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This paper examines the U.S. and West European experiences with and approaches to the policy challenges of defense industry restructuring in the 1990s. The policies adopted by the Americans and West Europeans in their efforts to maintain their respective defense-industrial base (DIB) following the end of the Cold War provide instructive points of comparison that reveal both similarities and contrasts in approach with respect to the role of governments in managing and directing economic and industrial change. Attention is devoted to several related aspects: budgetary developments and trends, procurement policies, the pattern of industry mergers and acquisitions, policies of government with respect to promoting consolidation, and the prospects for future transatlantic cooperation in defense procurement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the maneuverability, capabilities, and survivability of Chinese DF-31 mobile missiles and the ability of a proposed U.S. Space Radar system to persistently track them. The author posits possible defense strategies for the Chinese military and concludes that the survivability of the mobile DF-31's is not guaranteed during a nuclear attack given the huge U.S. strategic arsenal, but also questions the ability of the proposed U.S. Space Radar system to persistently track the DF-31's if the Chinese military engages in relatively simple countermeasures. Neither China nor the United States can be completely confident of a strategic advantage. The two countries need strategic dialogues to improve relations on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article demonstrates how differences between the strategic visions of the U.S. Air Force and Navy provided the context and rivalry that encouraged Naval flying saucer advocates to publicly oppose Air Force unidentified flying object (UFO) policies. It discusses the concept of flying saucers in terms of identification, subversion and panic. The paper also evaluates the concepts of flying saucers including conventional perception, inter-subjective phenomena and fictions.

Under George W. Bush, the United States has chosen to revolutionize world affairs by abandoning successful forms of hegemonic governance, based on the institutionalization of collective economic and security regimes, in favor of militarism, or the pursuit of global domination through force. Starting from a critique of structuralist approaches, this paper examines the ideational transformation of the American right and situates it within the context of the US's emergence in 1991 as a unipolar strategic actor and as the core state in the newly globalized capitalist political economy. While these synchronous transformations considerably augmented America's autonomy, giving the US the opportunity to reconfigure the world system to its advantage, one must distinguish between the current imperial expansionism of the revived and expanded US national security state and earlier forms of US hegemonic rule. The aim: to account for a fundamental shift of the way in which the US has governed the capitalist world system since 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses Finland's defense policy. Three circles of national security interest; Basing of Finnish defense policy and development plans on Defense White Paper of 2001; Transformation of Finnish national defense based on the Defense White Paper of 2004.

The article focuses on the changes in the British defense policy that would include nuclear weapons such as hydrogen bomb in its policy. Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill was the main proponents of the changes of the policy. Churchill has expressed his concern about the dominance of Soviet Union and its communist satellites in the nuclear warfare. He has suggested a universal agreement of disarmament of nuclear weapons as a solution to the problem. The agreement on cessation of nuclear bomb test would decrease the threat from radioactive contamination.

This article analyzes the transformation of seismology from a small academic discipline to a large academic-military-industrial enterprise in the U.S. during the 1960s. In the late 1950s scientists, diplomats and policy-makers recognized that improved seismological knowledge was crucial for the detection and identification of Soviet underground nuclear-weapon tests. Consequently, the administration initiated a comprehensive research and development program in seismology. This program increased annual federal support for the U.S. seismology by more than a factor of 30. The author emphasizes the role of scientific advisory groups and mission agency program managers in negotiating the field's research directions. The author also argues that despite massive patronage of the department, academic seismologists did not lose control over their field. They participated actively in the transformation of their discipline, realizing that arms control requirements offered a unique opportunity to modernize their field.

Focuses on the nuclear alert operation ordered by U.S. President Richard Nixon in October 1969 to respond to possible confrontation by the Soviet Union. Measures that were taken under the operation to increase military readiness of the U.S.; Reasons for maintaining secrecy about the operation from American public and U.S. allies; Relevance of the operation in understanding dynamics of nuclear weapons decision-making and diplomacy.

