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The content of 'O' and 'A' level papers on modern British and European History set by two GCE Examination Boards was analysed to find out what particular aspects of the past were emphasised and thus to throw light on the experience of history as a subject which was gained by the candidates. These papers, which are taken by the great majority of the candidates, were found to be dominated by political history, up to 77% of the questions being devoted to the affairs of governments and political leaders. Foreign politics was especially important in papers on European history reaching as high as 44% of the questions set and domestic politics was central to papers on British history attaining means in different groups of papers between 40 and 50%. At the end of the article the wisdom of the approach to school history evident in these papers is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research was to identify how the use of a debate-based course delivery approach merged with a flipped classroom model influenced the students' academic outcomes and motivation in relation to their intelligence type and how the sampled students perceived the course delivery approach and certain debate-related activities. Sampled students' academic performance records, an evaluation survey to obtain students' feedback on both the course delivery approach and the effectiveness of the activities like 'Think-Pair-Share', 'Write-Pair-Share', 'Illogical story-telling', 'Treasure Hunt', case-study, 'One Minute Paper', 'Attitude/motivation test battery' as intelligence type-based diagnostics of learners' motivation, and a focus-group semi-structured interview were used as the instruments. SPSS 10.0.5 computer statistical package was used to process data. The use of debates to deliver the instructional content to the tertiary students can be considered a three-vector approach capable to bring a positive change to learning motivation, cognitive (intellectual) activity, self-esteem (self-efficacy) of a student and the overall quality of the vocational training system of the historians and lawyers-to-be. This study boosts the methodology of vocational training of the students majoring in humanities like History/Law in terms of fostering the 21st century-competencies and it adds a different perspective to the theory on relation between the type of intelligence and skills. This approach fosters learner autonomy and positive perception of challenging educational activities. It was found that it was prerequisite for the success of the above approach that there was a well-trained debate moderator, and debate-procedure-aware and trained students. The further research is needed in purposeful introduction of NLP training into the above model and examination its impacts.

During the launch era of the European Union, there were unsuccessful attempts to make spatial planning part of the European project. This paper identifies three subsequent phases of integration. During the doldrums era, initiatives were channelled through the Council of Europe. Since the start of the boom era, spatial planning has been related to EU cohesion policy. As we move into the fourth phase, characterised by doubts about integration, what does the future bring? The Lisbon Treaty settles the issue of a lack of competence, but uncertainty continues because the future of cohesion policy as such is unsettled. While the journey continues, will it be retained, and if so, what will the role of territorial cohesion policy be? Will territorial cohesion policy be barely tolerated, or will it become a mainstay of cohesion policy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the nuances of summit diplomacy in regional formats within Central Europe, with a particular emphasis on the Visegrád Group (V4), the Bucharest Nine (B9), and the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) from 2015 to 2023. Though each format functions differently, all rely on summit diplomacy to achieve their objectives. The article aims to explore the reasons why informal regional formats are frequently implemented in this region. The study conducts a thorough review of existing literature. It systematically analyses past instances of the selected formats, considering variables such as meeting frequency, location, and the level of representation. Based on the adopted definition of summit diplomacy, this article classifies the meetings of the highest level during the specified period as personal meetings between political leaders from at least two countries with official, state roles, such as presidents, prime ministers, or ministers. These leaders hold significant power to shape their country’s foreign policy and influence the legal and political order through summit decisions, while engaging with counterparts from other nations. The paper also highlights the variations between the above-mentioned formats in Central Europe, including the differences in meeting frequency, level of representation, and the number of participating states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 16 April 2020, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) released preliminary figures2 according to which the collective Official Development Assistance (ODA) from the European Union (EU) and its Member States to developing countries amounted to 75.2 billion in 2019, representing 55.2% of global assistance. The EU and its Member States therefore maintain their