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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses economics research and teaching frameworks in the United States by examining how knowledge is produced; the strengths and flaws of heterodox economic theory; and how students are trained, especially for careers in economic policy. We challenge the meaning of established terminology such as ‘heterodoxy’ and ‘mainstream.’ Three major reasons are suggested for the disappointing reality that pluralist economics among academic institutions, the broader public, and a new generation of economists has not happened: 1) neoclassical hegemony; 2) weakness in heterodox theory, and 3) rigidity of pedagogy and training in economics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact that inclusive marketing practices might have on society using modest fashion as a case study. The study employs an ethnographic approach to critical discourse analysis and explores the impact of modest fashion in reshaping the boundaries of exclusion and belonging in the United States. Throughout the paper, the author argues that as firms try to become more inclusive in the marketplace, they inadvertently reproduce existing power dynamics wherein nonthreatening forms of diversity are assimilated into a safe "new normal" while subversive "others" are further excluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disagreements over the systemic implications—the future—of financialization can be traced in part to the absence of sustained attention to the role of banking firms in driving this secular shift forward. That is, the financialization literature lacks an adequate microfoundation. Accounting for the drivers of financialization processes solely at the macro level overlooks the problems of how these processes came about and whether they are sustainable. This paper addresses this explanatory gap, arguing that a key independent microeconomic driver of increasing financialization did exist: the incessant efforts by money-centre banks in the USA to break out of Depression-era restrictions on their size, activities, and markets. These banks' growth strategies in turbulent times led to an institutional (meso) shift—the rise of a megabank-centred shadow banking system—that now shapes global financial architecture even while operating in ways that are unsustainable. In short, too-big-to-manage megabanks are at the heart of the fragility and instability of the economy today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we explore the relations of the Bolivian National Revolution (1952-1964) with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc (including Cuba) seeking to understand the implications for the structuring of discourses and hegemonic and counter-hegemonic power blocs in the political struggle, and, thus, for the developmentalist approach to planning. Our aim is to shed light on little-studied aspects of the Bolivian National Revolution. Research included revising primary sources (archives of the Bolivian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bolivian and Unites Stats (us) newspapers, technical and scientific documentation from Bolivian, us, and ussr institutions) as well as secondary sources (Bolivian historiography and opinion essays). On this basis, we discuss how, in the process of developing relations with both hegemonic blocs, the US and the ussr, Bolivia ended up complying with the former at the expenses of the latter. We argue that the reasons for this option are not only political but also economic, particularly, the actual content of the ussr development offers. Our analysis reveals that the relations with the ussr bloc played a key role in the self-determination of historically subaltern actors, and subsequent processes / forms of development planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper maps the global dimension of higher education and associated research, including the differentiation of national systems and institutions, while reflecting critically on theoretical tools for working this terrain. Arguably the most sustained theorisation of higher education is by Bourdieu: the paper explores the relevance and limits of Bourdieu's notions of field of power, agency, positioned and position-taking; drawing on Gramsci's notion of hegemony in explaining the dominant role played by universities from the United States. Noting there is greater ontological openness in global than national educational settings, and that Bourdieu's reading of structure/agency becomes trapped on the structure side, the paper discusses Sen on self-determining identity and Appadurai on global imagining, flows and 'scapes'. The dynamics of Bourdieu's competitive field of higher education continue to play out globally, but located within a larger and more disjunctive relational setting, and a setting that is less closed, than he suggests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the permanence of differences in the psychological underpinnings of ideological self-identifications. Previous research has suggested that conservatives differ from liberals insofar as their self-identifications as such are best explained as the product of a negative reaction (both to liberalism generally and to the groups associated with it in particular) rather than a positive embrace. However, this paper demonstrates that the dynamics underlying the formation of ideological self-identifications are not static reflections of inherent differences in liberal and conservative psychologies but rather evolve in response to changes in the political environment. Whereas feelings (positive or negative) toward liberalism played a decisive role in shaping individuals' ideological self-identifications during the New Deal/Great Society era of