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Baldomero Sanín Cano is considered one of the main representatives of Contemporary Latin American thinking. Sanín was a prolific writer whose works influenced different fields of essay-writing, journalism, education, politics, and literary criticism. This paper seeks to analyse the ideology of an author who was an advocate of Latin American integration, through his constant opposition to American expansionism in the press. Based on an exploration of his personality, training and political experience, the paper discusses the manifestation of his anti-imperialism in the Spanish media and, in particular, during his time as foreign correspondent in Madrid (1922-1924) for the Argentine newspaper La Nación. It concludes with an analysis of the impact of his proposal to organize an Ibero-American congress in order to form a united front against the Genoa Conference resolutions. Baldomero Sanín Cano es, sin lugar a dudas, uno de los eruditos más relevantes de la intelectualidad latinoamericana contemporánea. Sus múltiples inquietudes hicieron que dejase una huella transversal en campos tan diversos como el ensayo, el periodismo, la crítica literaria, la educación o la política. Este artículo indaga en el ámbito ideológico del autor y, más concretamente, en su vertiente unionista continental, manifiesta en sus constantes críticas al expansionismo estadounidense. Partiendo de una prospectiva sobre la personalidad, formación y experiencia política de Sanín, el trabajo incide en lo que fue la manifestación de su antiimperialismo militante dentro de los medios españoles y, en particular, durante su corresponsalía en Madrid, de 1922 y 1924, para el diario argentino La Nación. Finalmente pasaremos a analizar el impacto que tuvo su propuesta para celebrar un congreso iberoamericano con el que aunar posturas frente a las resoluciones de la Conferencia de Génova.

Resumen Este artículo analiza los encuadres mediáticos desde los cuales la National Geographic Magazine -NGM- (1903-1926) contribuyó a la construcción de la identidad de los colombianos a comienzos del siglo XX. El argumento central del artículo es que los encuadres mediáticos encontrados están soportados por las ideologías del Destino manifiesto y del positivismo. A través de la estrategia retórica de la apropiación, los encuadres encontrados promueven dos valores asociados al Destino manifiesto: la virtud de las instituciones de Estados Unidos y la misión de transformar el mundo de acuerdo con los valores profesados por este país. En relación con la ideología del positivismo, los encuadres mediáticos la reproducen a través de la estrategia retórica de la clasificación, ya que los reportajes observan la identidad de los colombianos a través del lente de la teoría científica del darwinismo. Abstract This article analyzes the media framings from which National Geographic Magazine -NGM- (1903-1926) contributed to the construction of the identity of Colombians at the beginning of the 20th century. The main argument of this paper defends the idea that the media framings found are directly supported by the ideologies of Manifest Destiny and Positivism. By means of the rhetoric strategy of appropriation, the framings found promote two values associated with the Manifest Destiny: the virtue of the institutions of the United States and the mission to transform the world in accordance with the values professed by this country. Regarding the ideology of positivism, the media framings reproduce this ideology through the rhetorical strategy of classification, given that the reports observe the identity of Colombians through the lens of the scientific theory of Darwinism. Resumo Este artigo analisa os enquadramentos mediáticos desde os quais National Geographic Magazine -NGM- (1903-1926) contribuiu para a construção da identidade dos colombianos a princípios do século XX. O argumento central do paper defende a ideia de que os enquadramentos mediáticos encontrados, estão diretamente suportados pelas ideologias do Destino Manifesto e do Positivismo. Através da estratégia retórica da apropriação, os enquadramentos encontrados promovem dois valores associados com o Destino Manifesto: a virtude das instituições dos Estados Unidos e a missão de transformar o mundo de acordo aos valores professados por este país. No que diz respeito da ideologia do positivismo, os enquadres mediáticos reproduzem essa ideologia através da estratégia retórica da classificação, uma vez que os relatórios observam a identidade dos colombianos através do lente da teoria científica do Darwinismo.

