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SignificanceThis study uses large-scale news media and social media data to show that nationwide Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests occur concurrently with sharp increases in public attention to components of the BLM agenda. We also show that attention to BLM and related concepts is not limited to these brief periods of protest but is sustained after protest has ceased. This suggests that protest events incited a change in public awareness of BLM's vision of social change and the dissemination of antiracist ideas into popular discourse.

Background: A longstanding challenge of community-based participatory research (CBPR) has been to anchor evaluation and practice in a relevant theoretical framework of community change, which articulates specific and concrete evaluative benchmarks. Social movement theories provide a broad range of theoretical tools to understand and facilitate social change processes, such as those involved in CBPR. Social movement theories have the potential to provide a coherent representation of how mobilization and collective action is gradually developed and leads to systemic change in the context of CBPR. The current study builds on a social movement perspective to assess the processes and intermediate outcomes of a longstanding health promotion CBPR project with an Indigenous community, the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project (KDSPP)., Methods: This research uses a case study design layered on a movement-building evaluation framework, which allows progress to be tracked over time. Data collection strategies included document (scientific and organizational) review (n = 51) and talking circles with four important community stakeholder groups (n = 24)., Results: Findings provide an innovative and chronological perspective of the evolution of KSDPP as seen through a social movement lens, and identify intermediate outcomes associated with different dimensions of movement building achieved by the project over time (mobilization, leadership, vision and frames, alliance and partnerships, as well as advocacy and action strategies). It also points to areas of improvement for KSDPP in building its potential for action., Conclusion: While this study's results are directly relevant and applicable to the local context of KSDPP, they also highlight useful lessons and conclusions for the planning and evaluation of other long-standing and sustainable CBPR initiatives. The conceptual framework provides meaningful benchmarks to track evidence of progress in the context of CBPR. Findings from the study offer new ways of thinking about the evaluation of CBPR projects and their progress by drawing on frameworks that guide other forms of collective action.

Introduction: In this research, we examine how intragroup fragmentation, which is the division of a group into smaller subgroups, interacts with different forms of action against gender inequality. We focused on two types of action: actions that promote social change and actions that encourage retribution. Methods: We investigated these processes within the #MeToo social movement using data collected in Australia (N = 363) and Romania (N = 135). In both samples, we measured antecedents of 'group consciousness' (previous experience with discrimination, empathic concern, and perspective taking) and its indicators (social identification, perceived group efficacy beliefs, and group emotions such as anger and contempt). As indicators of intragroup fragmentation, we measured endorsement of different categories of group behaviors such as pro-social change action versus pro-retribution action. To assess the predictive power of motivations for joining the movement (antecedents of group consciousness) and of group consciousness for either pro-social or retributive actions, we tested several structural equation models (SEMs). Results: Our results indicate that the motivations for joining such social movements were more complex than anticipated, with perspective-taking emerging as a significant differentiator. Our analyses further show that different dimensions of group consciousness could predict support for either pro-social or retributive actions. Discussion: These findings highlight the complexity of the intragroup processes in newly emerging, modern social movements such as #MeToo. Our findings have implications for the study of membership dynamics in social movements and suggest that strategies to mobilise support should be tailored to these complexities. Overall, this research contributes to the current understanding of intragroup dynamics in contemporary social movements, thereby providing insights that could inform both grassroots mobilisation strategies and policy interventions aiming to increase gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the application of the concept of negative work within Movement Chaplaincy, contending that this framework facilitates engagement with negative spirituality in this sphere of ministry. Using the lens of the 'work of the negative', it examines the interplay between spirituality and political activism in Movement Chaplaincy, addressing potential resistance and inquiries surrounding the fusion of 'negative spirituality'—focused on the apophatic and mystical-paradoxical aspects—and practical collective activism. This approach emphasizes the practical and theoretical aspects of challenging prevailing narratives, investigating self-subverting methods, and unearthing layers of non-identical elements within this process. It suggests that the evolving interest in the role of spirituality within social movements, coupled with initiatives like the Daring Compassion project, signifies a synergy between academic exploration and practical spiritual care provision. Ultimately, this article seeks to interpret activist work through the lens of spiritual accompaniment, creating space for an expanded understanding of activism across diverse identities and power dynamics. It proposes that the concept of 'negative work' serves as a tool for interpreting and deepening comprehension of the intrinsic dynamics within Movement Chaplaincy, fostering an inclusive and transformative approach to social and political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to our understanding of how social movement coalitions with an intersectional political perspective function. It analyzes the development in Uruguay of a network of social movements that successfully promoted the so-called "new rights agenda" during the progressive government (2005-2020). This case is particularly