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The article focuses on military policy of Australia according to the Defence White Paper community consultation program, with topics including Australian Defence Force, and Australia's relation with Indonesia.

This research examines the interpersonal meaning in Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY)'s speech. This is based on the details of speech or writing to define an investigation. The object of this research is the used moods and modality types in interpersonal meaning of SBY's speech under the title "Toward Harmony among Civilizations" by Dr. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The aims of this research are (1) to observe the mood and modality types used in SBY's speech, (2) to observe the dominant mood and modality types in SBY's speech, (3) to describe the interpersonal meaning in case of mood and modality types in SBY's speech. The main sources of data in this study are taken from the SBY's speech at the John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University summit on September 29th, 2009, in Boston, USA. The data then are classified and collected in tabulation. This paper is based on the discourse analysis and systemic functional linguistics approach by Halliday. The writer analyses the speech by SBY mainly from the interpersonal meaning which focuses on the mood and modality types. The results of this research are (1) there are two mood types in interpersonal meaning of SBY's speech namely indicative and imperative type, (2) the dominant mood in SBY's speech is the indicative type which is declarative with the total number of 97 clauses or around 95%, while the dominant used modality is "can". In addition, the overall dominant modality type exists in median degree modality with the total percentage 40,6%, and (3) the researcher discovers the different mood and modality that might affect the value of the speech to the audience.

The article discusses the strategic value and bilateral relationship between Indonesia and Australia.

The literature on the gender gap in political science and international relations (IR) has increased significantly in the last couple of decades. However, little is known about how male and female scholars are publishing their works in non-Western-based IR journals. Our study aims to unpack this by examining publications and authorship patterns in IR journals published in Indonesia. The case study represents a non-English speaking country with pivotal roles in international politics and geopolitical aspects, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. Indonesia is the world's fourth most populous nation and the third largest democracy, located between the Indian Ocean and the China Sea. The country is critical to regional stability and progress in Southeast Asia. Indonesia also has over seventy IR departments in various universities nationwide, and one professional association that aims to support teaching and research on IR. We asked whether men always outnumber women in terms of publishing academic papers. What is the pattern of topics published? And are there any shared interests between the two sexes? Using bibliographic data from seven IR journals published in Indonesia between 2000 and 2019 (N = 783), this paper highlights some key similarities with previous studies in Western societies. The findings suggest women produce fewer articles than men, and 'gender homophily' among men limits women's leadership in scholarly publication. Yet, men and women shared equal interest in topics such as 'security', 'military', and 'governance', indicating that gendered preferences may not always be the best evidence to suggest that IR is a masculine discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of international affairs has found itself increasingly intermingled with local contexts. This condition has led us to a more decentralised approach toward international relations, where more attention is given to the role of subnational units such as city and province. Numerous studies with systemic-level analyses have been dedicated to examining globalisation as a structure and its impact on the emergence of subnational governments in foreign activities, which can also be understood as paradiplomacy. However, there has been limited state-level analysis of how paradiplomacy relates to the evolving state role in the contemporary era. This paper attempts to fill the gap by drawing the experience of Indonesia, a unitary state and an emerging democracy, in reshaping its institutional structures to pave ways for its local governments in conducting paradiplomacy. This exploratory study uses library study to primarily explore official documents on Indonesian regional autonomy, mainly related to international cooperation. This paper asserts that the rise of paradiplomacy in Indonesia is driven by the domestication of global issues, decentralisation of power, and fragmentation of the formerly powerful central agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper aims at opening up opportunities to look for new meanings in Indonesia's relations with Middle Eastern countries, which are no longer a binary opposition, such as the black and white mindset, but are searching for colors and other positive meanings. Many people interpret an entity solely based on a static definition, and it seems monotonous. Deconstruction seeks to offer a new sense through re-actualization, redefinition, and re-interpretation. In general, this paper discusses the "new meaning" of Indonesia's relations with the Middle East. This paper argues that to welcome Society 5.0 through Humanism, both Indonesia and the Middle East share the same opportunity to advance humanism aspects that would apply to that era. Humanism which is being developed, must be controlled by three things: anthropocentric, ecocentric, and theocentric. We need human beings' intelligent role in a society that chooses super-intelligent technology to share ordinary virtues. Hopefully, in the meantime, the Society 5.0 era will bring much help for Indonesia's cooperation with the Middle Eastern countries for a better future for