Focuses on the foreign and domestic policies influencing arms control and nonproliferation policies in China. Analysis of multilateral and unilateral pressures on international norms and agreements; Context of decision-making policies on arms control; Illustration of study cases depicting the influence of external and internal forces.

The end of the Cold War and the emergence of a new global security and economic environment (Defence budgets' decline, imminent threats from the Gulf War and NATO's quest for a new identity), provided a window of opportunity for establishing and designing the EU's security institution. Thus, what was initially considered farfetched after the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, entered a new phase, which included perception transformation, to be gradually incorporated into daily discourse. Hence, the 2003 "European Security Strategy", the 2010 "Internal Security Strategy", and later the 2016 "Global Strategy" reflect Member States' perception of transformation and their belief that the EU needs a Common Security and Defence Strategy approach. Given these documents that indicate determination for notable integration and institutional restructuring, this analysis delves into the impact of Europeanisation concerning the implementation of institutional reforms and the CSDP. More specifically, this analysis probes the constraints of Europeanisation concerning the EU's real operational dynamics, especially in light of the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean Sea security challenges. These challenges are examined in relation to Türkiye's revisionist public diplomacy, public policies, and the militarization of its foreign policy (including ongoing negotiations centered on migratory flows, assertions, and constructed narratives over Greek and Cypriot islands and seas). The situation has become more pronounced following the identification of gas and oil reserves in the area in 2010. This analysis has a two-fold focus: Firstly, to investigate Europeanisation impact on the operational implementation of CSDP (Common Security and Defence Policy) in time of crisis, and secondly, to evaluate the behavior of Türkiye within the Europeanisation framework, as proposed by Radaelli and Violakis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Particular decisions about nuclear weapons are made by individuals on the basis of a set of assumptions. These assumptions are rarely revealed in official publications which explain or support those decisions. But wit bout knowing what these assumptions are it is impossible to test the validity of the decision-makers' arguments, or to know what kind of debate with them is likely to be fruitful or effective. This paper describes the assumptions made by a small group of influential British nuclear weapons decision-makers. The research on which it was based was carried out in four stages. First each decision-maker was interviewed at length. Next, the statements made in the interview were assembled into a cognitive map in order to find those assumptions which were not articulated or which were hidden in chains of reasoning, the use of analogies or the structure of the whole system of thought. Next the maps were compared to find the commonalities shared by all decision-makers and to isolate the critical assumptions. Finally, the identification of these assumptions as critical was tested by interviews with knowledgeable critics of nuclear defence policy. The most important assumptions are as follows. Nuclear weapons are not qualitatively different from conventional weapons. Decision-makers in all the nuclear nations are rational and in control of the weapons. Because they are rational it is assumed that the system of deterrence as a whole works rationally and is stable. Indeed, it is so stable that any change is dangerous and it should remain unaffected, in particular, by any reduction in the perceived threat. The paper does not discuss the validity of these assumptions, but considers their implications for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What if space-based strategic defense, as proposed by the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), eventually works reasonably well and is deployed on both sides? This paper examines the properties of the global defensive system that could result from the interactions between the two Opposing defensive systems. It is reasoned that this global defensive system could have the capacity to unintentionally and rapidly amplify relatively minor events to global catastrophe. At high states of alert, the global technological system would be difficult or impossible to control and this system could fail in a way that unintentionally initiates a catastrophic nuclear exchange. These dangers have not been adequately examined. This paper presents a framework for analyzing the catastrophic loss of control in such gllobal technological systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on foreign relations between the U.S. and Canada during the administration of U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King during the 1930s and World War II, focusing particularly on the Ogdensburg Agreement of 1940. The diplomatic treaty signed in 1940 between Roosevelt and King in Ogdensburg, New York, created the American-Canadian Permanent Joint Board on Defence. It served the interests of the U.S. to protect the Atlantic Coast and its borders. Meanwhile Canada, facing a lack of military defense resources with Great Britain under attack by Germany, forged an alliance capable of protecting its borders. Other topics include the Monroe Doctrine, Japanese militarization, and the 1938 invasion of Czechoslovakia by Germany.