Tropical Town and Other Poems (1918) es el único poemario de Salomón de la Selva publicado en inglés, en el contexto de la Gran Guerra. Se le considera una obra de coyuntura entre dos culturas y tradiciones literarias. Este trabajo plantea la importancia de considerar su estudio en el ámbito de las letras hispánicas, entre otras razones, por su evidente relación con la tradición poética hispanoamericana. A partir del análisis crítico de los poemas, se evidencia la expresión de un discurso ideológico fundamentado en los ideales del panamericanismo, postura de implicaciones políticas que fue definitiva en la vida y obra del autor. Se analiza dicho discurso como una de las directrices temáticas que estructura y da unidad a la obra. Asimismo, se expone la calidad estética del poemario, a partir del análisis de algunos recursos poéticos.Tropical Town and Other Poems (1918) is the only collection of poems by Salomón de la Selva published in English, in the context of the Great War. It is considered a book that joins two cultures and two literary traditions. In this paper I underline the importance of studying De la Selva’s work inside of the Hispanic Literature because, among other reasons, it has an evident relationship with Hispanic American poetical tradition. Through the critical analysis of the poems, it is possible to perceive the expression of an ideological discourse based in the pan Americanism ideals—a doctrine that defined De la Selva’s work and life—. This paper studies such a discourse as one of the topics that structures and unites the author’s writing. At the same time, it analyses some of the poetical strategies, to show the aesthetic quality inherent to this collection of poems.

This paper examines how two Caribbean islands, Puerto Rico and Jamaica, developed ideas of national identity while negotiating political emancipation within two distinct, yet allied Anglophone empires. We can see this process through the Olympic movement and referred to here as “colonial Olympism.” Both Puerto Rico and Jamaica participated as colonies of the United States and Great Britain at international sporting events from 1930 to the 1950s. More than a benevolent gesture by the U.S. or Great Britain, Puerto Rico and Jamaica’s participation was intended to foster international goodwill through sport, including crucial notions of Pan-Americanism. Comparing these two islands, and the metropolises they represented, offers a good way to understand the commonalities and differences in U.S. and Great Britain’s geopolitical interests in Latin America. However, the Olympic and the Pan-American Games, gave both colonies the perfect scenario to perform as separate nations and fed a sense of distinct peoplehood. Sport leaders from both islands negotiated their way into nationhood by the very fact of participating in the Olympic movement, albeit as non-sovereign states. In turn, having Olympic nationhood became another important tool in both islands’ quest for decolonization, contributing an important angle to better understand twentieth-century international politics and decolonization processes.

The article contains a briefing about the relations between Cuba and the United States, from 1959 until now (2015), in order to make a reference to the circumstances that allowed arriving at December 17 (17-D), a turning point for the two countries bilateral relations. This paper provides an overview of plausible changes in the hemispheric system under the process of restoration of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States, in the context of the recent VII Summit of the Americas. Because of the above, the work ahead in their final moments, a set of challenges to face in this process of change in the region. El artículo contiene un breve recuento de las relaciones Cuba-Estados Unidos, a partir de 1959 hasta la actualidad, para luego hacer referencia a las circunstancias que permitieron llegar al 17 de diciembre (17-D), punto de inflexión en las relaciones bilaterales entre los dos países. El trabajo ofrece una panorámica de los cambios plausibles en el sistema de relaciones hemisféricas a tenor del proceso de restablecimiento de las relaciones diplomáticas entre Cuba y Estados Unidos, en el marco de la reciente VII Cumbre de las Américas. Como resultado de lo anterior, el artículo adelanta en sus momentos finales, un conjunto de retos a enfrentaren este proceso de transformación en la región.

Doi: 10.12957/geouerj.2015.19676 This paper discusses the approach of Geography produced in the United States with geography made in Brazil in the 1940s and 1950. The geographer Jorge Zarur is brought here as an important character of this approach. An overview of Brazilian foreign policy in those decades, begins this article. Then will be presented the institutional framework of the Brazilian official geographic system and its main characters. Finally the life and work of Zarur, as well as its main partners will be explored. A summary of the author's contribution to the Brazilian Geography is exposed, highlighting the characteristics of American influence received. Doi: 10.12957/geouerj.2015.19676 Este trabalho discute a aproximação da Geografia produzida nos Estados Unidos com a Geografia feita no Brasil, nas décadas de 1940 e 1950. O geógrafo Jorge Zarur é aqui trazido como um importante personagem dessa aproximação. Um panorama da política externa brasileira, naquelas décadas, inicia este artigo. Em seguida serão apresentados o quadro institucional do sistema geográfico oficial brasileiro e seus principais personagens. Por último a vida e a obra de Zarur, assim como seus principais interlocutores, serão explorados. Uma síntese da contribuição do autor à Geografia brasileira será exposta, salientando as características da influência norteamericana recebidas.