both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "Indo-Pacific" became increasingly significant and was accepted by several countries, including Indonesia. The government welcomed the term as part of its foreign policy projection, which developed its unique perspective or interpretation, including inclusivity, a rule based on international law, and ASEAN's centrality and cooperation for regional growth. This study would answer the question of how the concept of Indo-Pacific will be interpreted within Indonesia's unique context compared to other countries. Thus, this research aimed to describe several key factors in constructing the Indonesian perspective on the Indo-Pacific concept, particularly under President Jokowi's leadership. This research applied qualitative with library methods from the primary and secondary data sources. This paper argued six factors that constructed Indonesia's perspective on Indo-Pacific: maritime historical legacy; the "Bebas-Aktif" principle; ASEAN values; geographical position; and democratic values. The research concluded that Indonesia is one of the major countries that consistently championed the term "Indo-Pacific" within the regional and international spheres, with a "moderate" status in terms of its foreign policy implementation, which is mainly characterized by inclusivity and cooperation in the economy by constructively engaging all countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to describe analytically Indonesia and Russia's bilateral relations, particularly concerning the defense cooperation between the two countries in the Southeast Asian region. Historically, at the beginning of the Cold War, the government of the Soviet Union (currently the Russian Federation) recognized and fully supported the independence of the Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1945. The Soviet Union has never abandoned Indonesia in obtaining international recognition of its independence. The establishment of informal relations between both countries since the first years of the existence of the UN. Postnational reform in 1998, Indonesia has always put forward the concept of a defense strategy without having enemies from any country. A qualitative method and primary data were gathered through interviews with informants from several government institutions. Literature, journals, and related documents are utilized in supporting data analysis. In fact, for more than seventy years' diplomatic relations between the two countries have been established, and importantly, bilateral defense cooperation still needs to be further strengthened, apart from the current sustainable economic cooperation. It has so far been carried out through the procurement of the defense system equipment (alutsista), in line with efforts to increase the capacity and capability of the Indonesian armed forces. Russia recognizes Indonesia's leadership in Southeast Asia and fully supports Indonesia's role in maintaining peace and world order. This study revealed that Southeast Asia's regional stability is secured and has a good impact on international harmony. The role and contribution of defense cooperation between Indonesia and Russia in Southeast Asia need to be developed and empower further to boost mutual understanding and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the major ideational aspects of Timor-Leste's foreign policy orientation in the post-independence period. Drawing upon the constructivist accounts of state behaviour, the paper situates Timorese leaders' foreign policy decisions in the broader context of their search to position the fledging nation in the global political order. It argues that Timor-Leste's insecure state identity has shaped its leaders' foreign policy preferences in the post-independence period. This identity can be examined by separating it into two parts: the construction of spatial boundaries and the creation of a temporal "other". The former is evidenced by the leadership's rhetorical emphasis on the country's Portuguese heritage and their prioritisation of ASEAN membership, both of which are closely related to the consolidation of the young nation's political and cultural identity. The creation of a temporal other, as illustrated by the rise of political discourse emphasising sovereignty, reflects a wider transitional process that is embedded in the country's transformation from colony to independent state under international supervision as well as the state's transformation from "fragile" or "failing" to "stable". A detailed analysis of the basic aspects of Timor- Leste's insecurities as a constitutive element of its foreign policy becomes instrumental to understanding the country's nation-state-building experience since its separation from Indonesia in 1999, as it enters a new phase of socio- political structuring following the withdrawal of the international security presence in 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to discuss defense diplomacy efforts by TNI to strengthen the country existence. The world multipolarization put foreign policy into new challenges of world power distribution, non-boundary and not centered on two classical blocs (East and West). This condition requires the TNI to have an adaptive capacity related to the role and ability in responding to challenges in defense diplomacy tasks. There are 3 conclusions related to defense diplomacy in strengthening the existence of country. First, world multipolarization creates challenges to provide an opportunity for Indonesia to use it as an opportunity to build more constructive relationships in developing the country interests from the economic, socio-cultural and defense sectors. Second, actualization of defense diplomacy as a national policy must be consistent with country interests, especially in effort to maintain domestic stability which is closely related to regional situation. Third, several strategic partner countries of Indonesia need to receive comprehensively a systematic and programmed treatment in according with character of defense diplomacy, namely Confidence Building Measure (CBM), enhancement of defense capabilities and development of