position as the largest international aid donor. In spite of the vast amount of resources spent annually by the EU, there is widespread perception that the EU punches below its weight. Notwithstanding the undeniable positive impact that the EU external policies have on the ground, the EU's role in international development remains mostly invisible. This paper presents the perception of the EU and EU's policies abroad and makes the case for the necessity of an integrated and fully coordinated EU Public Diplomacy (PD) capable of communicating effectively and strengthening EU's role as a global actor. It argues that culture has a substantial potential in Europe's international relations, making the case for the necessity of an integrated and tailor-made EU Cultural Diplomacy. This paper shows that culture is a worthwhile investment in driving economic growth. Failure to capitalise on this would be a huge missed opportunity for Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Investigación en Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Asuncion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper develops the concept of spatial imaginations as the constructions of places as meaningful entities that establish identities of self and other through particular narratives and associated practices. It argues that traditionally, International Relations has ignored question of space despite their obvious centrality to the discipline. This has changed with the "spatial turn", which has its precursors in critical scholarship, especially drawing on sociology and political geography. The paper traces these contributions to the conceptual development of space in its material and discursive dimensions. It proposes that spatial imaginations are central to relations between "Turkey" and "Europe", establishing both as meaningful yet contested entities. In the works collated in the special issue of which this paper serves as an introduction, we may thus see facets of three core claim of the spatial turn: that space matters, that space needs to be made, and that spaces need to be formed. Against the prevailing attempts to fix the meaning of the spaces of "Turkey" and "Europe", I end with a plea to provide room for the articulation of a multiplicity of spatial imaginations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts / Glasnik Etnografskog Instituta SANU is the property of Institute of Ethnography, SASA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article the authors comments on the papers about the aftermath war in Europe. They emphasize that the papers show reasons to study reconstruction work of the postwar in the region. Also taken into account is the multi-dimensional nature of a history of relief, requiring reference to the directives of great leaders and international relations that the papers are explored.

Ever since its inception, the EMU has been subject to controversy. The fiscal policy rules embedded in the Maastricht Treaty, and clarified in the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), are probably the most contentious. The SGP has constantly been accused of being too rigid and of forcing procyclicality in fiscal policy. However, in an influential paper Galí and Perotti () concluded that discretionary fiscal policy has actually become more countercyclical in EMU countries since the Maastricht Treaty. This paper argues that this conclusion stands up to several robustness tests using ex-post data, including the use of institutional variables, but not to the use of real-time data. Using ex-post data, there is some evidence pointing to a more countercyclical use of discretionary fiscal policy (or at least to less use of procyclical discretionary fiscal policy). However, the use of real-time data for the period 1999–2006 reveals that discretionary fiscal policy has been designed to be procyclical. Hence, the actual acyclical behaviour of discretionary fiscal policy in the period after 1999 seems to be simply the result of errors in forecasting the output gap, and not the result of a change in the intentions of policy-makers. As a result, there is no evidence to support the view that Maastricht rules have forced euro-area policy-makers to change their behaviour and design countercyclical discretionary fiscal policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: In the treatment of colorectal cancer, classic chemotherapy drugs such as 5-fluorouracil, capecitabine, irinotecan, oxaliplatin, trifluridine, and tipiracil have played a crucial role. Through the analysis of the top 100 most influential articles, we examined the evolution in research and current relevance, confirming the continued significance of this group of drugs despite the emergence of new treatments. The research reveals global collaboration among institutions, countries (primarily the United States, China, and Europe), and researchers, with three main themes driving the study: pharmacogenetics, new pharmaceutical formulations, and the use of adjuvants. In the landscape of colorectal cancer treatment, classical chemotherapeutic agents such as 5-fluorouracil, capecitabine, irinotecan, oxaliplatin, trifluridine, and tipiracil have historically played a pivotal role. This study presents a comprehensive bibliometric analysis of the top 100 most influential articles focusing on these classic chemotherapy drugs in the management of colorectal cancer. With this, we shed light on their current importance, despite the emergence of new