liberal and Democratic political hegemony, the subsequent resurgence of political conservatism produced a decisive shift in the bases of liberal and conservative self-identifications. In particular, just as conservative self-identifications once primarily represented a reaction against liberalism and its associated symbols, hostility toward conservatism and its associated symbols has in recent years become an increasingly important source of liberal self-identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the historical evolution of housing in the context of US capitalism, highlighting the significance of homeownership as an ideology and social practice for the reproduction of hegemony in the USA. The paper challenges widely held views that identify public policy errors and government regulatory failures as primary causes of the recent housing boom and bust. Its purpose is to show how the subprime solution that triggered the housing collapse organically evolved out of the growth imperative to keep harnessing the socioeconomic benefits of homeownership. The demise of this model signals the failure of the profit-seeking system of privatized housing provision to overcome the limits of production based on capital. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Attempts at reinvigorating mythical sensations of shared values and cultural identities happen particularly at times of dislocatory events in a community's history, when 'the national Self' is perceived to be threatened by external forces. Such a critical moment for China was the collision between a US surveillance plane and a Chinese F-8 jet fighter on April 1, 2001, and the ensuing diplomatic standoff between the US and China. As the Chinese authorities and the state media viewed this incident in a series of ambiguous incidents involving the US, it was concluded that the collision had been the inevitable outcome of US hegemonism intended to provoke China. It is this concurrence of events, triggering feelings of disempowerment of the Self that causes recurrent flumes of heated anti-Other rhetoric. Boundaries of exclusion/inclusion along cultural, historical and political lines set up the Other as the negative mirror of the Self, which as a consequence is positively reasserted. Informed by insights from Language Pragmatics and Critical Discourse Analysis, this paper sets out to examine linguistic tools of alienation and empowerment in the Chinese official press narratives about the collision, comprising the Chinese-language Renmin Ribao, its English equivalent The People's Daily and the English-language China Daily. It aims to trace processes of meaning generation, in particular discursive practices of an ideological nature, such as antagonistic portrayals of in- and outgroups, hegemonic exercise of power, as well as naturalized conceptualizations of contingent processes, structures and relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper is presented that argues that the war on terrorism convened by U.S. President George W. Bush after the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001 is an immoral and failed policy. The author suggests that the resulting economic chaos is not simply a global financial crisis or a banking crisis, but a failure of the capitalist system that affects all economic sectors. He mentions the catastrophic consequences of the U.S. conduct of two wars with no tax increase.

This paper presents two sets of arguments: one theoretical and one analytical. The theoretical arguments concern the relationship between regional ordering and systemic change. The paper questions the usefulness of the unipolar conception of the contemporary system arguing that the interaction of the Great Powers cannot be understood without reference to regional dynamics. Thus, a unipolar system implies considerable potential for U.S. hegemonic intervention at the regional level but in East Asia, we find an equilibrium constructed out of both material and normative forces, defined as a concert, which presents a considerable restraint on all powers, including the U.S. The paper then proceeds to examine these claims through an analysis of the foreign policies of the U.S., Russia, and China over the North Korean nuclear problem that emerged after 2002. It finds that China and Russia have substantive common interests arising from internal and external re-ordering in which they look to strategic partnerships, regional multilateralism, and systemic multipolarization as inter-locking processes. The paper finds that they have collaborated over the Korean crisis to prevent a U.S. unilateral solution but that this should not be construed as a success for an open counterhegemonic strategy as it was only under the constraining conditions of East Asian concert, including the dynamics within the U.S. alliance systems, that this collaboration was successful. Nevertheless, the paper concludes that regional multipolarity and systemic unipolarity are contradictory: a system that exhibits multipolarization at the regional level cannot be characterized as unipolar at the global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demise of the Soviet Union, which was celebrated in the Anglosphere as the triumph of US supremacy, gave rise to different paradigmatic interpretations of the evolution of the world. The bulk of the evolving mainstream discourse was agendadriven and projected a continuation of the US hegemony of the global capitalist system. Two theses stood out in the context of the post-Cold War. The first was the optimistic assumption encapsulated in the notion of "the end of history," which projected a world having arrived at the last station based on the victory of liberal democracy and continued US hegemony. The second was the counter-assumption of the thesis