interesting given its level of success in terms of legal changes and public policies and the role played by social movements in these changes. Considering the above, do Uruguayan social organizations in the new rights agenda form an integrated network of action? If so, what level of segmentation do these organizations assume based on their main issues? Through an analysis of networks, we show that these organizations operate within an integrated network, which is reinforced by the presence of specific entities that play a central intermediary role. However, the existence of organizational link segmentation is evident, indicating that while there is some capacity for interaction among different social movement industries, a thematic logic predominates when understanding interactions within the network. The network analysis presented is based on information collected in an original survey conducted with 49 organizations in Montevideo involved in the new rights agenda. Empirically, the article advances our knowledge of this unique case in the Latin American context through an innovative methodology for analyzing these phenomena. On a theoretical level, it addresses recent discussions in the literature concerning the impact of an intersectional perspective on the actions and outcomes of social movements and their capacity to create effective coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements often comprise a variety of actors employing differing levels of radicality. This study examines how collective action enables social change by studying the influence of the presence of a radical flank on public support for moderate and radical activists. We report two experimental studies investigating the reactions towards the protests of a movement in the United Kingdom opposing a university’s reduction in sustainable catering options (N = 485) and an anti-fracking movement in the US (N = 455). In both experiments, participants read a fake newspaper article about a: (1) completely nonviolent, (2) completely violent, or (3) mixed violent/nonviolent movement including a radical flank. The tested models reveal that identification with the activists drives effects on public support (i.e., intentions to participate and donate). Specifically, the presence of a radical flank caused an increase in public support for the moderates (Study 1) or a decrease in support for the radicals (Study 2). Study 2 additionally found that the magnitude of the effects is moderated by the participants’ sympathy for the movement’s cause. Observers who were sympathetic towards the advocated changes reacted more strongly towards the chosen tactics. Implications for theory, practice and future research are discussed.

In the last decade, emerging digital technologies have created spaces for youth-led activism to flourish across the world. These spaces have facilitated civic engagement and bottom-up political participation from children and young people that are grounded in their specific interests and needs. Since the participatory practices granted by digital activism have been at the core of how younger generations are fighting for and advancing social change, it is essential for development education (DE) to explore the pedagogical possibilities of this particular type of participation. This article analyses youth-led mobilisations in Brazil connected to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and their corresponding social media activity as a way to explore digital activism experiences and practices. The mobilisation is the Brazilian school occupations under the hashtag #OccupaTudo and #EscolasEmLuta that address SDG 4 Quality Education. Through a digital ethnography that explores the social media discussions associated with this movement and what can be perceived as the lack of long term impact, the article demonstrates the relevance of political action as a pedagogy and a tool for teaching children and young people about their rights, how to uphold them and how to overcome existing barriers for their civic engagement and participation. Building upon Hannah Arendt's theory of action, the article proposes an approach to digital political action as pedagogy and not only as an expected outcome for development education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Current research article is devoted to the exploration of women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society. The exploration of the current situation of the women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society includes two components. Firstly, through an analysis of documents (the Soviet state’s first codes of different years), the study examines the evolution of the women's rights protection social movement from the Soviet Union. This investigation illustrates how the Soviet Union’s political system had formed and shaped the women’s movement, which also affected the further development of the movement in modern Armenian society. Secondly, this research paper is based on an analysis of 34 in-depth interviews performed in Yerevan city from 2020-2023, with informants engaged in different types of women’s rights protection activism during the last 20 years in Armenian society. Information gathered from interviews allowed us to split the history of the development of the movement into two time-lapses in modern Armenian society. Triangulation of qualitative document analysis and in-depth interviews, equally contributed to the understanding of the main features of the women’s rights protection social movement as a whole social phenomenon in Armenian modern society. One of the key findings of the research is that despite the existence of diverse groups of women’s rights protection activists and just individuals coping with social system gender inequalities, there is difficulties in establishing social movement in modern Armenian society. The most prevailing definitions of social movements assume non-institutionalized collective actions with a clear set of goals. Instead, what currently exists in modern Armenian society is a form of street activism organized by efforts of different institutionalized organizations, where people engage in sporadic protests to raise awareness about gender issues and gender inequality. The paper also sheds light on social obstacles that prevent the initiative from becoming an institutionalized social movement for women’s rights protection in Armenia. The main social-cultural obstacles can be seen as a combination of factors including the absence of a general feminist agenda, lack of structural strain pushing for mobilization and social conservatism, etc.

