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Provides information on the collection of the papers of Tennessee political leader Edward Hull Crump which chronicles his career and provides an opportunity to explore the lives of 20th century U.S. citizens as they negotiated the catastrophes of economic devastation and global war. Important documents housed in the Crump collection; Details of the magazine and newspaper articles that document the evolution of Crump's media image; Letters and petitions from individual citizens and neighborhood groups demanding city action included in the Crump collection.

The paper explores the impact of the continental system exerted on the constitutional and political evolution of both the United States and individual states and tries to characterize the development of constitutional review phenomenon within the framework of the continental legal system and the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The research stands on the comparative legal analysis methodology within a diachronically featured paradigm. The paper explores the ways through which the continental system could exert relevant impact on the constitutional and political evolution of both the United States and individual states. Further on the article traces the development of the concepts of constitutional review within the framework of the continental legal system and the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The above stages of the analysis allowed the author to outline the specifics, nature of the essence of judicial review in the context of axiological analysis of public activities. The study concludes that judicial review is used to elucidate to what extent a rule of conduct complies with the safeguards of human and civil rights and liberties set out in a specific country.

For some decades, students and scholars of Political Science have debated methodological differences, paradigmatic differences, and policy differences as they relate to curricula. Today, the real challenges facing the teaching of Political Science have less to do with content and much more to do with form and process. The next transformation in teaching and learning must address what kind of political scientist we wish to be, which kind of Political Science we need to create. Our argument advances in three moments. First, we sketch contemporary contexts for analyzing teaching and learning, musing about old and new paradigmatic/methodological debates and the new social-technological contexts of undergraduate learning. Second, we discuss conceptions of competencies in the U.S., Europe, and in relation to a specific Political Science program in Brazil. Third, we dare to sketch a "metaprofile" of the "good political scientist", modeled on the work of the ALFA Tuning Project of the European Commission and reflections on related Brazilian and Latin American experiences. [This paper was presented at the IPSA World Congress 2014 in the Research Committee 33 (The Study of Political Science as a Discipline) panel "Paradigms and Historiography in Political Studies" (23rd, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, July 23, 2014.]

This article examines “currency chains”—messages and petitions written on paper money—as folkloric expressions and rhetorical acts that critique or commend dominant American public discourse. After a general description of currency chains, it considers two categories in detail. First is the “St. Lazarus” variety that flourished in the United States in the late 1990s, having migrated from Europe. Second are political money chains that engage with a social or political order, often in protest. This article observes the condemnation of currency chains as an irrational phenomenon, and regards them as viable means for often marginalised groups to foster participation in a public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This and the next two issues of LegisIative Studies Quarterly will publish a group of articles based on papers presented at the 1988 G. E. Hendricks Symposium on the United States Senate. Held on the campus of the University of Nebraska-Lincoln in October 1988, this symposium brought together leading students of the U.S. Congress. Their articles fall into three large categories, and these categories will be used to divide the articles among the three issues (see Appendix). Following this introduction, three historically oriented articles will appear in this issue. The August issue d l contain five articles on the organization and operation of the Senate, and the November issue will present six articles relating to Senate elections. Collectively, these articles constitute an impressive portrait of current research on the Senate. Why is it important to obtain such a portrait? Of what value was our symposium and the papers it produced? What did we hope to accomplish, and did we do it? In this brief introduction to the Hendricks Symposium studies, we address these and related questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The challenges of teaching introductory-level U.S. politics to reluctant audiences are well known and widely lamented. This article investigates the pedagogical potential of political satire, specifically "The Daily Show with Jon Stewart", in engaging students in this tough-to-teach course. Based on a review of available literature and student survey data from the fall 2008 term, I argue that using this popular program in the classroom can enhance an introductory U.S. politics course. A review of both these survey data and student papers based on the program suggests promising possibilities for encouraging students' political engagement and critical-thinking skills. This preliminary examination demonstrates that further study on the program's potential both for student engagement and student learning outcomes is warranted.

This section presents abstracts of several public opinion research published in the U.S. in the 1970s.