of The Clash of Civilizations, which rejected the harmony interpretation of international relations and considered the future contradictions and conflicts to be related to cultural, not to say civilizational, antagonisms. The evolution of the world order in the past few decades demands a theoretical shift explaining the transformation, which takes into consideration the geostrategic and geopolitical ascendency of Eurasia and the Eastern Asia-Pacific hemisphere as well as the relative decline of the hegemony of the Anglosphere. Understanding the process at work makes it imperative to include the historical perspective. In this context, the growth of China and India as powerhouses in the world political economy cannot be exclusively defined as exemplars of catching up or late development but by the notion of "return of history." After a long period of self-centered development, they are gradually reinserting themselves in the world system and reemerging into their former dominant status prior to the eighteenth century and the Western imperialist intrusion in the East. The aim of this paper is to explore and explain the economic and political consequences this ongoing transformation will have for the future of geopolitical and geo-economic domination of the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zer: Journal of Communication Studies / Revista de Estudios de Comunicacion / Komunikazio Ikasketen Aldizkaria is the property of Universidad del Pais Vasco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zer: Journal of Communication Studies / Revista de Estudios de Comunicacion / Komunikazio Ikasketen Aldizkaria is the property of Universidad del Pais Vasco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents information on the social responsibilities of corporations and the executive class interests with respect to the paper presented by Professors Mark S. Mizruchi and Daniel Hirschman on the political issues like closing the deficit and the cost of health insurance. The social responsibilities of corporations are based on the hegemonic rise and decline. Information on the role of the corporate leaders regarding the rise and decline in the U.S. is also presented.

The purpose of this paper will be to supply an overview of the US ability to play cycles of limit pricing and optimal tariff pricing, of the character of the US' hegemonic behavior, and of the formal arrangements for the conduct of transatlantic business between the US and the EU. Norrlof argues that the US benefits from being the most dominant power today, and that it will continue to be the greatest power for the foreseeable future. Paupp claims that there is no other great power to replace the US as a hegemon. Shapiro and Witney maintain that the US and Europe remain far and away each other's most important economic partner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines relations between the state and capital in Argentina with respect to agricultural biotechnology. Argentina is one of the world's leading exporters of genetically modified (GM) crops and is a key player in the global politics of biotechnology. Whereas in other parts of the world, including other countries in Latin America, active civil societies and some governments have rejected the technology, Argentina has adopted it as a central accumulation strategy. The desirability of this strategy has been secured in material, institutional and discursive arenas of power, producing a particular expression of 'bio-hegemony'. Looking at the role of business in the political economy of agricultural biotechnology is revealing both of the extent and forms of corporate power and contributes to an understanding of hegemony in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is international legitimacy and whence does it stem? What entities seek it and why, and who grants or withholds it? How might the different meanings of the concept be reconciled? This article argues that Family Resemblance Concept (FRC) methods are particularly well-suited to explicating the complex meanings associated with this multidimensional concept. We start with a basic level definition based on subjective perceptions and beliefs, the normative quality of oughtness, and the idea of consent. We then expand this definition by developing several secondary-level dimensions: shared values, constitutionalism (consisting of two forms of process legitimacy), and outcome legitimacy. At the indicator level, we examine 14 different survey questions asked in international public opinion polls to provide a tentative empirical glimpse of how our FRC version of legitimacy could be operationalised and tested. The paper concludes with a discussion of the usefulness of the FRC scheme in imposing some order on the legitimacy concept and in illuminating the recent legitimacy problems afflicting the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that there is an emerging consensus among realists that the US should abandon its hegemonic strategy and adopt an offshore balancing strategy. Here, Iraq and the so called war on terrorism (or long war, or global counter-insurgency, as some American officials sometimes refer to it) have been the catalysts. Increasingly, it is recognised that US aims in the Persian Gulf/Middle East and the American military presence in the region have fuelled terrorism, and caused Iran to self-defensively seek to acquire a nuclear weapons capability. A number of leading realists now argue that the best strategy for the US is to extricate itself from Iraq, reduce its regional footprint, and adopt an offshore balancing strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of China is seen by some observers as a precursor of inevitable hegemonic competition in East Asia. At the very least, it seems likely