There is perhaps nothing more hopeful in the world than to attempt to develop a truly meaningful relationship with another human being. The formation of authentic relationships can be powerful for many reasons including contributing to the formation of collective movements and social change. But, what does an authentic relationship look like in an inherently time-limited community-engaged learning (CEL) experience? I utilize the case of a CEL class, rooted in some of the aims of the Jesuit Justice Circle (experience, understanding, imagination), which offers the opportunity for college students to enjoy early morning walks to school with youth.2 I analyze student data from their relationship development journals and semester-long writing assignments to describe patterns in their development of relationships with fellow classmates and community members. In so doing, I offer an initial descriptive account of what the critical CEL aspirational concept of authentic relationships looks like "on the ground.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Literary responses to Mexico’s 1968 sociopolitical movements tend to focus on male perspectives, resulting in a largely masculine version of the events. This study expands on this rather homogeneous response by focusing on two plays by women: Sócrates y los gatos by Elena Garro and Octubre terminó hace mucho tiempo by Pilar Campesino. Both works problematize the male-centered sociopolitical movement that advocated equity and inclusiveness while marginalizing women’s contributions to social activism. By focusing on personal relationships in parallel to political discourse, the two pieces underscore the political as explicitly intrinsic to gendered concepts and structures. Through their critique of Mexico’s political ideology, Garro and Campesino accentuate a male-centered social stratification that severely discounts women’s contributions to social change. Their plays propose an understanding of gender inequality as an encounter between a paternalistic nation-state, a tradition of masculine ideology as the center of Mexican thought and social movement, and a patriarchy embedded in identity formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community-based participatory research (CBPR) is increasingly being used by academics to address urban health and inequity. While its foundational literature emphasizes CBPR's role in eschewing the traditional balance of power between communities and institutions, some scholars and grassroots activists note that it has not consistently delivered community-led, action-oriented strategies. Here we examine gaps between theory and current practice of CBPR. First, we assess its fundamental practices through social movement theory. Second, we examine narratives from grassroots leaders who have utilized CBPR in their environmental justice efforts. Three key facilitating factors are often cited for authentic applications of CBPR: (1) grounding research within community-specific opportunities for change, (2) collaborating with a strong community partner, and (3) facilitating flexibility in research processes. Building on previous scholarship, we investigate the complexity of CBPR implementation that may dampen its potency as a social change strategy and highlight the need for nuanced and critical application of best practices to suit local contexts. This is accomplished by pairing the theoretical framework with the experiences of four community leaders who are members of the Moving Forward Network (MFN). Narratives from their experiences with partnering with academic institutions speak to how theoretical complexities with CBPR occur in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses learning related to experiencing violence in social actions and social movements. Activists may experience physical abuse from individuals and from organised entities such as the police, both accidentally and as a form of intentional repression. Applying the social movement learning approach to the analysis of individual experience, collective responses to violence, and preparations for the eventuality of its occurrence allowed us to identify the functionalities of protest culture towards de-escalation of violence. The article offers a review of literature as well as an analysis of empirical data from our previous research projects. The result of the analysis is a model of social movements learning about violence, linking individual suffering with the potential of social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What do those seeking social change stand to gain or lose when they turn to litigation? Scholars of legal mobilization have addressed how litigation can shape social movements through its indirect effects, as going to court can unite, mobilize, or legitimize activists and their opponents. But these previous studies tend to disregard the nuts and bolts of litigation, instead focusing on judicial decisions or treating lawsuits as monolithic events. In contrast, this Note attends to the process of litigation in all its complexity, arguing that particular elements of litigation— namely claiming, discovery, and record building—are critical sources of indirect effects. This Note further argues that while such elements offer activists distinctive opportunities to draw extralegal benefits from legal action, these benefits are enabled and constrained by the procedural rules and norms that structure litigation. By