defense industry. Therefore, government needs to develop its relevance by exploring defense diplomacy as the spearhead to strengthen the existence of Indonesian nation and country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using Indonesia as a case study, this article aims to contribute to the existing literature on why weaker states engage in hedging by examining how Indonesia’s domestic factors influence its foreign policy decisions regarding the United States and China. The article argues that domestic and foreign policies are interconnected as domestic agendas, including the interests and aspirations of Indonesian politicians as well as public opinion, have led to variations in the country’s hedging behaviours towards the two great powers. On one hand, domestic political and economic considerations drive Indonesia to engage with the United States and China. On the other hand, the same factors can also act as hindrances that limit Indonesia’s engagement with these powers. Consequently, despite having strong defence ties with the United States, Indonesia now sees China as a major and essential economic partner that helps the country and its leaders achieve their development goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the post-war conflict of colonial retention that the Netherlands engaged in with Indonesia, and the invasion of Yogyakarta on 19 December 1948. While arresting high-ranking members of the Republican government, Dutch troops seized papers that were left behind. These documents were not returned to Indonesia until nearly 50 years later. By studying the archival collection, fluctuations in the relationship between Indonesia and the Netherlands are revealed. The seized archives relate directly to the building of a new nation; their history reflects the history of Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper attempts to explain the 50 years of the political-economy Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations. The study shows that although there are some interests but both countries have not demonstrated yet any significant endeavors to intensify the bilateral relations. The paper found that both have many to offer to strengthen economic cooperation. The paper also found that lessons learned from China and India experiences could be adopted to strengthen Indonesia-Uruguay trade relations. But however there are still pending matters, conventional problems that impeded bilateral trade, and lack of interest by both government officials. The study suggests that this positive momentum and this golden jubilee Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations could be the right moment towards further strengthening the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International justice is characterized by the global articulation of basic human rights and peremptory norms outlawing crimes against humanity. In the twenty-first century, an international obligation of states to pursue individuals who bear responsibility for gross violations of human rights has formalized. Since the 1999 independence referendum, Timor-Leste has struggled to achieve substantive justice for the human rights violations committed during Indonesia's 25-year de facto administration. Timor-Leste provides a unique case study on the international dimensions of pursuing justice in a post-conflict transitional context, particularly as many alleged perpetrators of rights violations have been shielded by Indonesia. This presents a challenge for Timor-Leste in balancing its various international and domestic priorities: while domestic political order and rule of law necessitates the pursuit of substantive justice, Timor-Leste's external security interests require a positive relationship with Indonesia. This article examines the world's first bilateral Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Indonesia-Timor-Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship. It then analyses the implementation of the Commission's recommendations by Indonesia and Timor-Leste. The paper argues that the Commission was primarily a political mechanism designed to support international priorities rather than substantive justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste (1975-99), the Roman Catholic Church grew in importance to the East Timorese people. This is demonstrated by the large increase in Timorese affiliation to the Church: 25-30% of the populace were baptized Catholics in 1975 compared with over 90% in the 1990s. Various explanations have been offered for this growth, many of which identify 'extrinsic' factors such as the religious prescriptions of Indonesian law or the pressures of Islamization. While acknowledging the importance of these factors, this paper argues that certain intrinsic factors substantially influenced the identification of the Timorese experience of occupation with Catholic faith and solidarity. An understanding of these intrinsic factors can provide a more expansive understanding of Timorese culture, experience and history. Drawing on original research into the faith and experience of Timorese people during the occupation, the author explores the relationship between suffering, resistance and the Catholic faith of the Timorese in four areas: language; 'a spirituality of resistance'; martyrdom; and sanctuary and advocacy for the persecuted. The paper draws on the insights of French philosopher and literary critic, René Girard, regarding the importance of Christianity in the context of violence. Girard has argued for a particular understanding of the centrality of the victim in human culture and of how Christianity helps to reveal this centrality. Girard's perspective sheds light on how the Timorese came to terms with their experience of suffering and violence under Indonesian occupation through their identification with Jesus Christ and the Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to challenge the view that Indonesia's geographical and population size account for its rising regional and global profile. Instead, it makes three inter-related arguments. First, the manifestations of Indonesia's foreign policy and global profile have always been based on its ability to harness the country's normative and moral voice. Second, while democratization since 1998 has allowed Indonesia to restore its reputation in world affairs and provided it with a new source of "soft power", it has also complicated foreign policy-making. Third, Indonesia's large geographical size and population have been a source of persistent internal security threats, and because the government has been unable to meet national defence requirements, the growth in its defence diplomacy activities reflect the country's continuing strategic weakness rather than its strength. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1958 onwards, the Amsterdam–Jakarta dispute on the determination of sovereignty over the western half of New Guinea began to be affected by the developments of Indonesia's civil war and the tug of war between the US and the Soviet Union over Indonesia. This paper explains how this influenced Australia's WNG diplomacy. It argues that the major impact of Indonesia's internal war and of the US–Russian tug of war was that they destroyed Australia's assumption that the Dutch would maintain its presence in the Pacific permanently. The second principal impact was that Indonesia's internal war and the Washington–Moscow tug of war urged Canberra to set another new objective in relation to the WNG dispute, and produced a new policy for the achievement of this objective. With the outbreak of an Indonesian–Dutch war over Netherlands New Guinea becoming a real possibility, Australia set the avoidance of the war and the prevention of Indonesia falling into the communist orbit as another new objective. In order to keep a war from occurring in the Southwest Pacific, Canberra developed a policy of appeasing Jakarta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores whether ASEAN's approach toward Myanmar since May 2003 and the agreed ASEAN Security Community (ASC) concept can be seen to represent major developments in ASEAN's diplomatic and security culture. The article explains that ASEAN'S recent diplomatic practice vis-à-vis Yangon qualifies as "enhanced interaction ". It also shows that the Declaration of ASEAN Concord II and related documents underscore the collective commitment among ASEAN states to pursue a limited refinement of ASEAN's normative terrain. However, in view of the limits of "enhanced interaction" as well as the opposition to the original Indonesian proposal to develop an ASC, the paper concludes that it is best to view both ASEAN's recent diplomatic practice and efforts to stake out a larger role for A SEAN in preventing, managing and resolving intra-state conflicts and inter-state disputes as not only being in line with, but also as reaffirming the norms and practices of ASEAN's diplomatic and security culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to offer a comprehensive analysis of Indonesia's foreign policy strategy, known as the "balance of powers." It specifically examines how Indonesia has successfully maintained balanced relations with both China and the United States. The article provides a comprehensive overview of the historical background of Indonesia's foreign relations. It also delves into the concept of "great power balance" and its significant role in guiding Indonesia's diplomacy. The article proceeds to examine the global context in which Indonesia operates and the strategic consequences of competition among major powers, highlighting Indonesia's drive to maintain equilibrium between them. The article further explores Indonesia's approach to maintaining a delicate balance in its diplomatic relations. It delves into Indonesia's positioning and strategy in the complex US-China relationship, as well as its efforts to establish equilibrium in its relations with both countries. The article specifically highlights Indonesia's "global maritime pivot" strategy and its aspirations to attain "maritime power" status. This section of the article examines Indonesia's strategy of a "global maritime pivot" and its efforts to attain the position of a "maritime power" through the enhancement of maritime security. Indonesia holds substantial worldwide influence, and its foreign policy plays a vital role in promoting regional and global peace, stability, and development. Indonesia may surmount diplomatic obstacles, optimise its national interests, and make a constructive contribution to the prosperity of the region and the world by developing its foreign policy in a logical and practical manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of their "Look East" foreign policy, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have been focusing on enhancing their relations with several Asian countries, including Indonesia, which is the largest economy in Southeast Asia. The adoption of this policy has resulted in an apparent increase in cooperation between these Arab Gulf nations and Indonesia. There is a visible trend of growing cooperation between GCC countries and Indonesia, particularly during the first term of President Joko Widodo, covering areas from diplomacy, energy, and trade to investments. Although the expansion of diplomatic, energy and economic ties between both sides has been widely discussed in the literature, little attention has been paid to the public diplomacy strategies used by the GCC countries in their interactions with Indonesia. Realizing the limitations of their newly developing relationships with Indonesia and the importance of promoting a positive image to secure their political and economic interests in the region, the GCC countries are fully aware of the need for effective public diplomacy strategies. This research, therefore, aims to examine the public diplomacy strategies employed by the GCC countries towards Indonesia. These strategies can be arguably divided into four distinct groups: educational initiatives, cultural activities, religious studies and practices, as well as humanitarian aid. This study argues that while public diplomacy has increasingly become an integral part of the GCC countries' strategies in establishing relations with Indonesia, the application of these