that China's influence in East Asia will grow at the expense of the United States. Whether this will eventually amount to a form of hegemonic transition is far less clear. It is, therefore, an opportune moment to consider the relative strengths and weaknesses of China and the US in East Asia. This paper suggests that the nature of hegemonic competition and transition is more uncertain and complex than some of the most influential theoretical understandings of hegemony would have us believe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the demise of the dollar has been predicted in the past, expectations of a fundamental change in the international role of the dollar are increasingly widespread, and eminently plausible. From a situation where the dollar was the undisputed and dominant international currency, one likely scenario is that it will become one of several key currencies that could be characterized as 'peer competitors'. This raises the question: does it matter? In particular, does it matter for US power? This paper reviews why the dollar's status might change, from that of a 'top' to a 'negotiated' currency. It then considers the consequences-the loss of economic benefits and structural power, and the costs associated with managing a currency in (relative) decline and eroding international prestige. I conclude that, even as the dollar is likely to remain the world's most widely used international currency, the vulnerability of the greenback presents a potentially significant and underappreciated restraint on contemporary American political and military predominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper strives to reconstruct the digital divide discourse from a Gramscian perspective in relation to educators' role in cultural force in the process of hegemonic dominance. Educators either serve the interest of ruling elites and help the maintenance of ideological hegemony or counter-serve hegemonic forces by breaking the cycle of dehumanization and oppression. In essence, the digital divide discourse and its popularization were perceived as a product of ideological hegemony. In order to analyze the digital divide discourse, this paper looked at the current literature related to digital divide, and then examined technology's historical relations with the hegemonic power structure. The contemporary United States society and its dominant discourse on the digital divide and how other social determinants related to the class structure are being ignored in the process of approaching this social problem are also analyzed. Finally the paper discussed how educators need to deal with and challenge educational inequities in the new alteration process of hegemonic structure that has a strong dialectical relation with the new technological advancement. This discussion is one attempt to participate in its rearrangement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the theoretical and policy implications of contemporary American hegemony. A key argument is that the development ofUS hegemony generally, and the distinctive turn in US foreign policy that has occurred in the wake of 11 September in particular, can best be understood by placing recent events in a comparative and historical framework. The immediate post-World War II order laid the foundations of a highly institutionalised multilateral system that provided key benefits for a number of countries while simultaneously constraining and enhancing US power. An historical reading of US hegemony suggests that its recent unilateralism is undermining the foundations of its power and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under George W. Bush, the United States has chosen to revolutionize world affairs by abandoning successful forms of hegemonic governance, based on the institutionalization of collective economic and security regimes, in favor of militarism, or the pursuit of global domination through force. Starting from a critique of structuralist approaches, this paper examines the ideational transformation of the American right and situates it within the context of the US's emergence in 1991 as a unipolar strategic actor and as the core state in the newly globalized capitalist political economy. While these synchronous transformations considerably augmented America's autonomy, giving the US the opportunity to reconfigure the world system to its advantage, one must distinguish between the current imperial expansionism of the revived and expanded US national security state and earlier forms of US hegemonic rule. The aim: to account for a fundamental shift of the way in which the US has governed the capitalist world system since 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that conflicting assessments of the impacts of free trade in North America are incomplete because they do not analyse these effects in light of the key long term U.S. goal: the reconstruction of U.S. hegemony that was under siege by Japan and Europe. The declining competitiveness of U.S. raw materials supply systems badly damaged U.S. hegemony during the 1970s and 1980s. The original U S. strategy was to create a continental energy market to reduce overseas oil imports, guarantee access to oil and natural gas from Canada and Mexico, and reduce price instability. The evolution into broader agreements reflected the interests of other U.S. industries and the efforts of Canadian and Mexican states and firms to capture benefits from restructuring. This paper analyses the role continental integration of raw materials industries played in strategic efforts to reconstruct U S. hegemony and the consequences of these efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream IR/IPE views the world from the perspective of states and statesmen, and accepts uncritically the