constructing a new approach to legal mobilization that highlights the centrality of procedure, this Note challenges the terms of the debate over the utility of courts to social movemen [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of this article are: first, to review the quantitative indicators used in the literature to measure bonding, bridging and linking types of social capital; and, second, to review its operationalization process. It takes into consideration the methodological ambiguity with which these concepts are treated. It is argued that there is a good number of indicators that do not represent the theoretical concepts, based on: (i) the overlapping of chosen indicators between the dimensions of the concept; (ii) the theoretical ambiguity of social capital in its definition (especially from the communitarian approach); (iii) the empirical ambiguity in the choice of indicators; (iv) the lack of an ad hoc design to measure social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opposition driven by social movements rooted in native or peasant communities against mining projects, such as the Conga's ones (Peru), shows a special difficulty for the analysis due to the importance of ceremonies in which entheogens are used to contact with spirits and to enable the production of information, diagnoses and plans. This kind of social movements require a cultural analysis that underlines the cultural gaps between the collective actors that also affects the ideological frameworks and the theoretical models that are used by the activists and the researchers. At the end, the article concludes that the four-ontology map proposed by Descola, which establishes four relationships between the human and the non-human, is very useful in order to analyze conflicts in terms of ontological gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of REICE. Ibero-American Journal on Quality, Effectiveness & Change in Education / REICE. Revista Iberoamericana Sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación is the property of Red Iberoamericana de Investigacion sobre Cambio y Eficacia en Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of REICE. Ibero-American Journal on Quality, Effectiveness & Change in Education / REICE. Revista Iberoamericana Sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación is the property of Red Iberoamericana de Investigacion sobre Cambio y Eficacia en Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The conceptual framing of artist activists as arts entrepreneurs is pivotal to this study's analysis of artists' political organizing during the overlapping moments of the Covid-19 pandemic and the Trump presidential era. However, artist activism as a form of arts entrepreneurship is underexplored in the arts entrepreneurship literature. To address this gap, I conduct a side-by-side comparison of key principles in the arts entrepreneurship and social movement literatures to establish a transdisciplinary theoretical baseline that supports my argument that artist activism is a vital form of arts entrepreneurship. I then analyze interviews with twenty-seven artist activists who cultivated and exercised actions for "changing the future" (Koppl & Minniti, 2008a, 17) during this period and apply my findings to further expand the taxonomy of arts entrepreneurship first developed by Chang and Wyszomirski (2015) beyond management process to vehicle for institutional change. In addition to connecting arts entrepreneurship to the social movement literature and conceptualizing artist activism as a form of arts entrepreneurship, I identify strategies and tactics employed by US artist activists in their creation of both economic and social value in the 2020-2022 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The field of Adult Education is rich with general theories of learning but limited in terms of theories that inform social movement learning (SML). Today, there are several conceptualizations of SML, but little learning theory development based directly on empirical studies of SML. This article aims to present findings from a systematic literature review of empirical studies on social movement learning (SML). We collected and identified 69 empirical studies focusing on adult learning and education within social movements for this literature review. We purposely focused on empirical research studies and did not include works that conceptualise or theorise social movement learning outside of actual empirical studies of SML. From our review of empirical studies, we have identified five elements we believe could serve as the foundation of a theory of learning and education in social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last decade has seen the rise of new kinds of grassroots social movements. Movements including Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter. Sunrise. and #MeToo pushed back against long-standing political, economic, and social crises, including income inequality, racial inequality, police violence, climate change, and the widespread culture of sexual abuse and harassment. As these social change efforts evolve, a growing body of scholarship has begun to theorize the role of lawyers within these new social movements and to identify lawyering characteristics that contribute to sustatining social movements over time. This Article surveys this body of literature and proposes a typology of terminology that names, identifies, and