two waves, the first in the autumn-winter period of 2008-2009 and the second in the same period of 2018-2019, and all of them were examined through content analysis. An ad hoc template was designed to respond to the main objectives of the research: to determine which are the dominant male stereotypes in Spanish radio; to define the image of men through radio advertising in our country and to observe the changes around the presence of traditional male stereotypes in radio advertisements. The results obtained in this work show that few things have changed over a decade and that radio, as an advertising media, contributes to the construction, transmission and perpetuation of traditional male stereotypes. This research is an important complement to the studies carried out on female roles and stereotypes in radio, both internationally and in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminism is a movement that looks to transform the current social order, established from the hierarchization based on the difference suggested of a binary sex/gender conception. This order has historically situated women in a position of oppression and exploitation. In spite of the relevance and support for feminism in current democracies, not everyone, in particular women, identify with this social movement. Considering this, the main objective of this study is to identify the predictors of feminist identification in women in Chile. This study, of quantitative type, has a sample size made up of 389 women. The type of sample was not probabilistic, rather self-selected. The participants answered an online survey that explored the variables: feminist identification, political orientation (leftright), support of the movement and feminist objectives, predisposition to feminist action, ambivalent sexism (hostile and benevolent sexism) (Glick & Fiske, 1996), social orientation domination SDO (Prato et al., 1994), right wing authoritarianism RWA (Altemeyer, 1996), and socio-demographic variables as well. Also, the participants signed an informed consent form, endorsed by the corresponding ethics committee. The ages of the participants fluctuated between 18 and 72 (M = 27.4; DT = 11.52). The data obtained were subjected to a descriptive analysis (mean and standard deviation) and test score reliability (Cronbach´s Alpha). Then, Pearson´s partial correlations were calculated in order to contrast with the dependent variable feminist identification. From the total sample, 74.8 % self-identified with feminism to various degrees (from a form of private acceptance, but not public; up to activism); while 6 % self-declared as not feminist, and 19 %, well in-line with the objectives, did not self-identify as feminist. Later on, the variables that showed a significant relationship with the dependent variable were subjected to a multiple linear regression analysis (R² = .53, F (3,385) = 107.1 p < .001). The variables with the highest predictive power were predisposition to feminist participation (β = .54), hostile sexism (β = -.20), and political orientation (β = -.16). This would indicate that those women willing to participate in feminist activities, who reject hostile forms of sexism and adhere to leftist political positions are those who mostly identify with feminism in Chile. This model would relate identarian processes that involve an awareness of the legitimacy that implies that one group dominates another or finds itself in a position of unjustified privilege with respect to others, and the acknowledgement of the need for transformational social action. This relationship between awareness and action, likewise, would explain the overlapping social struggles during the social outbreak of October 2019 and the feminist movement in Chile. Finally, limitations of the present study are discussed with respect to the difficulty to generalize the results due to the type of sample (self-selected); and the characteristics of the sample, referring to the difficult access to women older than 50. These women presented difficulty in forms of access and in completing the survey online. Furthermore, it is considered that due to the bias of explicit attitude studies with regards to social desirability at the moment of response, it would be of great importance to complete this work with implicit attitude measures. Also, the study proposes that as future line of research a study that investigates what do women themselves understand about feminism in order to make realizations of the plurality of this social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since at least the 1830s, Black feminists in the US have spoken of how oppression harms the spirit and have also expressed the need for Black people to respect themselves in the face of anti-Black racism (Guy-Sheftall, 1995). The recognition that oppression negatively impacts well-being continues today. Research in community health and psychology has demonstrated how Black Americans, Native Americans, and Latinx people have been victims of mass incarceration, state-funded and state-sanctioned violence, and systemic discrimination in schools, workplaces, healthcare, and housing. Due to these conditions, racial and ethnic minorities in the US suffer disproportionately from mental and physical illnesses linked with stress, pollution, and trauma. Intersectionality has been recognized as a vital analytical tool in research, helping scholars, managers, educators, healthcare providers, policy-makers, and more understand the complexities of health risks and healthcare responses; of diversity and inclusion in schools, workplaces, and communities; and of inequalities in every area of social science. At the same time, intersectional activists have insisted on a holistic view of social change that forms the basis of what Reverend angel Kyodo williams calls "transcendent movements" (williams & Owens, 2016, p. 201). The work of well-being, on individual and community levels, has been part of resistance against oppression, exploitation, and prejudice which harm the mind, body, and spirit of those on all sides of oppressive power dynamics. As Ruth King (2018) notes, "racism is a heart disease, and it's curable!" (p. 9). This essay explores past and present intersectional feminist activism that addresses well-being and the tools to achieve well-being as political strategy. It connects contemporary movements like Black Lives Matter, transformative justice, and mutual aid with a history of work by womanists, U.S. third world feminists, intersectional feminists, and LGBTQIA people of color who have recognized that self-care and community-care are political work and that the work of diversity, inclusion, and well-being is one and the same. This knowledge emphasizes the importance of self-care and community-care in politics, public health, education, and other social change work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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