articulation of modern states with capitalism. In this paper, I adopt a Gramscian perspective from which it becomes possible to interpret the resistance of popular movements - labor unions, environmental and human rights groups, citizen activists, and others - to the transnational liberal agenda of states and multinational capital. I argue that proponents and critics of the North American Free Trade Agreement emphasized different aspects of liberal 'common sense' and envisioned different possible worlds in presenting their cases to the US public. Although they were unable to block Congressional approval of NAFTA in the US, treaty opponents did articulate more explicitly a central tension of liberal capitalism, counterposing the common sense value of 'democracy' to liberalism's traditional valorization of private property and envisioning a transnational political project involving participatory linkages among unionists, activists and citizens across North America. Situating their critique of NAFTA within this tension, they began to make a counter-hegemonic project - organized around the extension and deepening of democracy - more thinkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the postwar era, many realists and liberals have maintained the fiction of American hegemony. They have described it as the keystone to global political and economic stability.1 They have also worried that US hegemony was in decline. In the 1970s, these fears were triggered by the resurgence of Germany and Japan, and in the last decade, by the remarkable rise of China. We contend that US hegemony, to the extent it ever existed, was a shortlived postwar phenomenon; that the US frequently behaved in ways that has threatened the order it is allegedly committed to upholding; that hegemony is unnecessary - perhaps inimical - to global stability; and that the functions associated with hegemony have in practice become increasingly diffused among the great powers. Conceptually, the commitment to hegemony stands in the way of our understanding of contemporary international relations. Substantively, it offers an inappropriate and unrealistic role model for American policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the convergence of inequality across social and economic dimensions in the United States. Chief among these are wealth accumulation, labor, and education. Specifically, I discuss the transference of wealth to the top of the income hierarchy, the automation and polarization of labor, and threats to public education. Additionally, I implicate neoliberalism in this multidimensional decline of social privileges, and I conclude with a glimpse into a dystopian future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a reply of the author regarding views expressed on his religious thoughts. He says the journal article is not a useful format for pursuing disputes involving both major issues of the logic of social explanation and technical considerations of data preparation and analysis. The author says that social considerations often seem more germane than the rational choices of autonomous individuals. Diversity of the new world may be more apparent than real is that some of it is due to racial and ethnic duplication. His essay questioned the stereotypes of old world as religious hegemony and new world as competitive pluralism. It identified considerable diversity within British religion and raised the point that the religious diversity of the United States as a whole may not be reflected at the local levels where choices are made. He also pointed that in a general critique of rational choice models of human behavior, he has suggested that they represent an economics rather than a sociology view of human behavior.

Copyright of Revista Científica General José María Córdova is the property of Escuela Militar de Cadetes General Jose Maria Cordova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the sphere of International Political Economy the concept of hegemony has been discussed by various authors almost always taking as a starting point the turbulent 1970s, which seemed to set the decline of the United States as world power. The global crisis of 2008-2009 has been reliving the theme. The aim of this paper is to analyze the concept of hegemony and question whether the United States is still hegemonic within the world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an expanded, more thorough version of a paper presented at the Seminar on Development Theory about the international crisis, hosted by the UNAM Institute for Economic Research. It includes a historical and theoretical introduction, followed by three parts and a. brief conclusion. The three parts are a) relations between the world crisis and the U.S. economy; b) the current course of the crisis, its localization in Western Europe, and probable international consequences, and c) the consequences for Mexico in the more general framework of Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Persian Gulf, regarded as the "heart" of the Middle East, witnessed the struggle of regional hegemony that took place between Iran and Iraq, which are the two important representatives of Arabic and Persian culture, during the 20th century. The balances in the area changed drastically with the United States of America's (USA) invasion of Iraq in 2003. One of the most important results of the war is that Iran, seizing the opportunity for strategic expansion in the Middle East in general and in the Persian Gulf in particular, attained indisputable supremacy against Iraq. After the invasion of Iraq The Teheran administration started to reshape its relations with Iraq. Iran's Iraqi policy on the subjects such as Iraqi Shiites, Northern Iraqi Regional Kurdish Administration, economic and commercial relationships is analyzed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stereotype of immigrants as a \"criminal threat\" has armed anti-immigrant sentiment and policy despite social scientists having consistently demonstrated that immigrants are less likely to engage in crime than are their U.S.