Copyright of Canadian Public Policy is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper illustrates a methodology to evaluate how dissimilar military systems support the accomplishment of the United States' counterproliferation objectives. The key questions in evaluating counterproliferation systems are identified. By using decision analysis, an influence diagram model is developed that represents military activities in the counterproliferation process. A value model is developed that enables systems to be evaluated against common criteria. An analysis of intelligence, defensive, and offensive counterproliferation systems suggests that intelligence system improvements may provide the greatest potential to meet the United States' counterproliferation objectives. Sensitivity analysis is conducted to determine which factors in the model are most important. To demonstrate the model, nine systems from the Air Force Vulcan's Forge 1995 wargame are evaluated. This paper illustrates the value of decision analysis, and influence diagrams in particular, by involving decision makers and subject matter experts in structuring complex problems for analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe air fundamentally intertwined with the thawing of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, the arms race between the superpowers continues. This paper examines the paradox by flat considering the conventional explanations for improved relations and demonstrating their inadequacies, then turning to the structural factors that appear to help explain the changed relations, and finally examining some of the social forces that cause the arms race to continue despite the thawing of the Cold War. Structural factors cited here as having contributed to the improved relations include: changes in the global economy, the development of a civil society in the Eastern bloc, domestic and international peace initiatives, and cultural changes. Despite these changes, the arms race continues due to the stability of strategic policy and the way it is made, military-industrial institutional operations, political and economic interests, and government operations. In each of these areas, much sociological research is needed to help guide the policy-making process away from continuing the arms race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine what influences members viewed as shaping their voting decisions on U.S. strategy in the Persian Cuif in January 1991. Rather than focusing on predictors of votes and the outcomes of members' decision-making processes (the yea or nay votes as in roll-call analyses), I focus on the predominant considerations that members perceived as swaying voting choices. More specifically, drawing on data gathered from interviews with 365 congressional staff people, I chow that three influences in particular stand out as significant in the decision-making process on this crisis policy: members' own policy views. supportive constituents, and (for certain groups of members) the president. Thus, while the analysis confirms, in part, the conventional view of legislators' personal policy assessments as the critical influence on foreign and defense policy votes, it also underscores that this influence does not operate in a vacuum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses issues related to capabilities-based defense planning in Australia. The post Cold War era witnessed an absence of identifiable and quantifiable threats which resulted in planning of new approaches for developing and justifying force structures by the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Though Australia did not design its force structure on the basis of such threats yet the Australian Department of Defence developed principles for guiding force development reflecting government strategy to defend that country.