distinguishes the underlying characteristics and principles of prominent models of social change lawyering. Our typology is intended to create common conceptual ground in the field. The Article then applies this typology to the case study of one social change campaign to illustrate the ways scholars and advocates can use the framework to think strategically about tailoring goals and strategies to various sociological and theoretical factors. By mapping advocacy to theories of social change lawyering and tailoring such work to socio-legal factors, our goals are several We hope our typology will launch a conversation that enables scholars and lawyers to evaluate diverse lawyering modalities in light of lawyers' conception of their roles, their theory of social change, and the contexts in which they work. We also hope that our typology provokes engagement and correction, in the spirit of collectively imagining new ways of inhabiting the lawyering role that support critical social change efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debate over the emancipatory potential of socioeconomic rights and their relevance to broader social movements is long-standing but is now picking up steam and taking on a life well beyond its traditionally legal disciplinary confines. This article contributes to the widening debate by emphasising the need for socioeconomic rights to be re-thought simultaneously outward (through deeper engagement with extant economic and political systems) and inward (by re-assessing various doctrines ingrained in their own construction). I pursue this 'two-track' methodology by first constructing a novel theory regarding the outward engagement of socioeconomic rights with competition law and policy, focusing on the collective agency of rightsholders pressing for social change through democratic means and the specifically neoliberal conception of competition. Crucially, following William Davies (The Limits of Neoliberalism) , I argue that this specific conception of competition is not just another aspect of neoliberalism but is instead the defining characteristic of the neoliberal system. The finding of incompatibility between socioeconomic rights and this conception of competition therefore implies incompatibility also with the neoliberal system, tout court. However, this systemic rejection provokes inward analysis of the surprisingly under-examined legal doctrine of systemic neutrality, positing that socioeconomic rights can be meaningfully realised in any political or economic system. Ultimately, it is argued that to have any real emancipatory relevance to broader social movements socioeconomic rights advocates, in general, must be far more forthright and logically consistent in what these rights both entail and exclude. The emancipatory promise of these rights is inherently bound to a rejection of their neutrality, legal, systemic, or otherwise, and an active, cooperative theoretical, and political engagement with more broadly emancipatory movements in a range of non-legal fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the #MeToo social movement begun in 2017 raised awareness around sexual violence and its role in masculinity, its larger impact on masculine ideology is difficult to gauge. Employing an ideologically rich genre--the covers of men's lifestyle magazines-- and concepts from Rhetorical Genre Studies (RGS), this paper investigates #MeToo's impact on the (re)production of masculinity in the genre, further considering the extent to which social movements and the resulting public anxiety can impact ideological (re)production in genres. Comparing covers from before and after #MeToo, this paper argues that patterns in the genre represent a sidestepping of the issues raised by #MeToo and a covert resistance to the movement rather than a fundamental shift in American masculinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This special edition introduces eight papers at the intersection of design, oppression, and liberation. These papers refer to social structure as a common leverage point to criticize and transform different oppression relations, namely racism, gender, marginalization, epistemic injustice, and colonization. The contributions follow recent moves in social movements and social sciences that recognize that tackling different oppression relations enables seeing oppressive structures more clearly. Nurturing solidarity bonds across different oppression struggles becomes an urgent task in this new field of research we call Oppression Studies of Design. Building upon anti-colonial views on oppression, this field connects design research with the history of changing social structures through liberation struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countless social problems demand solutions, from climate change and gun control to poverty and systemic racism. But while some of these problems inspire action (e.g., "Black Lives Matter" and "Me Too" movements), most fail to gain traction or inspire new policy. Why do some problems garner more attention and response? We suggest that the relative timing of related events may play an important role. Specifically, action may be more likely when related events are concentrated in time. A multi-method investigation tests this possibility. Study 1 borrows a modeling strategy from the economics and marketing literatures to examine a particularly important domain: gun control. Analysis of over 40 