strategies has been prevalent only among a few GCC countries in which extensive political and economic relations are already well forged with Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public diplomacy is one of the instruments commonly used in international political activities. More precisely, public diplomacy discusses diplomatic activities carried out by state and non-state actors towards foreign publics in order to fulfill the interests of the relevant state. Various instruments can be used in public diplomacy activities such as books, television programs, brands, festivals, products, and films. In fact, information obtained by the public regarding a country comes from non-government actors. If uncontrolled, information circulating, especially from non-government actors, can cause problems for the national interest of a country. The problem is related to the influence of information on the image of the country in question. As stated by Leonard (2002) that the ideal public diplomacy activity can be formed if there is a synergistic effort between government and non-government actors. This study seeks to discuss public diplomacy activities that use the film industry as an instrument. The actor chosen as the main object in this research is the Indonesian Film Agency (BPI). This study will use the theory of public diplomacy developed by Mark Leonard with descriptive qualitative research methods. The data collection method used in this research is through interviews and literature studies through various sources, both primary and secondary. In general, this research will provide an overview of the understanding of Mark Leonard’s theory of public diplomacy based on what has been done by BPI. In the end, this understanding will show the gap between theory and reality regarding Indonesian public diplomacy activities that use the film industry as an instrument. When referring to Leonard’s theory of public diplomacy, BPI has the potential to produce an ideal public diplomacy effort. Therefore, efforts to build a more integrated relationship between BPI and the Indonesian government are deemed necessary in order to maximize the role of BPI as both an actor in public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to analyze and characterize the geopolitical structure of Indonesia, the largest archipelagic state globally. It presents two connected primary concepts. First, the geographical characteristics of Indonesia suggest that it may have both strengths and limitations, as well as the potential for social, economic, and even military dominance. Indonesia's geopolitical structure appears to be based on the "strategic trinity" of geostrategy, geoeconomics, and geopolitics. Even though these concepts are not novel in and of themselves, this article contributes to the scant existing literature. The present study contributes by generating new information. It is one of the few studies that evaluate Indonesia's geographical characteristics and how they impact the country's international relations, national defense system, and strategic planning. The study also examines how Indonesia's geopolitical structure may shed light on the nation's renewed interest in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states have developed thick and complex ties in recent years. Despite the importance of economic relationships in developing these partnerships, cooperation has also expanded into the cultural and security areas. The volatility of the Gulf region is one of the concerns among the expanding contacts. In addition to its internal conflicts, the region is bordered by the worst conflicts in the world. Moreover, due to its key geographic location and vast oil resources, it has become a battleground for major power rivalry. This article discusses how Indonesia's foreign policy towards the region has taken into account the security and stability of the Gulf in light of its developing contacts with the region. Even though Indonesia is paying increased attention to the security circumstances of the Gulf to secure the continuity of its collaboration, the security situation in the region has negligible impact on Indonesia-Gulf relations, according to the findings of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international disarmament debate of the 1920s provided an important opportunity for the Netherlands to raise the international profile of its colonial interests. This paper examines how Dutch participants in the disarmament debate combined the long-lived Dutch principle of neutrality with the different geopolitical situation of the Dutch East Indies. It shows that (1) Dutch delegates did not strictly interpret and apply the principle of neutrality to their colony in the Pacific. This seems contrary to (2) the Dutch perception that the position in Europe was almost identical to the situation in the Pacific. The little attention paid to these different interests in the Netherlands and the Dutch East Indies arguably developed from (3) a surprising naivety and provincialism concerning the geopolitical position of the Dutch East Indies. These three related conclusions illustrate the unfortunate composition of the delegations to the disarmament negotiations and the ignorance with which the Foreign Ministry intervened in colonial issues, arguably also indicating that Dutch colonial external relations and defence policy were ill-defined and not effectively adapted to the Pacific context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the human rights and development aid policy of the Netherlands towards Indonesia. For many years, two policy objectives have held central position in the foreign policy of the Netherlands: the promotion and protection of human rights on the one hand, and the giving of financial support to poor countries in the form of development assistance on the other. This article begins by presenting an overview of Netherlands human rights and development aid policy. Next, its meaning for Dutch relations with Indonesia is dealt with and it is shown that this presented a dilemma for Dutch policy makers. Finally, the question is raised of suitable solutions to such a dilemma.