Presents a list of books on politics in the U.S. "Latinos in the United States: The Sacred and the Political," by David T. Abalos.; "Rocky Mountain Constitution Making, 1830-1912," by Gordon Morris Bakken; "The Protestant Establishment: Aristocracy & Caste in America," by E. Digby Baltzell.

Comments on an article about the essential problems in the conceptualization of the U.S. experiment in constitutional choice. Analysis of the efficacy of constitutional forms in restraining the tyrannical exercise of political power; Discussion of the social institutions that renders the issue of constitutional choice less pressing; Problem posed by the concepts of constitutional structure and political condition.

Justin Crowe has written an accessible, thorough, and compelling history of the institutional development of the US Supreme Court and the federal judiciary it sits atop, from their inconspicuous inception in February 1790 to their current status as, perhaps, the most powerful judiciary in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on acquisitions of selected Western European political science materials deemed important for inclusion in at least one North American research library. The percentages of French, Italian, Swedish, Catalan, Icelandic, and Belgian materials not found in RLIN (Research Libraries Information Network) and OCLC are provided. Factors supporting adequate collecting levels are identified. (KRN)

Scientists, public servants, and patient advocates alike increasingly question the validity of published scientific results, endangering the public’s acceptance of science. Here, I argue that emerging flaws in the integrity of the peer review system are largely responsible. Distortions in peer review are driven by economic forces and enabled by a lack of accountability of journals, editors, and authors. One approach to restoring trust in the validity of published results may be to establish basic rules that render peer review more transparent, such as publishing the reviews (a practice already embraced by some journals) and monitoring not only the track records of authors but also of editors and journals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polarization and participation are often connected in the political science literature, though sometimes the causality runs participation to polarization and sometimes the causality runs in the reverse direction. In some accounts there is an expectation that increasing participation and increasing polarization generate an ongoing spiral effect. In this paper we evaluate the over-time relationships between polarization and participation by assessing evidence in existing panel and aggregate data. We find that people with more extreme attitudes are more likely to participate in politics. However, only one particular form of participation—persuading others—appears to predict later levels of polarization. Therefore, only persuasion has the necessary correlation and temporal ordering for a feedback loop with more extreme ideology. The implication is that the discipline should pay more attention to interpersonal persuasion as a form of participation in American politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although substantial attention has focused on efforts by the new Administration to block environmental policies, climate politics have been contentious in the US since well before the election of Donald Trump. In this paper, we extend previous work on empirical examinations of echo chambers in US climate politics using new data collected on the federal climate policy network in summer 2016. We test for the similarity and differences at two points in time in homophily and echo chambers using Exponential Random Graph Models (ERGM) to compare new findings from 2016 to previous work on data from 2010. We show that echo chambers continue to play a significant role in the network of information exchange among policy elites working on the issue of climate change. In contrast to previous findings where echo chambers centered on a binding international commitment to emission reductions, we find that the pre-existing echo chambers have almost completely disappeared and new structures have formed around one of the main components of the Obama Administration’s national climate policy: the Clean Power Plan. These results provide empirical evidence that science communication and policymaking at the elite level shift in relation to the policy instruments under consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing data from a study of the participation of private experts in the conduct of United States foreign affairs, this paper analyzes the behavior of outside experts. This is done by placing this behavior in the context of other relationships between bureaucracies and their social environment, and identifying the persons involved as external bureaucrats; by examining the roles of these external bureaucrats as a special case of multiple affiliations; by suggesting that their basic functions are the communication of information and perspectives from the environment to the bureaucracy and vice versa, providing an image of the participation of nongovernmental persons in governmental affairs, and supplying manpower to the bureaucracy that is not needed full time or that cannot be obtained through usual employment procedures; by analyzing the role of external bureaucrats in interorganizational relations; and by developing propositions as a stimulus and guide for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The papers by economists James M. Buchanan and Julius Margolis deal primarily with voting, while economist Roland N. McKean's paper is concerned mainly with politicians and bureaucrats. The subjects of these papers therefore fall squarely within the domain of political science. Another characteristic that these papers have in common is a concern with the way political processes determine the amount of resources allocated to the production of public goods. Buchanan and McKean suggest that the U.S. political and fiscal system systematically tends to allocate excessive resources to the satisfaction of social wants, while Margolis suggests that local referendums, at least, can lead to less than optimal levels of public investment. the possible tendency toward excessive purchases of public goods in Buchanan's final model may well be counteracted by opposing factors. First, demonstration effects are surely strongest in the private sector, and they tend to lead toward an excessive purchase of private goods. Second, billions of dollars are spent advertising private goods, while public goods are normally not similarly advertised.