years of gun control legislation finds that, even after controlling for the frequency of mass shootings, bills are more likely to be proposed (and passed) when shootings are concentrated in time. Study 2 further tests concentration's causal impact and demonstrates that concentration increases support against sexual assault. These findings illustrate how a modeling approach commonly used to study advertising goodwill can be applied to a broader set of situations, suggest why some social problems are more likely to catalyze action, and shed light on drivers of social movements and collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The last decade has seen the rise of new kinds of grassroots social movements. Movements including Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, Sunrise, and #MeToo pushed back against long-standing political, economic, and social crises, including income inequality, racial inequality, police violence, climate change, and the widespread culture of sexual abuse and harassment. As these social change efforts evolve, a growing body of scholarship has begun to theorize the role of lawyers within these new social movements and to identify lawyering characteristics that contribute to sustaining social movements over time. This Article surveys this body of literature and proposes a typology of terminology that names, identifies, and distinguishes the underlying characteristics and principles of prominent models of social change lawyering. Our typology is intended to create common conceptual ground in the field. The Article then applies this typology to the case study of one social change campaign to illustrate the ways scholars and advocates can use the framework to think strategically about tailoring goals and strategies to various sociological and theoretical factors. By mapping advocacy to theories of social change lawyering and tailoring such work to socio-legal factors, our goals are several. We hope our typology will launch a conversation that enables scholars and lawyers to evaluate diverse lawyering modalities in light of lawyers' conception of their roles, their theory of social change, and the contexts in which they work. We also hope that our typology provokes engagement and correction, in the spirit of collectively imagining new ways of inhabiting the lawyering role that support critical social change efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthropogenic carbon emissions have the potential to trigger changes in climate and ecosystems that would be catastrophic for the well-being of humans and other species. Widespread shifts in production and consumption patterns are urgently needed to address climate change. Although transnational agreements and national policy are necessary for a transition to a fully decarbonized global economy, fluctuating political priorities and lobbying by vested interests have slowed these efforts. Against this backdrop, bottom-up pressure from social movements and shifting social norms may offer a complementary path to a more sustainable economy. Furthermore, norm change may be an important component of decarbonization policies by accelerating or strengthening the impacts of other demand-side measures. Individual actions and policy support are social processes—they are intimately linked to expectations about the actions and beliefs of others. Although prevailing social norms often reinforce the status quo and unsustainable development pathways, social dynamics can also create widespread and rapid shifts in cultural values and practices, including increasing pressure on politicians to enact ambitious policy. We synthesize literature on social-norm influence, measurement, and change from the perspectives of psychology, anthropology, sociology, and economics. We discuss the opportunities and challenges for the use of social-norm and social-tipping interventions to promote climate action. Social-norm interventions aimed at addressing climate change or other social dilemmas are promising but no panacea. They require in-depth contextual knowledge, ethical consideration, and situation-specific tailoring and testing to understand whether they can be effectively implemented at scale. Our review aims to provide practitioners with insights and tools to reflect on the promises and pitfalls of such interventions in diverse contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intentional communities are social movements that are centrally concerned with producing new forms of social organization through experimentation with labor organization. Exploring the experiments of one of these communities, this article analyzes how members (communards) imagine how work can be organized to build a more egalitarian mode of life. Communards' attitudes toward sharing work while balancing the needs of the community and the individual provide valuable insights into the sometimes paradoxical dynamics and practical relationships between power, hierarchy, justice, and equality. The article highlights how egalitarian life is perceived to come to fruition often through joy and playfulness, which must be balanced with more bureaucratic and rule-bound egalitarian social structures. Furthermore, the article argues that labor should be a central domain in grappling with egalitarian possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements are of critical importance in bringing about social change nay development. Social movements are large