A partir de una exploración de las ideas y las carreras de tres políticos e intelectuales argentinos como Vicente Gregorio Quesada, Roque Sáenz Peña y Manuel Ugarte, el artículo analiza la emergencia de un imaginario cultural, diplomático y legal antiestadounidense en Argentina entre finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del siglo XX, en el contexto de emergencia del panamericanismo y de los Estados Unidos como un poder hegemónico en América. El propósito del artículo es reexaminar los orígenes ideológicos del antiimperialismo latinoamericano, revisando el supuesto según el cual el imaginario antiestadounidense en Argentina estuvo dominado por una crítica culturalista e idealista de los Estados Unidos y ante todo enfatizando la importancia que tuvo en la formación de dicho imaginario el discurso del derecho internacional y la historia diplomática propuestos por la elite intelectual y política patricia. Asimismo, se explora la influencia que tuvo este discurso legal que se deriva de los escritos y la práctica diplomática de la elite patricia en la formación del antiimperialismo latinoamericano moderno que se conformó de manera sólida hacia comienzos del siglo XX, particularmente luego del proceso de la Reforma Universitaria en América Latina y que tuvo a Manuel Ugarte como una de sus figuras más emblemáticas. On the basis of an exploration of the ideas and careers of three Argentine politicians and intellectuals, such as Gregorio Vicente Quesada, Roque Sáenz Peña and Manuel Ugarte, the article analyzes the emergence of an cultural diplomatic and legal anti-U.S. imaginary in Argentina by the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century, in the context of the rise of Pan-Americanism and the United States as a hegemonic power in the Americas. The purpose of the paper is to re-examine the ideological origins of Latin American anti-imperialism, revising the assumption according to which the latter was dominated by a cultural and idealistic critique of the United States, and above all emphasizing the importance that the specific discourse of international law and diplomatic history as proposed by the intellectual and political patrician elite had in the formation of such ideology. It also explores the influence of this legal discourse derived from the writings and diplomatic practice of the patrician elite in the formation of Latin American modern anti-imperialism, which was solidly established by the early twentieth century, particularly after the University Reform in Latin America and had in Manuel Ugarte one of its most emblematic figures.

On the basis of an exploration of the ideas and careers of three Argentine politicians and intellectuals, such as Gregorio Vicente Quesada, Roque Sáenz Peña and Manuel Ugarte, the article analyzes the emergence of an cultural diplomatic and legal anti-U.S. imaginary in Argentina by the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century, in the context of the rise of Pan-Americanism and the United States as a hegemonic power in the Americas. The purpose of the paper is to re-examine the ideological origins of Latin American anti-imperialism, revising the assumption according to which the latter was dominated by a cultural and idealistic critique of the United States, and above all emphasizing the importance that the specific discourse of international law and diplomatic history as proposed by the intellectual and political patrician elite had in the formation of such ideology. It also explores the influence of this legal discourse derived from the writings and diplomatic practice of the patrician elite in the formation of Latin American modern anti-imperialism, which was solidly established by the early twentieth century, particularly after the University Reform in Latin America and had in Manuel Ugarte one of its most emblematic figures. A partir de una exploración de las ideas y las carreras de tres políticos e intelectuales argentinos como Vicente Gregorio Quesada, Roque Sáenz Peña y Manuel Ugarte, el artículo analiza la emergencia de un imaginario cultural, diplomático y legal antiestadounidense en Argentina entre finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del siglo XX, en el contexto de emergencia del panamericanismo y de los Estados Unidos como un poder hegemónico en América. El propósito del artículo es reexaminar los orígenes ideológicos del antiimperialismo latinoamericano, revisando el supuesto según el cual el imaginario antiestadounidense en Argentina estuvo dominado por una crítica culturalista e idealista de los Estados Unidos y ante todo enfatizando la importancia que tuvo en la formación de dicho imaginario el discurso del derecho internacional y la historia diplomática propuestos por la elite intelectual y política patricia. Asimismo, se explora la influencia que tuvo este discurso legal que se deriva de los escritos y la práctica diplomática de la elite patricia en la formación del antiimperialismo latinoamericano moderno que se conformó de manera sólida hacia comienzos del siglo XX, particularmente luego del proceso de la Reforma Universitaria en América Latina y que tuvo a Manuel Ugarte como una de sus figuras más emblemáticas.