The participation of men in family planning in Indonesia is still very low, where the men who use the Medical Male Operations (MOP) method are only 0.2% while the condom use is 3.1% (IDHS 2017), Likewise in East Java only 3.7% of the total new KB participants in 2019. The conditions most in need of attention are in underdeveloped areas, borders, islands and poor areas, which are in dire need of appropriate strategic breakthroughs. The conditions most in need of attention are underdeveloped areas, borders, islands and poor areas, which are in need of appropriate strategic breakthroughs. Strengthen the advocacy efforts for new regional leaders so that the family planning program can continue to run in the regencies/cities without having to start from zero again, provide training to male family planning motivators so that the information provided to prospective acceptors is more detailed and accurate and follows up the results of training of medical personnel and midwives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following other regional powers, Indonesia announced its own interpretation of the Indo‐Pacific concept in 2018. Considering Indonesia's strategic position in the Indo‐Pacific, does this announcement indicate the prospects of a more active Indonesian role in the region? This article examines Indonesia's national role conception regarding the Indo‐Pacific concept. Drawing from the literature on role theory, particularly on role conception and role location, and by analysing foreign policy narratives espoused by dominant actors in the Indo‐Pacific region, this article finds Indonesia's articulation of the Indo‐Pacific concept as an example of role location within the new Indo‐Pacific structure, particularly in locating Indonesia's 'middle power' role. Dominant actors in the Indo‐Pacific have generally accepted Indonesia's Indo‐Pacific concept, which shows that Indonesia has managed to live up to expectations befitting of a middle power through its enactment of 'regional leader' and 'bridge‐builder' roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia's rise, its democracy promotion, and engagement in the democratisation of regional institutions have often been analysed in scholarly literature in the recent years. Indonesia's "democratic turn," both internal and external, increased its relevance in international relations. The academic discussion focuses on the role and meaning of Indonesia's contribution. The aim of this article is to broaden the debate by analysing the meaning of "democracy" in Indonesian narrative investigated from the perspective of the strategic narratives concept and to propose a new framework for the assessment of narrative based on its coherence. Therefore, the research question is – Are the strategic narratives of democracy articulated by Indonesia coherent? The analysis shows, and it is an argument, that with some exceptions strategic narratives are incoherent and this incoherence has two dimensions: intra- and inter-incoherence. The argument is substantiated by an analysis of Indonesian foreign policy strategies and political speeches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the engagement of Indonesian Islamic civil society organisations in the international arena by paying particular attention to the role of the Islamic modernist movement, Muhammadiyah. Beyond its vibrant religious and social activism in the domestic context of Indonesia, Muhammadiyah has, in the past thirty years, engaged in various international affairs such as peacekeeping operations, humanitarian activities, and politics. This engagement indicates that Muhammadiyah has attempted to strengthen its international exposure and contribute to the global community. By examining Muhammadiyah's vision and activism, both discursively and practically, this article seeks to know why it is so essential for Indonesian Islamic civil society organisations, such as Muhammadiyah, to be involved in the international arena, and what Muhammadiyah engagement means for the global picture of Islam in the Muslim world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing literature on transit countries places much emphasis on the policy interventions of destination countries. In the case of Southeast Asia, Australian policies have disproportionate effects across borders into the region, including those of Indonesia and Malaysia. However, so-called transit countries also counterweigh foreign policy incursions with domestic politics, their own policies of externalizing their borders, and negotiations with destination countries to fund their domestic capacity. While Malaysia and Indonesia share many characteristics as transit countries, they are also noteworthy cases of how they negotiate their own interests in making difficult decisions regarding irregular migration in the region and how responsibility and burdens should be shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Indonesian Journal of Geography is the property of Universitas Gadjah Mada, Fakultas Geografi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research note outlines a project-in-progress, in the hope of soliciting broader participation and discussion. It describes and evaluates a joint initiative between two regional universities to promote inter-class contact and active learning on the subject