therapeutic targets and treatments in the field of oncology. Systematically evaluating research outputs, this analysis reveals a prevalence of co-authorship among institutions, countries (led by the United States, China, and Europe), and researchers highlighting the global and collaborative nature of efforts in research, utilization, and development of these drugs. Three thematic axes lead the research: pharmacogenetics, the development of new pharmaceutical forms, and the use of adjuvants. This research serves as a foundation for future endeavors, aiding researchers, clinicians, and policymakers in making informed decisions about the direction of research and development in the dynamic field of colorectal cancer therapy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term of "globalization" has been very much used in recent days in order to explain a series of phenomena, especially from the economic field. Indeed, after a thorough research, globalization could be mostly relegated to the economic field. However, the term can also designate a series of other processes, from other fields of activities. The present paper shall deal with an analysis of two economic colossus - the European Union and China by applying to them the variable of "globalization". It is globalization that made possible the establishment of such relations, as well as their effective management and constant improvement. Even if the relations have had their ups and downs, the general framework provided by globalization helped appease conflicts when they were about to break out, and even offered an alternative to situations which seemed impossible to manage (as is the arms embargo). The paper shall be structured as follows: an analysis of the term from several perspectives, including the social and economic one, followed by its application to the given situation: the European Union- Chinese relations. In this regard, given time and space constraints, we shall limit the research to only two types of cooperation: economic and political and security-related cooperation. The final chapter of the paper shall also refer to several elements of discontent within this relation, such as the arms embargo, the disrespect for human rights in China and the unstable situation of Taiwan. However, these elements of discontent shall only be referred to when necessary, leaving a deeper analysis of them to a future academic endeavor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the large-scale investments of both China and the EU in climate-change mitigation and renewable-energy promotion, the prevailing view on China-EU relations is one of conflict rather than cooperation. In order to evaluate the prospects of cooperation between China and the EU in these policy fields, empirical research has to go beyond simplistic narratives. This paper suggests a conceptual apparatus that will help researchers better understand the complexities of the real world. The relevant actors operate at different levels and in the public and private sectors. The main message of the paper is that combining the multilevel governance and value-chain approaches helps clarify the multiple relationships between these actors [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to emphasize the importance of the creation of a pluralistic security community, the security order and institutional structures of a multipolar Europe, the pattern of diplomatic and strategic interactions in the European security system, the performative role of security representations, the creation of a regional security community, and the prospects for intense security competition. In the first part of the article, I shall focus on the creation of security communities, the complexities of international politics in the contemporary European security system, the crucial factors affecting the prospects for peace and security in Europe, the link between internal security concerns and external relations, and the importance of the state as a provider of security. In the final portion of the article, I explore and describe the subjective nature of human security, the nature and dynamics of contemporary European security, and the impact of security competition between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a novel and simple measure of the world's economic centre of gravity. Over the recent decades, this centre has shifted towards Asia, but is still located in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to identify those factors that cause changes in the speed and strength of the international transmission of output shocks from the USA to specified European economies. These factors are identified through the use of generalized impulse response functions conditioned on histories defined by an abrupt transition VAR. The chosen transition variables comprise changes in exchange rates, financial prices, international capital flows, trade links and monetary policy instruments. Besides the identification of asymmetric responses, the proposed model is useful in analyzing the strong effect of the recent US recession on the European economies and changes in business cycle synchronization over time. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a quarterly global model combining individual country vector error-correcting models in which the domestic variables are related to the country-specific foreign variables. The global VAR (GVAR) model is estimated for 26 countries, the euro area being treated as a single economy, over the period 1979–2003. It advances research in this area in a number of directions. In particular, it provides a theoretical framework where the GVAR is derived as an approximation to a global unobserved common factor model. Using average pair-wise cross-section error correlations, the GVAR approach is shown to be quite effective in dealing with the common factor interdependencies and international co-movements of business cycles. It develops a sieve bootstrap procedure for simulation of the GVAR as a whole, which is then used in testing the structural stability of the parameters, and for establishing bootstrap confidence bounds for the impulse responses. Finally, in addition to generalized impulse responses, the current paper considers the use of the GVAR for ‘structural’ impulse response analysis with focus on external shocks for the euro area economy, particularly in response to shocks to the US. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of evidence and expertise in policy-making has been of interest to public health professionals and political scientists alike. The public health community often sees its efforts as part of a linear knowledge transfer process and tends to blame itself for inadequate communication or translation of its arguments to policy-makers' language when its efforts fail. Political science, especially theories of the policy process, offer alternative perspectives to explain the success or failure of experts' preferred policy goals. This paper focuses on the concept of epistemic communities (groups of experts with a common policy goal derived from their shared knowledge) in policy-making, drawing on examples from the field of health technology assessment in Europe. By combining the parsimony and the central focus on experts of the linear knowledge transfer model with the recognition of complexity of political science, the epistemic communities concept provides a useful structure for the public health community to analyze its efforts to influence policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the second half of the 1990s, cross-sectoral, sectoral and company-level bargaining has developed into a key movement in transnational industrial relations in the European Union. Originally stimulated by EU institutions, these forms of bargaining have since progressed autonomously. At present, it is difficult to say exactly what effect, if any, they can have on individual working conditions. Based on a 2005 report to the European Commission, this paper argues for EU legislative action to create an optional framework for transnational collective bargaining, in the form of a Council regulation to be adopted under the social and economic cohesion chapters of the EU Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - This paper sets out to consider the scale and scope of the value relationship functions of trading partners and of their connected relationships created in a cross-cultural framework. Design/methodology/approach - Using a previously-developed framework of relationship and network functions the paper presents the findings from a database of connected relationships. The perceived importance of relationship functions are compared for buyers and sellers from Europe and China. Findings - It was found that direct functions are more important than indirect functions. There are some differences in perceived importance of functions for buyers and sellers. There are also cross-national differences in ratings across a range of functions. It is speculated that differences are driven by cultural differences, differing degrees of internationalisation, length of relationships and nature of home market mechanisms. Research limitations/implications - Further research is needed to explain how desired and actual relationship functions vary under different market and relationship circumstances and the implications of discrepancies between what suppliers and customers perceive their important functions are and what their counterparts perceive and desire. Future research should also consider the dysfunctions of relationships. Research comparing different parts of China, arguably more diverse than many European countries, should also be undertaken. Practical implications - The differences between the Chinese and European samples are less than expected. This indicates that business models of relationship functions developed for Western business may be more applicable to China than originally thought and there may be more common ground in international business than has been previously indicated. Originality/value - The paper simultaneously considers the cultural and role differences of relational functioning. The findings are highly generalizable. This enables application of the findings to a diverse range of international business relationships and the possibility for managers to re-evaluate their international relationship management strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a rather unambitious working document,[4.5pc] theEuropean Commission (2002)has presented its analysis of globalization and views on how Europe should respond to its challenges. Provoked by the blandness of this disappointing report, this paper examines whether the EU has other options than pursuing its current policies, which stay within the framework of neoliberal globalization and are roughly equivalent to the ones followed and propagated by the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the