In this article the author presents various topics published in the Winter 1952-53 issue of the journal "Public Opinion Quarterly." In the first paper published in the issue, Paul F. Lazarsfeld expresses the hope of American sociologists that international communications research can help to fill certain methodological and substantive gaps which have not yet been successfully bridged in the domestic sphere. He stresses particularly the opportunities open in this new field for bringing social researchers and policy makers closer together in their endeavors in the area of social progress. The reader may look at this paper as an expression of mature speculation about the opportunities, hopes, and dangers in the new field. In the next two sections, the author moves into the work-a-day realm, encountering the people who, in spite of all the handicaps of an ill-defined field, unproven methods, and shortage of trained personnel, have gone ahead and contributed substantively to international communications research. In the section on "Techniques" some very pertinent problems of methodology are frankly stated. The issue is concluded by a short report on the first meeting of the Committee on International Communications Research, which took place during the last annual convention of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

This article reports on the imprisonment of a Muslim former student on charges related to terrorism that has struck a chord among academics and public intellectuals. Syed Fahad Hashmi, a 28-year-old naturalized U.S. citizen born in Pakistan, is being held in solitary confinement at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Manhattan, on multiple charges related to terrorism. Jeanne Theoharis, an associate professor of political science at the City University of New York's Brooklyn College, remembers Syed Fahad Hashmi as an energetic student who took frequent advantage of his professors' office hours. Ms. Theoharis also recalls that her student took a keen interest in civil liberties. Mr. Hashmi wrote his final paper for her class on the contradictions between basic American freedoms and ideals and the U.S. government's treatment of citizens since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Mr. Hashmi's involvement in Al Muhajiroun, a controversial and now officially defunct extremist Islamic group based in Britain, is one reason for his arrest. Testimony against Mr. Hashmi by a government informant may also play a role in his continued detention. Mr. Hashmi's ordeal has had a profound effect on Ms. Theoharis and another of his instructors, who have organized a "Free Fahad" campaign to gain his release. She and her colleague Corey Robin, an associate professor of political science at Brooklyn College who began the campaign, have gained the support of hundreds of academics, writers, and social-justice activists. Apart from Mr. Hashmi's personal predicament, the case's potential to create a chilling effect on college campuses is troublesome to those in academe who want him freed.

This article comments on a paper by Alan S. Blinder and Alan B. Krueger which presented evidence about how people form their economic opinions in the U.S. Several participants discussed Blinder and Krueger's finding that self-interest was not a key factor shaping views on economic issues. The author questioned whether attitudes across income groups about tax burdens and tax cuts should be interpreted as indifference to self-interest. He noted that the actual burden of taxes differed from that implied by statutory income tax rates. Low- and middle-income people had to pay their income and payroll taxes out of their paychecks, whereas the well-to-do had many avenues for avoiding high tax rates. Furthermore, assuming declining marginal utility of income, a typical tax cut package might be expected to produce more utility for lower-income people. Austan Goolsbee discussed whether the paper's results really undermined the homo economicus model. He noted that, because policies in a democracy are set by elected officials, self-interest may be better reflected in who people vote for than in their own answers to economic questions. Evidence that people's answers to survey questions were inconsistent with that model need not imply that economic policy will be inefficient. As for whether homo economicus was the relevant model for economists to use, he reasoned that what mattered was such things as whether agents knew their own tax rates, not whether they knew any facts about macro-economic aggregates.

The article presents information on various issues that are discussed in the journal "The British Journal of Social Work." Three papers in this issue explore the themes of rights, citizenship, individualism and collective action in wider contexts. None of the authors regard social work unproblematically as on the side of liberty. The last paper in this issue returns to the future of social work. Cynthia Bisman, social worker and researcher deploys the perspective which distance can bring to trace the ways in which the accelerating erosion of a collective concern for social welfare in the United States has played into the dissolving sense of an unconditional social contract in Great Britain. The silence of social work in the face of these developments has been purchased. She argues at the expense of the fundamentally moral purpose of the profession, and with it the opportunity for advancing the common good.