of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and supplements the experience gained in this endeavour through interviews with practising lecturers. Based on these twin research thrusts, the note argues that the higher education chalkface is a vital arena for ASEAN community-building, and pleads for a more concerted effort to link politics and pedagogy. To this end, recommendations include: cooperating to generalize and extend the kinds of small-scale projects discussed in this article; establishing an inclusive, interactive, teaching-oriented website where ideas and material can be shared; setting up a platform where the results of student-driven research and initiatives can be made available; and organizing practitioner-oriented workshops where lecturers can access the combined expertise of ASEAN officials, national diplomats and pedagogical specialists to construct practical, active, and cooperative teaching programmes. If we are to fulfil the tasks of promoting ASEAN awareness, nurturing regional identity, and encouraging public ownership of the regional project among this highly significant sector of Southeast Asia’s population, then facilitating the task of “teaching ASEAN” is an indispensable component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Operational/implementation research (OR/IR) is a key activity to improve disease control programme performance. We assessed the extent to which malaria and tuberculosis (TB) grants from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria ("Global Fund") include support for OR/IR, and discuss the implications of the current Global Fund operating mechanisms for OR/IR support.Methods: The situation analysis focussed on malaria and TB, while HIV was excluded. Stakeholder interviews were conducted at the Global Fund secretariat and in six purposefully selected high disease burden countries, namely the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Myanmar and Zimbabwe. Interviewed in-country stakeholders included the relevant disease control programme managers, project implementation partners, representatives from international organisations with a stake in global health, academic and governmental research institutions, and other relevant individuals such as members of the country coordination mechanism. Additionally, documentation of grants and OR/IR obtained from the Global Fund was reviewed.Results: The Global Fund provides substantial resources for malaria and TB surveys, and supports OR/IR if such support is requested and the application is well justified. We observed considerable variations from one country to another and between programmes with regards to need, demand, absorption capacity and funding for OR/IR related to malaria and TB. Important determinants for the extent of such funding are the involvement of national research coordination bodies, established research agendas and priorities, human and technical research capacity, and involvement of relevant stakeholders in concept note development. Efforts to disseminate OR/IR findings were generally weak, and the Global Fund does not maintain a central OR/IR database. When faced with a need to choose between procurement of commodities for disease control and supporting research, countries tend to seek research funding from other donors. The Global Fund is expected to issue more specific guidance on the conditions under which it supports OR/IR, and to adapt administrative procedures to facilitate research.Conclusions: The importance of OR/IR for optimising disease control programmes is generally accepted but countries vary in their capacity to demand and implement studies. Countries expect guidance on OR/IR from the Global Fund. Administrative procedures specifically related to the budget planning should be modified to facilitate ad-hoc OR/IR funding. More generally, several countries expressed a need to strengthen capacity for planning, negotiating and implementing research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract. The Cold War in the Third World was certainly much more dynamic than a mere clash of power and ideology between the belligerent big powers. In newly emerging areas like Southeast Asia for instance, many of the newly independent states have made clear from the outset that they do not wish to take sides in the Cold War, wanting to be non-aligned. For the United States, however, the Cold War was an uncompromisable situation and held that non- alignment was self-deception, naïve and even dangerous. This essay examines the interplay between the American policy of containment and the Indonesian policy of non-alignment with particular reference to the United States' reactions to Indonesia's relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC). The discussion covers the period from 1950 through to the Bandung Conference in 1955. An examination of the conflict between the American policy of "containment" and Indonesia's policy of "non-alignment" during the 1950s would serve to illustrate that the Cold War in Asia was much more dynamic that just clashes between the belligerent big powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia is readying itself for a return to a diplomatic assertiveness not seen since the early 1960s. Partly, this reflects the approach of 0050 resident Joko Widodo and his government, but it also reflects growing aspirations