manner in which the east of Europe has been theorized in the post cold war environment, and the implications for our understanding of the relationship between east and west. It argues that hegemonic discourses of neoliberalism lend a quality of inevitability to the integration of east into west, which in turn leads to a singular conception of Europe at the end of a trajectory of development. The paper argues that the relationship of western Europe to eastern Europe is more fruitfully explored through the conceptual framework of a center to its margins, which allows for a broader range of analysis on the issues – conceptual and implementational – at stake in transition processes, and which will allow for a theoretical exploration of where power is located and exercised. Because eastern Europe is understood in scholarly and policy communities as politically and geographically European, the study of postcommunist transition in Europe falls outside the purview of a development studies community that is increasingly focused on the emerging north/south divide. In a scholarly environment where the East/West divide no longer constitutes a salient focus of study, there is a need for the development of a framework that will provide a richer understanding of the reconstituted relationships being formed in Europe in the post-cold war environment. This paper argues that the social, economic, and political impact of disciplinary neoliberalism in eastern Europe can benefit from an analysis that takes into consideration the Eurocentric, disciplinary power that lies at the core of the transition process. Toward this end, it is necessary to query the discursive foundations of what constitutes the `properly European' in order to develop a framework for a more fruitful course of analysis with respect to the relationship between Europe and its fluctuating eastern margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The European Organisation for Research and Treatment of Cancer (EORTC) Group has developed a new multidimensional instrument measuring cancer-related fatigue to be used in conjunction with the quality of life core questionnaire (EORTC QLQ-C30). The module EORTC QLQ-FA13 assesses physical, cognitive, and emotional aspects of cancer-related fatigue.Methods: The methodology follows the EORTC guidelines for phase IV validation of modules. This paper focuses on the results of the psychometric validation of the factorial structure of the module. For validation and cross-validation confirmatory factor analysis (maximum likelihood estimation), intraclass correlation and Cronbach alpha for internal consistency were employed. The study involved an international multicenter collaboration of 11 European and non-European countries.Results: A total of 946 patients with various tumor diagnoses were enrolled. Based on the confirmatory factor analysis, we could approve the three-dimensional structure of the module. Removing one item and reassigning the factorial mapping of another item resulted in the EORTC QLQ-FA12. For the revised scale, we found evidence supporting good local (indicator reliability ≥ 0.60, factor reliability ≥ 0.82) and global model fit (GFI t1|t2 = 0.965/0.957, CFI t1|t2 = 0.976/0.972, RMSEA t1|t2 = 0.060/0.069) for both measurement points. For each scale, test-retest reliability proved to be very good (intraclass correlation: R t1-t2 = 0.905-0.921) and internal consistency proved to be good to high (Cronbach alpha = .79-.90).Conclusion: Based on the former phase III module, the multidimensional structure was revised as a phase IV module (EORTC FA12) with an improved scale structure. For a comprehensive validation of the EORTC FA12, further aspects of convergent and divergent validity as well as sensitivity to change should be determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe has been recently shaken by the great number of persons coming from Syria and neighbouring countries which were calling themselves "refugees". According to the United Nations Refugee Agency, since 2015 more than 1 million refugees travelled to Greece. This paper aims to analyze the notion of "refugees" in light of international legal instruments applicable and to draw up distinctions between different categories of migrant persons and those who are really refugees and may apply for international protection under the 1951 UN Convention on refugees. The distinction regarding the use of terms is relevant for shaping the legal status of different persons who leave their country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently the issue of international policy coordination has been a major topic in the literature. Mostly Europe is treated as one bloc and characterized by real wage rigidity (RWR). In this paper it is shown that this may be too simple and lead to counter-productive policy conclusions. Relaxation of the RWR assumption reverses the policy conclusions. More specifically, if one allows for regional differences within Europe and for the dependence of the indexation mechanism on the level of actual inflation the conclusions on policy coordination may be more realistic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about the Asian influence in Europe is presented. It talks about the Tartar influence in European Russia. The author discusses his travels through Russia and the crossing of the Caucasus Mountains into Europe. Subjects of the paper also include tribes of Jews in the mountains, the Armenian Plain, and Tartar mill-work.