This article builds on the recent willingness among British, Canadian, and imperial historians to question older national histories, and to re-examine how the divergent societies, economies, and polities of the empire once interacted in a wider 'British world'. It argues that the press acted as a key mechanism for the transmission of political ideas through the permeable internal boundaries of empire. This is demonstrated through analysis of contemporary debate over the Canadian American reciprocity proposals of 1911. This controversy provided an opportunity for political groups in Britain and Canada to use the press to forge alliances with each other and work together on a specific issue. Two key forces made this possible. In Britain, constructive imperialists had since 1903 sought to rally Dominion support for tariff reform, initially with limited success. In Canada, neither western farmers nor eastern manufacturers seemed interested in imperial preference. It was the reciprocity proposals that changed the situation, providing the second driving force. Canadian manufacturing interests, seeking to prevent the lowering of tariff barriers against United States rivals, began to court British constructive imperialists. As a result political conflict was reshaped both in colony and metropole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses state panel data to investigate changes in United States public assistance caseloads through the end of the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program in 1996, with particular attention to the rapid increase in caseloads between 1990 and 1994. Previous research has focused on total caseloads, with attention to economic and policy variables, and does a relatively poor job of explaining this caseload increase. This paper utilizes a much richer set of control variables to investigate the causes of caseload change; it separates AFDC caseloads into three subcomponent programs, separately investigating changes within the AFDC-UP program, AFDC child-only cases, and the remaining 'core' AFDC cases (with benefits paid to single mothers and their children); and it explores whether this caseload rise was driven by changes in takeup rates versus ineligibility. The results indicate a large unexplained rise in total AFDC caseloads, even with a very rich specification. A good share of this is due to sharp increases in child-only cases, driven by program and demographic shifts. To a lesser extent, this rise was caused by the expansion of AFDC-UP to all states. These two factors explain half of the overall rise, and all of the unexplained rise in AFDC caseloads. The remaining increase in 'core' AFDC cases--benefits received by single mothers and their children--is well explained within the model, and is the result of economic, demographic, political and policy changes. These variables appear to have increased eligibility among the core AFDC population in the early 1990s during the economic slowdown. Takeup rates also increased during this time period, but not by a large amount. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zero-base budgeting (ZBB) has been adopted in a variety of industrial and government settings, and is currently being implemented in the federal government as a means for managing agencies and programs. In this paper, we evaluate ZBB as a management technique and as a political strategy employed in the federal government, using concepts developed in organization theory, planning and control, and political science. We conclude that ZBB combines a number of planning and control attributes, any of which can dominate, according to the environment in which ZBB is implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the development of, and key issues surrounding, an FTC regulation designed specifically to help the disadvantaged. Suggestions are made for improving: the input from the disadvantaged and other concerned groups in developing such regulations; theories purporting to explain regulation; and priority-setting for future regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prompted by the prominence of incest themes in the U.S. literary canon, the author raises and explores the idea of a “democratic theory of incest.” To that end, the paper uncovers, tracks, and documents the interest in incest throughout the Western canon of political thought. It then presents and addresses a “standoff” in theoretical circles today: whereas many nonliberal political theorists have continued and developed the canonical interest in the politics of incest, contemporary liberals have largely dropped out of that extended discussion. By way of a re-reading of Freud’s Totem and Taboo along with an analysis of John Sayles’s 1996 film, Lone Star, the paper outlines a possible way out of a poststructuralist versus liberal theory impasse over incest, thus proposing movement in the direction of a democratic understanding of incest concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article, part of a symposium on international political economy (IPE) journal publishing in the United States, responds to concerns expressed in the keynote article by Benjamin Cohen that the field has become unimaginative and overly focused on empirical methodology. Cohen's recommendations that IPE journal editors publish a wider range of materials, such as review essays and symposia, are discussed with regard to the author's own experiences editing the "Journal of International Business Studies" (JIBS). She adds the recommendation that journals should focus more on IPE theory development.