-born counterparts. This paper critically examines the link between immigrants and crime, paying special attention to two periods of high immigration to the U.S. During the 19th century through the early 20th century, mostly ethnic white European and Asia immigrants were victims of interethnic and racial violence, culminating in policies that restricted Asians, and prompted mass expulsions of mostly Mexicanos. By the late 20th century and into the 21st century, Latinos and Asians entered en masse. The ensuing anti-immigrant sentiment and policies that sought to disenfranchise these groups, coupled with the rhetoric that evolved from \"alien\" to \"criminal alien,\" have progressively served to justify the expansion of enforcement-only policies that include workplace and home sweeps, deportation, and increasingly, detention. Arguably, these forms of policing, along with contemporary immigration policies, have given rise to, and fueled, the Immigration Industrial Complex-an industry based on immigrant detainees and supported by Congressional powers. I argue that, like the rise of the Prison Industrial Complex, that along with the \"war on drugs\" sought to eradicate the potential political threat of post-civil rights era young black males, the Immigration Industrial Complex is a system that is being used to eradicate Latino immigrants from society; to stifle their potential social advancement stemming from the Browning of America, an imminent and perilous demographic, political, and economic threat to the degenerating white hegemonic order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On May 24, 2010, a nineteen-year-old American soldier stationed in Okinawa became the first American military serviceman to be tried by a group of lay assessors in Japan. In fact, he became the first American armed force personnel to be tried by the people's adjudicative panel in East Asia. After many years of the public demand for the establishment of equitable lay judge systems, the Japanese government finally introduced two systems of lay adjudication -- Saiban-in Seido (a lay assessor system) and a new Kensatsu Shinsakai (Prosecutorial Review Commissions (PRC) or a revised grand jury system) in 2009. This paper argues that those twin systems of lay adjudication in Japan will have a significant democratizing effect in Okinawa. Given the fact that the Japanese public was rarely given an opportunity to present their sentiments or common sense judgments in a Japanese courtroom, the lay assessor system can revitalize Japan's democratic process in criminal justice proceedings. The new grand jury system (PRC) will equally be empowered to influence the prosecutor's use of discretion in making indictment decisions. Even the prosecutors will not be given unbridled authority, because, under the new PRC grand jury law, the Japanese prosecutors' non-indictment decisions in criminal cases involving military personnel can be challenged and possibly reversed by the citizen panel. The Japanese prosecutors will then be bound by the commission's decision to prosecute and must initiate the investigative process to again begin the prosecution of accused American servicemen. These two lay justice systems may then help to restore a strong sense of social independence, political sovereignty, and the right to self-determination for the people in the island of Okinawa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the potential effects that the systemic developments stemming from the global financial crisis and the August war are likely to have in Georgia, within a context of hegemonic stability theoretical fundamentals. According to this perspective, both events have undermined the role of the US as the sole world hegemon. As a result, the Western strategic priorities toward the Caucasus are likely to shift, to the detriment of the special relationship between the Saakashvili administration and the US. To demonstrate this, the analysis will focus on the case study provided by energy- and transit-related Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), as the Georgian political and economic dependence on a geopolitical rent is strongly connected to them and is likely to disappear in the aftermath of the recent events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much queer theory in America is based on white male experience and privilege, excluding people of color and severely limiting its relevance to third-world activism. Within the last decade and a half, chronicles from gay lesbian bisexual transgender intersex queer (GLBTIQ) communities within the South Asian diaspora in the United States have appeared, but the richness and contradictions that characterize these communities have been stifled. Too often, the limitations due to undertheorized South Asian-American lesbian, bisexual, and transsexual histories—compounded by a queer canon overwrought with the East/West and tradition/modern equations—render queer South Asian-Americans as a monolithic homogenous category with little or no agency. In this paper, I visit paradoxes, difficulties, unity, and diversity by unraveling the lives of two gender-queer-identified second-generation South Asian-American "women," Rupa and Ronica. This article addresses the ways in which an often invisible and marginalized group—gender-queer second-generation South Asian-Amer- icans—accepts, manipulates, and resists hegemonic powers. I accomplish this by presenting partial data from a year-long cross-national