This paper follows the development of international cooperation in Europe in the field of the teaching of history from the end of the Great War to the beginning of the 21st century. The impetus for this arose from the traumatic shared experiences and memories caused by the events of the years 1914–1918. The aim was to use education in schools to prevent circumstances that might lead to the incitement of feelings of enmity towards other nations. From the year 1925, the official date of the establishment of the Casarov declaration of the Unity of states to the second world war there were few if any successes in this. However immediately at the start of 1946 UNESCO took charge of these initiatives as a direct result the interwar attempts. In reality European cooperation was soon to be hampered for almost half a century by the bipolar separation of Europe and the world. A deeper level of cooperation began to develop in western Europe in the 1960s and 70s and also the beginnings of the first steps towards cooperation between East and West. A further impetus was of course provided by the fall of the communist regime in Europe and today’s cooperation is many-sided. Nevertheless a true wholly European history text book or curriculum is still a long way away. It appears that supranational regional textbooks are much more efficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Slavica Litteraria is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Populist parties are often seen as a threat to liberal democracy domestically, and in the international arena, they are often accused of unwillingness to support a liberal international order. We study how what we know about foreign policy preferences of populist parties is driven by how we study the phenomenon; and how we can fix the shortcomings which exist in the literature. To sketch a future research agenda, we first conduct a systematic review of the literature on the foreign policy views of populist parties in Europe and investigate how what we know is driven by how we know it. We look at the themes of foreign policy, research methods, as well as the parties and countries in researchers' focus. Our findings indicate that skewed focus on particular countries and parties combined with a uniform use of methods contributes to a lack of detailed understanding of populist views on foreign policies. We propose future avenues of research into the foreign policy views of populist parties, including a diversification of methods and more in-depth empirical and cross-national studies on specific themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on the book "Global Competitive Strategies in the new World Economy: Multilateralism, Regionalization and the Transnational Firm," edited by Hafiz Mirza. In this book nineteen papers seek to understand the strategies of transnational firms in an evolving international environment, where issues of globalization, regionalism, and muitilateralism have become salient. Papers also examines the complex relationship between conflict and cooperation that characterizes firms, nation states and supranational groupings, Samsung Group's views on global regionalization strategies, the strategies of transnational corporations in Europe, North America and Asia.

The paper examines why Western culture achieved a position of hegemony in global development in the 1800s and why non-Western cultures, particularly Arabic, Indian, and Chinese cultures, did not achieve the same despite earlier supremacy in various fields leading to a type of globalization that can be termed "southernization." I consider the question by assessing the political, cultural, and economic factors affecting globalization during different periods. My analysis utilizes Robert P. Clark's entropy theory, according to which cultures have flourished by extending their sphere of influence, whereupon disorder and loss of energy have been moved elsewhere. The theory helps to suggest how Western Europe was able to adopt enough technical innovations produced by southernization to respond to the population pressures of the 1400s, thereby rising to a leading position in the world in the 1800s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After 2007, European Neighbourhood Policy made progress in terms of consolidation and focus. Besides, under the Lisbon Treaty, the ENP became more composite and more or less better defined, improving its monitoring procedures. The European Union tendency to be more effective in promoting growth and prosperity in the neighborhood brought benefits as well as challenges. Thus, under an interpretative methodology authors analyze the existing literature on European Neighbourhood Policy and afferent official European Union documents regarding the foreign policy in order to reflect both opportunities and limitations of the European Neighbourhood Policy implementation in neighbor countries. In fact, present paper is rather a summary of some general outcomes in a country-specific framing (that of Republic of Moldova-the poorest country of Europe). However, at the end of this article we conclude with some strengths that define the European Neighbourhood Policy a coherent and ambitious policy for Moldova despite all global challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The friction that has occurred - and continues to occur - at some of the European Union's internal borders is a reflection of mechanisms for the delegation and transfer of immigration control between member states. This paper addresses these dynamics - defined as "internal externalisation" - through a comparative analysis of the specific management and legal regulation of France's border with Spain and Italy. These two borders are similar in many respects (being two mountain ranges) but are, at the same time, very different (in the geographical intensity of the controls and types of crossings). Comparing them could reveal the border control mechanisms that characterise the subordinate relationships between member states, and which represent true externalisation of the EU's internal borders. Some states are forced to take on the role of containment states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to investigate the extent to which the shift from "government" to "governance" is affected by the Treaty of Lisbon and this in the light of the concept of "governmance". The analysis of the text of the Treaty and the evolution of the decision making processes leads us to notice that, rather than a shift from "government" to "governance", the evolution under way with the Treaty of Lisbon expresses a movement of interactions between both elements, marking perhaps the transformation of governance into a « new European governance » of which certain contours are emerging. This interactive dimension thus attests to the dynamic character underlined in several studies of the European integration process (Jachtenfuchs M & B. Kohler-Koch, 1996, Littoz-Monnet A., 2010). This will then lead us, by way of conclusion, to query the political nature of the European process. Such questioning is justified insofar as the answer to this question constitutes an additional element, making it possible to assess the new balance resulting from the interaction between « government » and « governance » in the European integration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the EU's usage of conditionality for democracy promotion within the European Neighbourhood Policy and its conditions, possibilities and limitations. In doing so, I will first develop a theoretical framework for analysing mechanisms of democracy promotion in general and conditionality as a state-centred, rational-choice mechanism in particular. I will show that, apart from the attractiveness of the incentives, there are other variables crucial for a successful use of conditionality. Furthermore, conditionality might be used as a promising strategy for the formal implementation of democratic institutions. However, in completing the consolidation of democracy, conditionality is highly limited. The empirical part of the paper will focus on EU democracy promotion in Ukraine and the incentives the EU offers to Ukraine instead of a membership perspective. With the help of this case study it will be discussed whether these elements of flexible integration are suitable for promoting democracy. Examples of such incentives are a visa-free regime, a new enhanced agreement, or a free trade area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the long-term impacts of the Columbian Exchange—that is, the exchange of diseases, ideas, food crops, technologies, populations, and cultures between the New World and the Old World after Christopher Columbus' voyage to the Americas in 1492. We focus on the aspects of the exchange that have been most neglected by economic studies; namely the transfer of diseases, food crops, and knowledge between the two Worlds. We pay particular attention to the effects of the exchange on the Old World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following years of compromise, the Treaty of Lisbon finally came into force on December 1, 2009. This article analyses the new substantive law regulations and institutional arrangements of the Lisbon Treaty in the field of external relations and their impact on the effectiveness of the European foreign policy and the European Union as an international actor. For this purpose, this paper starts with analyses of the principle of coherence and continues with the reformed structure and legal personality of the EU, which was previously a serious challenge for the coherence of the EU's foreign policy. Finally, this article examines the functions and implications of institutional innovations, namely, the positions of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the European Council and the European External Action Service. This paper argues that the Treaty of Lisbon improves the preconditions for a higher degree of coherence in European external relations and strengthens the EU as an international actor, even if the success of the European foreign policy, especially in the field of CFSP, still depends to a great extent on the Member States' willingness to cooperate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Along the 20th century, Europe lost its preeminence in international affairs. It was no longer the epicenter of the world, but a mere shadow of its former self. This new Europe was most visible after 1945. During the Cold War, the old continent reached the threshold of its vulnerability, and needed American protection in order to survive, rebuild itself and prosper. After 1989, Europe suffers from security confusion, especially when it comes to its relations with America. Is contemporary Europe capable of ensuring its security without Washington's interventions? Is this scenario desired by the USA, or even by all the European countries? How can the former "axis mundi" redefine itself in terms of security? These are the main questions the present paper is trying to take into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to study opinions and attitudes towards immigrants and minorities and their interactions with other barriers to minorities' economic integration. Specifically, the minority experts' own perceptions about these issues, the veracities and repercussions of unfavorable attitudes of natives are to be considered. Design/methodology/approach -- Employing newly available data from the IZA Expert Opinion Survey 2007 main trends in the integration situation of ethnic minorities in Europe are depicted in a comparative manner. Findings -- Robust findings show that: ethnic minorities face integration problems; natives' general negative attitudes are a key factor of their challenging situation; discrimination is acknowledged as the single most important integration barrier; low education and self-confidence as well as cultural differences also hinder integration; minorities want change and that it comes about by policies based on the principle of equal treatment. Research limitations/implications -- Future research should not only investigate how negative attitudes are formed but also study their dynamics with respect to integration policies. Practical implications -- Well-designed integration policies, that take the specific situation of the respective ethnic minority into account, are persistent and enforcement of anti-discrimination laws is desirable. Originality/value -- Using a unique dataset, the innovative study is the first to gauge the perspectives of expert stakeholders and ethnic minorities on their integration situation and the main barriers that hinder it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]