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The article discusses the impact on U.S.-Chilean diplomatic relations of the assassination of Chilean exile and former ambassador and minister Orlando Letelier, who had been an outspoken opponent of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet. Letelier's car exploded on September 21, 1976 as he drove into Sheridan Circle in Washington, D.C. The investigation showed that the culprit was the National Intelligence Directorate, the Chilean secret police, helped by American-Chilean Michael Townley. Isabel Letelier, Orlando's widow, was the most important individual nonstate actor influencing U.S. foreign relations history in the Letelier case. In the 1980s, the case became instrumental in U.S. President Ronald Reagan's eventual abandonment of Pinochet.

Towards the end of the 19th century, the Pan-American project implied a series of political, economic, and cultural strategies that increased the influence of the United States in Latin America. In this context, the countries of the Southern Cone began accepting arbitration by American presidents or delegates in territorial border conflicts. The article analyzes the participation of the United States in the conflict between Argentina and Chile over the Puna de Atacama (1899). This approach aims at identifying the contributions of the United Sates in the selection of criteria to negotiate the border, in the first place, and, secondly, to explore the connections between said arbitration and Pan- Americanism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Nixon and Ford administrations celebrated the 1973 Chilean coup and did everything they could to help the dictatorship that followed. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, in particular, supported General Augusto Pinochet’s regime and turned a blind eye to its human rights abuses. But how did the Chilean dictatorship view the United States and how did the relationship play out in practice? Drawing on Chilean and U.S. documents, this article argues that in spite of Kissinger’s efforts, bilateral relations were actually rather tense. Not only did the Chilean dictatorship continually request more than the Ford administration could offer but Santiago’s military leaders also had different conceptions of the Cold War and how to fight it. This, in turn, sheds light on the problems U.S. policy makers faced when dealing with anti-communist Third World allies. It also points to the fragmentation of the global Cold War struggle in the mid-1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 2003 US-Chile free trade agreement, regarded by many as consistent with Chile's long-held trade liberalisation strategy, nonetheless engendered a surprisingly vigorous debate focused on the proposed elimination of the bandas de precio protecting traditional agricultural crops. Opposition to the agreement, mounted by the conservative Alianza por Chile, offers an intriguing political case study that suggests that populist posturing surrounding free trade agreements may persist long after a trade liberalisation strategy has become well-established. This article argues that agricultural liberalisation will be a significant challenge for Chile's governing coalition if it wishes to pursue trade negotiations while seeking to avoid costly political battles at home over the economic costs of abandoning price supports and the challenges of `reconverting' to an export-oriented sector. Even given the strong elite consensus around trade liberalisation in Chile, the interconnections between sectoral interest groups, domestic politics and trade negotiations remain relevant, and deserving of analytical attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides a detailed analysis of Chile's position before the start of and in the first stage of World War II. Using sources in Chilean and American archives, the author emphasizes Chile's relations with the United States and economic and political attitudes toward the war. The article also links US-Chile relations to the Chilean position on the conflict in Europe, especially with Nazi Germany.

The article discusses the political opposition to the Chilean dictator General Augusto Pinochet during the 1970s and 1980s and the U.S.'s relationship with Chile throughout the 20th century. Topics, including possible democratization in Chile, Chilean inflation, the Chilean political party the Christian Democrats and the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency's (CIA's) role in Chilean elections, are discussed.

The article discusses the foreign relationship between U.S. and Chile. It notes that the formulation of means adequate to deal with the social pressures of underdeveloped countries ranks among the most fundamental problems confronted by the U.S. State Department in its history. In this regard, the U.S. has seen Chile as its future partner that will emerge.

The article offers information about an agreement signed in 2011 between the U.S. and Chile regarding antitrust cooperation between the countries. Text of an announcement by the U.S. Department of Justice regarding the agreement is presented which includes discussion of topics such as the importance of antitrust cooperation, international conflicts, and business competition laws in the two countries.

The article discusses the current political situation in Chile following the election of President Sebastian Piñera. Piñera who is said to follow the populist path of the Concertación, the country's once ruling center-left coalition. The author says that Chile will join a bloc of U.S. allies bloc including Colombia, Peru, Costa Rica, Honduras and Panama, an alliance to counter the region's leftist Bolivarian Alliance of the Peoples of Our America (ALBA).