feminist ethnographic study conducted in 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops and tests a fuzzy multi-criteria model of arms transfer decision-making. The model is adapted to SIPRI's three main arms export patterns—hegemonic, industrial, and restrictive—and tested for its ability to predict the arms transfer strategies of the United States, France, and West Germany for importers of the Third World during the years 1950-1976. Ninety strategies are predicted, with an overall success rate of 87%. The model outperforms several naive models (including an autoregressive model) and an expected-utility model. The multi-criteria versus expected-utility tests center on the U.S.'s hegemonic pattern and indicate that the strategies chosen by the U.S. for importers of Central America were guided by geostrategic and regional stability considerations. Other analyses reveal that the differences between the success rates of the multi-criteria submodels (one submodel per exporter) are not statistically significant and that the best predictor for an exporter is the submodel prepared specifically for that exporter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hemispheric & Polar Studies Journal / Revista Estudios Hemisféricos y Polares is the property of Centro de Estudios Hemisfericos y Polares and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the Matthew Kroenig develops an argument he labels the ‘‘superiority-brinkmanship synthesis theory'' to unite two long-standing US objectives with regard to its nuclear-armed adversaries. Topics include the first and primary objective is to prevent nuclear war; and the second is that if nuclear war should occur, the United States must seek to limit damage to itself and its allies to the greatest extent possible.

Copyright of ANAFORA is the property of Anafora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The US and India have become closer in recent times. Compared with the last century, the relationship between the two countries is in steady growth. Under both the Bush and Obama administrations, and now the Trump administration too, India is receiving significant importance in US' strategic policy toward the Indo–Pacific. India's emergence as a credible power in the Indian Ocean region has brought both countries much closer. The relationship has also steadily progressed as result of China's emergence as a potential hegemon in Asia. The US faces difficulty in maintaining its preponderant position across the Indo–Pacific and requires strong allies in the region to help share the burden. In this regard, India could be the offshore balancer in Asia to counter China's emergence as a potential hegemon in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article revisits the two seminal Alien Tort Statute (ATS) cases Filártiga v. Peña-Irala and In re: Marcos Human Rights Litigation. Setting aside the dominant framework of accountability, the article explores the historical narratives produced in those cases. It exposes how Filártiga and Marcos recast as entirely foreign violence in which the US executive was deeply involved, due to a combination of legal and political constraints in the exercise of a controversial form of jurisdiction. Moreover, these constraints have persisted in subsequent ATS litigation, creating a trade-off between individual accountability and narratives about US hegemony. By offering an alternative account of ATS litigation and exposing hitherto ignored costs of familiar legal developments, this article challenges the assumption that broad assertions of jurisdiction are necessarily beneficial in human rights struggles, and urges international lawyers to pay more attention to the interplay among doctrine, political circumstances and historical narrative when considering and comparing human rights mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American distaste for tragedy has led US strategists and policymakers to mistake mere force for power. Understanding the difference between force and power is vital to America's rise as a durable and balanced global power, and not merely as a forceful hegemon. This understanding is all the more imperative at a time of compounding global security challenges and austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the political cost of Western orientation in Qatar. It says that surveys by the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESRI) of Qatar University showed that confidence in government institutions had grown in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It states that Qatar has maintained peaceful relationship with Iran, to the annoyance of the U.S. It adds that leadership in Qatar faces dilemma including English-language hegemony, campaigns against alcohol, and equal wages.

This paper examines the U.S. hegemonic role in imposing its copyright standards onto the Chinese, who hold fundamentally different cultural perceptions of copyright in terms of innovation, fair use, and the public domain. A thematic analysis of the transcripts of 45 in-depth interviews of the Chinese copyright holders and consumers via the theoretical lens of hegemony reveals the following. To obtain bigger market access and better protection of its intellectual property rights (IPR), the United States Trade Representative (USTR) has been coercive in universalizing its IPR standards and policies by establishing an internal interagency mechanism and an external network. The study suggests that both the United States and China need to adopt the golden mean to realize the goals of its respective copyright laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Enfoques: Ciencia Política y Administración Pública is the property of Universidad Central de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)