Although organizational theorists have given much attention to how environments shape organizations, they have given much less attention to how organizations mold their environments. This paper demonstrates what organizational scholars could contribute if they were to study how organizations shape environments. Specifically, the paper synthesizes work by historians, political scientists and students of corporate political action to document how corporations systematically built an institutional field during the 1970s and 1980s to exert greater influence on the US Federal government. The resulting network, composed of nine distinct populations of organizations and the relationships that bind them into a system, channels and amplifies corporate political influence, while simultaneously shielding corporations from appearing to directly influence Congress and the administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an exploration into the development of the concept of public opinion within U.S. political discourse during the Federalist era. Details are given noting the onset of the term and its impact in public discourse in the late 18th century, particularly as it related to economic political debate in connection to public finance issues of credit and debt. Discussion is offered mapping the correlations between the financial history of the U.S. in the aftermath of the Revolutionary War and the appropriation of "public opinion" into the political discourse of major figures such as James Madison and Alexander Hamilton.

Federalism in education has undergone significant changes since the Winter Commission. During the early 1990s, federal policy makers faced the challenge of organizational fragmentation and policy incoherence in public education. In the last 15 years, the intergovernmental system has evolved from one that is predominantly compliance-driven to one that is performance based, as suggested by the congressional adoption of the No Child Left Behind Act in 2001. While the former is often characterized by images of “picket fence” federalism and administrative silos, the latter remains very much a work in progress, with the promise of raising academic proficiency. This paper first examines the paradigm shift and then considers emerging politics in intergovernmental relations. The author explores the ways in which state and local policy makers are altering the rules governing education service provision in response to performance-based federal expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most analyses of US congressional votes on trade policy identify political and economic factors, and general economic conditions as significant factors. In this paper we examine whether simulated state-level impacts of trade policy changes obtained from an applied general equilibrium model explain recent US Senate votes on trade bills. We find that simulated gross state product effects are good predictors of recent trade-policy votes. Our model-based measures of trade sensitivity perform slightly better in statistical terms than the more traditional economic measures. For the Senate as a whole, import considerations have a larger impact on senate voting than export considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the 'democratization of finance' or the promise that all households can make money and/or manage risk by buying appropriate financial services products. It does so by exploring the reasons for discrepancy between what is promised and what can be delivered. Our analysis starts from the economic promises and political pitches for the democratization of finance since the early 1990s and the corollary emphasis on promoting mass financial literacy. The article then identifies three key social preconditions which must be satisfied before the promise is delivered. Evidence and argument from the UK and US suggests that these conditions are not met because the context is confusing, individuals lack calculative competence and products are opaque. Under these conditions felicitous outcomes are uncertain for existing middle class savers and very unlikely for lower income groups. A concluding section relates this analysis to the cultural economy literature and to the politics of social security versus individual responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates when a runoff election is desirable and when a plurality result is good enough. A runoff election increases the likelihood that the Condorcet winner will be elected but also entails additional costs. The metric for determining whether a runoff election is desirable will be the probability that the winner of the plurality election would win an ensuing runoff. Statistical models of voter behavior are developed that estimate this probability, which are verified with runoff-election data from United States elections. The models allow governments to make more informed choices in creating rules to decide when to hold runoff elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analytical nucleus of this paper is formed through a consideration of some primary aspects of the interconnections between a resurgent imperialism and a contested terrain of democratic politics. There are three sections: in the first part an exploratory examination of significant elements of the contemporary literature on imperialism is developed. This includes a discussion of the relationality of imperial power, the differentiation of imperiality from imperialism and the neglected importance of the agents of imperialist power. The second section attempts to tease out some of the specificities of the USA as an imperial democracy set within a broad context of North – South relations. This leads into a final discussion of the geopolitics of democratisation. The paper is an exploratory treatment of certain features of an extensive conceptual and political terrain formed by the intersections between imperialism and democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been recognized that the media play an essential role in government accountability. Even in the absence of censorship, however, the government may influence news content by maintaining a "cozy" relationship with the media. This paper develops a model of democratic politics in which media capture is endogenous. The model offers insights into the features of the media market that determine the ability of the government to exercise such capture and hence to influence political outcomes. (JEL D72, D73, L82) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]