among the wider circles of Indonesia's elites for their country to act as, and be acknowledged as a 'big country' - negara besar. This constitutes a significant shift from the traditions of low-key diplomacy of the New Order and Reformasi eras. Several factors are pushing this shift. Indonesia's growing economic weight will, over time, provide more of the foundations of national power than it has had hitherto. The changing regional strategic and political order will make it harder for Indonesia to take its place in Asia for granted and to assume that its intentional interests can be protected primarily through ASEAN. And domestically the trend to rising nationalism will provide political incentives to greater assertiveness. On the other hand, Indonesia still has big hurdles to overcome before it can act as an effective major power in Asia. Its economic trajectory remains uncertain, its military is weak, its diplomatic capacities are underdeveloped, and it lacks a clearly articulated set of policy objectives to pursue. So, it remains to be seen whether Indonesia's aspirations to major power status will be realised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia's new president, Joko Widodo, is new to foreign affairs and seemingly has little interest in diplomacy, a marked contrast with his predecessor Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who sought a role as an international statesman. Instead, Jokowi--as he prefers to be known--has declared that he will focus on domestic affairs as part of a broad reform programme, with a particular emphasis on strengthening Indonesia's maritime infrastructure and reasserting the authority of the state. However, an activist presidency in these areas, even if intended only as a domestic effort, will create unintended foreign policy challenges for Indonesia because the country's economic and maritime interests are so closely intertwined with those of its neighbours. This article examines Jokowi's statements on foreign affairs, offers a survey of his foreign affairs advisers and places the president in the country's historical and political context. It then examines potential flashpoints in Indonesia's relationships with its neighbours over Jokowi's agenda. It argues that under Jokowi, foreign policy is likely to become less clear, less conciliatory and less cooperative, with negative consequences for Indonesian leadership in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many political policies of Soekarno-era Indonesia were celebrated in popular song. By far the most referenced policy was Indonesia's Confrontation with Malaysia. This article examines the contents of many of those songs and discusses the reasons for their creation and popularity. At the time, the creation of an 'Indonesian identity' based on cultural practices was a matter considered of the utmost importance by Soekarno and his left-wing supporters. This led to frequent public statements against the perils of Western 'cultural imperialism', especially through rock and roll. It is argued, however, that the Left by no means had a monopoly on the propagation of national pride. The Left supported Confrontation, but so did the majority of the Indonesian public; many also liked Western-influenced music and a number of Confrontation songs are not so dissimilar to the popular Western music of the day. Through an examination of some of these songs, referencing popular culture theorists and Indonesian popular culture specialists (both in the fields of music and other areas), it is shown how popular music reflected what was happening in the political arena, and also how songwriters and performers endeavoured to use music to articulate their own social meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1990s Indonesia and Malaysia were locked in a long-running and bitter dispute over the ownership of two tiny islands in the Sulawesi Sea and the associated question of maritime boundaries in this area rich in oil and gas deposits. Neither government had ever referred a dispute with another state to the International Court of Justice but in 1996 President Soeharto agreed to Malaysia's proposal to ask the IC] to issue a ruling on the dispute between the two countries. In 1998 Indonesia and Malaysia asked the ICJ to rule on the ownership of the islands. They did not, however, ask it to rule on the far more important question of their maritime boundaries in the Sulawesi Sea. The ICJ's judgement in 2002 that the islands belonged to Malaysia therefore left that question unresolved. The article argues that because of Indonesia's experience with the ICJ and the high stakes involved for both countries any resolution of the boundary dispute -- which came close to open conflict in 2005 -- will almost certainly be the result of state-to-state negotiations rather than a ruling by the ICJ or any outside body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author examines the nature of the defense relationship between India and Indonesia. It is argued that in order for these countries to develop cooperation in the area of defense, they must both focus on developing other facets of their relationship in the areas of economic development, power projection and maritime security in the Indian Ocean, and democracy promotion. The author connects the relationship to Indonesia's mandala worldview.