The central concern of this paper is with what factors give momentum to the chain of decisions which result in a weapon that goes against the standards of performance. The defense policy literature suggests that the variations in the performance of American military hardware are tied to the government's difficulties in resolving fundamental disagreements on strategic and doctrinal matters, variations in the technological demands of military projects, and the need for bargaining and coalition building. These relationships yield three hypotheses which are tested using simple bivariate analysis. With the caveats appropriate to a small sample of cases, the hypotheses are stated as relations between conditions rather than as correlations, and the findings are suggestive. The data support all three of the primary hypotheses. The study concludes with reform recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War, the unification of Germany and the removal of US troops has rekindled interest in European defence cooperation. The EC has common security policies on its agenda, the military role of the WEU is being enhanced, and the new NATO strategy emphasizes multilateral European forces. A European Defence Union offers large potential efficiency gains. Power, like any natural monopoly, is generated more effectively and more cheaply by joint forces than by the sum of fragmented individual forces. There are also large economies of scale in weapons production. Trends in budgets, costs and threats are making national provision problematic and national arms industries non-viable. An EDU may appear more attractive than either spending vast sums to attain minimum efficient scale or relying on forces that are so small and ill-equipped as to require either dependence on the US or acceptance of effective neutrality. However, an EDU reduces national sovereignty; poses problems of command, control and organization; risks free-riding and adverse reactions by the US and USSR; and is vulnerable to exploitation and rent-seeking by military industrial interests. This paper examines the economics of these issues and suggests a route towards effective cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an effort to improve the strategic assessment capabilities of the U.S. Department of Defense, contractors were asked to integrate advanced wargaming techniques with other analytic approaches. This paper sets out the deficiencies in past and current analysis methods which the project sponsor wished to have the contractors address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military analysts have focused on the problems of war initiation and conduct while largely ignoring the problem of how to terminate war on acceptable terms. This paper attempts to define the necessary conditions for war termination and proposes a framework for assessing alternative strategies. Deterrence and limited war theories suggest three war termination strategies: (1) attrition of warfighting capabilities; (2) protracted stalemate; and (3) coercive threats of unacceptable damage. A review of recent armed conflicts indicates the limitations on effective pursuit of these strategies and reveals an alternative formulation of the conditions necessary for effective war termination strategies. Based on these notions, current U.S. force posture and force employment doctrines are evaluated in terms of their consistency with war termination requirements. Finally, an agenda of issues related to the development of war termination strategies is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the military policy public in the United States--those attentive to and interested in military issues of foreign policy--similar to or different from the foreign policy public generally? This paper identifies this military policy public, specifies some of its demographic characteristics, and compares it with the American foreign policy public and the attentive public policy public. It adds a significant refinement to the understanding of public opinion and public policy relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two dialectical tendencies in military affairs have characterized the ethos of Tanzania under Julius Nyerere. One is a marked distrust of men professionally under arms at home and in inter-African relations. The other is a faith in military or quasi-military solutions to some of the remaining colonial problems, in Africa. In this paper,author hopes first to demonstrate that there has been a tradition of anti-militarism in Tanganyika, going back well into the days before the union with Zanzibar. Involved in this is the story of East African integration at large. This article then examines the growth of militancy in African liberation movements and how this affected the nature of Tanganyika's involvement in such movements. Tanganyika attained internal self -government in the same year in. which the Congo attained her independence. Tanganyika also shared a border with the Congo! This double-nearness to the Congo's experience caused speculation about Tanganyika's future as she approached independence.

In this paper we consider some problems that arise when a nation attempts to implement a strategy of stable deterrence over time. The problems arise when a nation's planners make strategic inferences based on an adversary's ambiguous signals of intent and action. A necessary condition for inferring an opponent's strategic objectives is good technical intelligence. We explore some alternative intelligence models and their effect on national response. It appears that even small improvements in the content and timing of intelligence information received by a nation pursuing stable deterrence would help constrain a noncooperative adversary and open new channels of communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States military doctrine of decision prescribes that a commander select the course of action which offers the greatest promise of success in view of the enemy's capabilities of opposing him. This paper analyzes two battle decisions of World War II, and develops the analogy between existing military doctrine and the 'theory of games' proposed by von Neumann. Current U. S. doctrine is conservative. The techniques of game theory permit analysis of the risk involved if the commander deviates from current doctrine to base his decision on his estimate of what his enemy intends to do rather than on what his enemy is capable of doing. The idea of 'mixed strategies' presents more difficulties but may be useful, particularly for command decisions for small military organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to illustrate the application of scientific methods for military policy planning by discussing the special case of an active defense against ballistic missiles. By an active defense the article means the attempts to intercept an attacking missile before the warhead is detonated. Although this paper will be more concerned with problems closer to engineering than to national policy, it will have little to say about hardware as such, that is, about the details of the missiles, radars, and so forth that would make up a defensive weapon system. Rather it discusses such questions, as how should defensive weapons be deployed before an attack to minimize the damage that could be done to the defended targets, how should defensive missiles be committed during an attack, what is the effect on both offense and defense of the fact that the actual performance of weapons in combat is highly uncertain and how should the characteristics of weapons be translated into terms that would help a non-technical executive relate the system to the objectives of national policy and decide whether to produce and deploy it in quantity.