O presente trabalho trata do estabelecimento de escritórios do Instituto de Antropologia Social da Smithsonian Institution (SI) no México e no Brasil. A presença da SI dependia de acordos diplomáticos que requeriam aceitação pelos países hospedeiros. O trabalho focaliza documentos, tais como entrevistas e registros institucionais, analisados segundo a relação entre discursos e práticas envolvidos na resposta antropológica ao esforço de guerra. Tal análise pressupõe um entendimento de conceitos empregados na época como "antropologia aplicada", "estudos de área", "estudos de comunidade" e definições usadas especificamente por antropólogos da SI, como "bem limitado" e "choque cultural". O método comparativo mostra-se relevante para entender o que se passava nos dois países. No México, negociações políticas e outros fatores retardaram a criação do Instituto. No Brasil, o processo envolveu disputas interinstitucionais. O exame dessas interações leva à análise da maneira hierárquica como o Instituto era apresentado. This paper examines the establishment of offices of the Smithsonian Institute of Social Anthropology (ISA) in Mexico and Brazil. The Smithsonian's presence depended on diplomatic agreements that required acceptance from the host countries. The article analyzes written documents such as interviews and institutional records to explore the relationship between the discourses and practices involved in the anthropological contribution to the US war effort. This analysis presumes a basic understanding of concepts used at the time, such as 'applied anthropology,' 'area studies' and 'community studies,' as well as definitions specifically used by the Smithsonian's anthropologists, such as 'limited good' and 'culture shock.' The comparative method is relevant to understanding what happened in the two countries. In Mexico, political negotiations and other factors delayed its implantation. In Brazil the process involved inter-institutional disputes. A closer look at these interactions leads to an analysis of the hierarchic interrelationships involved in the creation of the Institute.

El objeto de este trabajo es analizar y reconstruir la participación argentina en los proyectos documentales científicos internacionales desarrollados a finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX. En él se presta especial atención a la creación de la Oficina Bibliográfica Nacional Argentina, ligada al Instituto Internacional de Bibliografía de Bruselas. El trabajo forma parte de un amplio proyecto destinado a explorar la incorporación latinoamericana a los desarrollos de la ciencia contemporánea a través de su participación en las redes de comunicación científica creadas en la época. Dicha participación no puede entenderse únicamente como producto de las necesidades documentales de las comunidades científicas o de la difusión del pensamiento positivo sino que debe ponerse en relación, así mismo, con el fenómeno del nacionalismo y los procesos de construcción de la identidad nacional. Además de aspectos locales, la participación argentina en dichos proyectos estuvo mediatizada por los movimientos latinoamericanista y panamericanista., The aim of this paper is to analyse and reconstruct Argentinian participation in early twentieth-century scientific documentation projects. Particular attention is paid to the attempts to establish a National Bibliographic Bureau connected to the International Bibliography Institute in Brussels. This article is part of a wider study that aspires to offer an overview of the involvement of Latin America in world science through its participation in the main contemporary networks of scientific communication. Participation in such projects and networks not only corresponds to local scientists' needs and the spread of positivism but it must be linked to nationalistic concerns and the process of construction of collective identity. In addition to local factors, Latin Americanism and Pan Americanism became both relevant trends in the development of scientific documentation initiatives in Argentina at that time.

SINCE the United States is now waking up to the importance of establishing true Pan American understanding and to the significance of student exchanges, it might not be amiss to add a few personal observations which I was privileged to make this past summer. The state of New Mexico, due to its fortunate border location, has naturally taken a leading part in advocating proper Latin American appreciation. The New Mexico College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts has tried to do its share under the far-sighted leadership of its president, Col. Hugh Milton, who appointed a standing committee on Latin American Relations. Unique is the feature that this body of five has two Mexican members. Together they planned the ever-increasing Sarabia Memorial Library of Latin American History and Literature last year, the annual Christmas excursion to Mexico, and best of all, the student exchanges. Our opportunities for Latin American students exhibit several unique features. In the first place, our scholarships are for twelve months, a period long enough for the theoretical benefits to become actual. Scholarships for a shorter period often have a discouraging effect. The foreign visitor has neither the time to learn English nor to adjust himself to our points of view, and he often goes home with many misconceptions and even ill-feeling. In the second place our school grants a room, board, and tuition "scholarship" which has to be earned by working for the college a certain number of hours per month. Psychologically and economically this arrangement should prove more salutary than the traditional concept of Uncle Sam, alias Santa Claus. It increases the student's self-reliance and places him on the same basis with the native sons. He is proud to learn his living here just as so many of our own students have to do. The type of work required proves to be a source of mutual pleasure and benefit. Conducting Spanish conversation tables in the dining hall and lecturing now and then to classes and clubs delights the foreigner and increases his self-respect. Assisting with the correction of papers and journalistic efforts in Spanish opens up to him new understanding of the linguistic difficulties of his own tongue. Contrary to the common practice of awarding scholarships to Liberal Arts students, our college this year chose one student of agriculture and one in engineering. Opportunities for study in these fields are rather limited in