groupings of individuals or organizations that focus on specific political or social issues. Deprived groups consisting of peasants, tribals, Dalits, backward classes, youth, and women have been organizing themselves to fight against inequalities, discrimination, and deprivation. The United States has a long tradition of social movements that have sparked major changes in bringing about social change and development. The movements have been of various types as labor, civil rights, Black nationalism, anti-globalization, environmental, etc. The French Revolution in the 18th century can be termed as a radical movement which brought about social change and development not only in France but also in Europe and in other nations. In the 19th century Europe, labor movements were based on Marxism, that is, based on the class struggle. Unification of Germany in 1990 and the collapse of Soviet Union are the two important events in Europe which brought about development in Europe. India too has witnessed several movements as Backward Classes, Nationalist, Dalits, Caste, Youth, Tribal, Farmers', Environmental, and Women's movements. The social movements as collectivities attempting to change the social order cannot be analyzed simply in terms of success or failure. Some have succeeded to reach the desired goals and others have failed. Failure may come as a result of ruthless suppression of the movement or through widespread apathy. A movement may wither away because very few take it seriously, and it does not develop enough power to force its program on society. Success is most apparent when a movement manages to have its power legitimized as authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Can litigation contribute to the liberation of oppressed individuals and their communities? Or is litigation antithetical to social movements seeking liberation? Social movement scholars have raised important critiques of litigation's efficacy a tool for social change, questioning litigation's ability to deliver significant social reform and condemning the compromising effects that litigation may have social movements. According to these critics, litigation is incapable of dismantling deep-seated social injustices and may deradicalize and professionalize social movements in ways that undermine their ultimate vision of just world. Drawing upon an in-depth case study, this Article is the first to explore these critiques in the context of the animal liberation movement, to which scholars of law and social change have paid little attention. The case study centers on an extensive litigation campaign to liberate animals from the Cricket Hollow Zoo, unaccredited Iowa zoo, which confined hundreds of animals in inhumane and filthy conditions. This campaign offers important lessons for understanding the relationship between litigation and social movements generally and for understanding the role of litigation in the furtherance of animal liberation more specifically. Although litigation alone cannot fully realize social movements' goals, critics have undervalued litigation's capacity to materially benefit exploited populations. The Cricket Hollow Zoo campaign demonstrates how litigation can have important benefits for movements and the communities they serve, both juridically (through court orders that change material conditions for exploited individuals) and extra-juridically (through public outreach that facilitates broader changes in social norms). I use the litigation campaign against the Cricket Hollow Zoo to explore questions about litigation and social movements, extending the existing literature to the underexplored context of animal protection and drawing lessons that can inform other social movements' uses of litigation towards liberatory ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Social innovation (SI) continues to raise interest among scholars and policymakers, as a potential panacea for social disenfranchisement and civic dysfunction. What is troubling is diverse perspectives of SI abound, creating inconsistencies in methodological approaches which confound theory development. This paper clarifies that discussion by considering the locus of initiation and locus of benefit as informing characteristics that differentiate grounded social innovation from other types of well-recognized socially beneficent endeavors. The notion of 'from community e for community' is presented to aid understanding of the unique nature of authentically grounded social innovation. This paper is significant as it presents a practical approach to help researchers and practitioners consider where opportunities for targeted policy support, institutional involvement, and agency action can aid community development and wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article aims to analyze, from a comparative perspective, the processes of collective resistance against test-based accountability policies in education in three countries: Chile, Spain, and Mexico. The study follows the comparative method to identify the convergences and divergences between the Alto al SIMCE movement in Chile, the teacher protest movement in Mexico, and the Green Tides movement in Spain. The results indicate that the adoption processes and the specific forms of test-based accountability policies can influence, condition, and constrain social movements' protests and the possibilities for social change, underlining the interdependent relationship