In this paper it is intended to present some relevant data about the military establishment in Burma which might offer some light on one kind of pattern of interaction between the military and the civil society, The phenomenon primarily dealt with is the military assumption of unorthodox roles and its relation to the problem of social change and social mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the Sixth World Congress of Sociology in Evian, France, September 1966, the first international sessions on the sociology of the military, war and revolution were held. The author had the privilege to be chairman of a working group on "Militarism and the Professional Military Man," which brought together representatives from Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Soviet Union, and the United States, South America and the Far East. The actualities of war or revolution in the developing nations did not block out the implications of militarism in advanced societies. The sociological aspects of militarism in West Germany were realistically and soberly assessed by Wido Mosen from the University of Frankfurt. Examination of the fundamental issues of militarism quickly transcended old fashioned notions of militarism and military dictatorship and focused on the real problems of controlling the military profession under a variety of social and political systems. Social recruitment must he linked to prestige in the effort to explore the socio-political position of the military in contemporary society. Data presented at the conference confirmed the decline in prestige of the military profession in recent years in advanced industrialized societies.

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Copyright of Revista Enfoques: Ciencia Política y Administración Pública is the property of Universidad Central de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on the BCC (Beijing Language and Culture University Corpus Center) corpus, an analysis on the WAR metaphors in the reports on the Reform and Opening-up Policy in China showed that the potential metaphor in the report is THE IMPLEMENTATION OF REFORM AND OPENING-UP AS WAR, which is supported by such sub-metaphors as PLACES WHERE POLICIES ARE IMPLEMENTED AS BATTLEFIELDS; POLICIES OR THEORIES AS WEAPONS; IMPLEMENTATION OF POLICIES AS MILITARY ACTION; DIFFICULTIES AND RISKS AS ENEMIES. War metaphors highlight the conflicts, risks and strategies in the process, and arouse the sense of emergency, alertness and strategy. The resonance distribution of the Source domain elements partially reflected the highlights of the reports. Battlefields highlight the universality of conflicts and arouse the sense of risk, alertness and emergency. Participants motivate the readers to learn from the developed areas to devote to the enterprise of Reform and Opening-up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amazonia Investiga is the property of PRIMMATE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to understand the peculiarity of the Trudeau government’s decision to withdraw Canadian fighter jets from Iraq and Syria. Most studies have focused on electoral turnover to account for early withdrawal from coalition operations. Yet no study offers a plausible explanation for why a centrist challenger, such as Trudeau, favoured early withdrawal despite public support and alliance pressure for continued involvement, and committed when in power to a bolder and riskier mission while withdrawing valued military assets from coalition operations. Building on foreign policy role theory, we argue that role conflict best explains the particularity of the Trudeau government’s withdrawal decision. In the wake of the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party of Canada witnessed an intra-party conflict over which role to perform between that of a faithful ally and a good international citizen. The party leader finally proposed a compromise mission making Canada more involved on the frontlines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks in retrospect at how the theory of struggle for superiority in the air evolved, and highlights the contribution of Giulio Douhet, founder of the modern air warfare teaching, to the development of this theory. It lists the main factors that determine the substance of struggle for superiority in the air, and forecasts the long-term development of the struggle for superiority in aerospace. It also formulates the chief conditions of attaining strategic superiority in the air and suggests indices and criteria for estimating the degree of dominance in the air and in aerospace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US Indo-Pacific Command should actively plan for operations to respond to and combat climate change because it will grow US influence in the region and provide a compelling alternative to China's influence. Combating climate change supports the primary objective of countering China, operationalizes climate change response for US commanders, and offers a less threatening means to develop partnerships. Through qualitative analysis of threats to US security, current policy analysis, and select case studies of humanitarian assistance and disaster-relief missions to operationalize climate change as a US military mission, this article will assist US military and policy practitioners in planning for climate change in Southeast Asia and future exercises in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes Canada's defense policy, especially in regards to its defense budget and armed forces in Europe. Plans to buy nuclear-powered submarines; Canada's role in NATO defense.

The article reflects on the author's view related to war as an environmental issue and the U.S. attitude towards war. The attitude of the U.S. to fight for oil fields of the Persian Gulf region, which is relatively easy as compared to Europe or Japan, is the result of oil crisis in the nation. The article also discusses different ways to cut the energy consumption by 10 to 15 percent.