between action and social structure, which is key to explaining social a protest's success or failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A retrospective analysis is made of the armed rebellion that took place in Ivory Coast between 2002 and 2011 as one of the most important insurrectionary social movements of West Africa in the first decade of the 21st century. It is assumed that French neocolonialism influenced this social movement through co-option to strengthen its regional influence, which was threatened by the actions of the current government in Ivory Coast. From an analytic-synthetic perspective supported on critical points that stand out for the discussion, it is concluded that despite anchoring its claim in the Ivorian identity crisis, the social movement at issue drifted from its aspiration of identity social change, to the interest in political power, for having been co-opted to secure external interests, for which the sharpened Ivorian problem was poorly managed and resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Occupational divisions in any country are understood largely as change in the activities of the members in a given society and the way to earn their livelihood. Mostly, the change is observed in terms of changes in the distribution activities in relation to socio-economic structure of the society. India was a traditional caste-based Hindu society, and a person who is born into a particular caste cannot easily escape from its prescribed values including occupational activities. Its hierarchical nature reveals its rigid values attached and hence change should also be understood in terms of socio-cultural aspects and not merely socio-economic. In the caste hierarchy, the groups of people commonly known today as Dalits occupy the lowest rung. The point of departure of this paper is the caste affirmation and its ramifications on a traditional Dalit community that has been protesting against its nomenclature and trying to revive its lost identity through its traditional occupation. This affirmation in turn is expected to lead to a shift in the sociopolitical relationships of the community with the other dominant communities in the social hierarchy. In India, occupational changes are taking place more widely than statistical changes and emerging with an alternative social movement. The paper empirically validates the emerging alternative collective social movement of a community; authenticate its social status through traditional occupation, knowledge system and its resistance to State nomenclature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In China, a widespread movement for animal rights arose only recently and without a strong level of state-based support, unlike the well-documented rise in Europe and North America. This movement has nonetheless become a vocal force for social change. Somewhat surprisingly, as other social movements have experienced increasing state-led resistance and pressure since 2012, the animal rights contingent has remained a vibrant part of the social landscape that mediates humans' relations with other animals. How have these agents been able to persist despite the greater political clampdown? We argue that the Covid-19 pandemic, first identified in China, has become a new resource for animal rights activists. These activists are working to leverage the growing fear of zoonotic contagion as a rationale for their work for dogs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper explores the question of transcending reactiveness in social movements. By analyzing the square movements, it teases out three ideas with which the movements engaged in theory and practice: (1) refusal, (2) destituent power and (3) creative resistance. These concepts did not operate as part of an explicit ideology but were rather enacted in the encampments, public assemblies and protest actions. Philosophy drew from practice. The first two concepts (refusal and destituent power) have been salient subjects of debate in the square movements and similar movements of resistance in the last twenty years. However, creative resistance is the least documented of the three, and I argue that it is the key to transcend the reactive stagnation (the "anti" stage) that social movements often face. The paper explores the question of how to escape the trap of shaping movements of resistance in function of the powers that are being contested. Going further, it analyzes the role of affirmative personal transformation and everyday life politics in social change. It draws from a two-year fieldwork and participation in the square movements (in Barcelona, New York, Paris, Montreal and Mexico City) and engages with texts and debates on the movements. It contextualizes these debates - historically and philosophically - in order to draw lessons for future social struggles. The square movements showed the importance of outrage as a triggering factor for social struggles, but also raised questions about the dangers (and ultimate futility) of dwelling in reactiveness. The article proposes that striving for creativity and engaging in proactive experimentation could be crucial attitudes to go beyond the sole acknowledgement of injustice. Ten years after the coming about of the square movements and with the prevalent culture of reactiveness and outrage, these questions are more important than ever in contemporary social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]