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The jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights (acjhpr) will include international crimes of conflict-related sexual violence (crsv). This article explores the challenges the Court is likely to face in building regional and national accountability for crsv, by considering the lessons that might be learnt from the experiences of the former Yugoslavia in prosecuting these crimes. The article focuses on the two key challenges of developing ‘best practice’ within regional and national courts, and of linking these prosecutions to peace processes and post-conflict reconstruction. To address these challenges, the article argues for a ‘gender justice framework’ of guiding principles to ensure effective and equitable crsv prosecutions.

Como dão as testemunhas conta dos traumas de guerra perante a lei? Que formas de narrativas assumem estes testemunhos no campo jurídico? Este artigo explora três modos diferentes de testemunhar os crimes de guerra, centrando-se em conflitos relacionados com violência sexual. Os dois primeiros testemunhos surgem no âmbito da lei internacional. São depoimentos de vítimas-testemunhas e testemunhos coletivos, que o texto descreve por meio de dois casos perante o Tribunal Penal Internacional para a ex-Jugoslávia (TPIJ). A terceira forma de testemunho surge em fóruns legais alternativos. Trata-se do testemunho transformador. O artigo aborda as novas formas de práticas testemunhais que atualmente decorrem no Tribunal de Mulheres para a ex-Jugoslávia, demonstrando como estas podem alterar a nossa compreensão da verdade da prova testemunhal.\ud /\ud How do witnesses testify to the traumas of war before the law? What narrative forms do these testimonies to trauma take in the legal field? This paper explores three different forms of testifying to the crimes of war, focusing on conflict-related sexual violence. The first two testimonial forms appear in international criminal law. These are victim-witnessing and collective witnessing, which the paper traces through two cases before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The third form of testimony appears in alternative legal forums. This is transformative witnessing. The paper traces through the new models of testimonial practice currently developing in the Women’s Court for the former Yugoslavia, showing how might they shift our understanding of the truth of testimonial evidence.

This chapter examines the political encounters between feminism movements and Lacanian psychoanalysis. It argues that fourth wave feminisms might usefully reengage with Lacan’s work in the current political conjuncture. It begins this analysis by examining the first encounter of the feminist movement and Lacanian psychoanalysis in the 1970s. This encounter takes place in the context of second wave feminist analyses of the politics of gender. This encounter was both highly contentious, and also highly productive. The second wave developed an important strategy of productive appropriations of Lacan’s work. This strategy identifies the political problematic that frames these readings of Lacan, as well as engaging with the specificity and precision of psychoanalytic concepts. Building on this second wave strategy of reading Lacan, the chapter then identifies sexual difference and the new sexual contract as the problematic confronting fourth wave politics. It argues that this problematic frames the potential political encounter between this feminist generation and Lacanian psychoanalysis. This encounter can be elaborated in a feminist account of fraternal and feminist social links, which draws on the later Lacanian theory of sexuation and the social bond of discourse. This fourth wave appropriation of Lacanian psychoanalysis can offer an important strategy for understanding not only the psychic life of power that makes social change so difficult, but also for identifying transformative possibilities for fourth wave feminist politics.

This chapter explores how ‘what women want’ is still a key political question for third wave feminisms. It asks how an engagement with feminist theories of knowledge and psychoanalytic theories of subjectivity might offer new approaches to this political problem. It begins by examining how contemporary feminist thought still confronts ‘femininity’ and its discontents. It then explores how feminist theories of knowledge have built different frameworks to consider new answers to this question. In this field of feminist research, which is known as ‘feminist epistemology’, the politics of\ud subjectivity intersect with the politics of knowledge. The chapter examines key positions within this field and identifies how knowing and identity remain central problems for feminist epistemologies. The chapter then examines why feminists have worked with (and against) psychoanalysis in their attempt to address this problem.\ud Finally, the chapter sets out a post-Lacanian feminist epistemology which makes the problem of knowing and being central to feminist knowledges. It shows how this approach can provide the conceptual building blocks for ‘third wave feminist\ud epistemologies’ (Campbell, 2004b) that offer new ways of thinking through feminist politics of sexuality, subjectivity and knowledge

At the international level, criminal trials have been characterised as having two important – and sometimes conflicting – adjudicative functions. 3 First, international proceedings are characterised as mechanisms for finding fact and determining criminal responsibility, and so have a similar function to national criminal trials. Second, unlike national criminal trials, international trials are also perceived as having broader ‘transitional’ functions. The adjudicative functions range from establishing ‘historical facts’ of conflict to providing ‘rule of law’ principles for adjudicating conflict. 4 What role, then, does testimony play in establishing the ‘truth’ of international crimes? And how do international criminal trials\ud adjudicate the testimonial proof or disproof of such crimes?

Given high rates of smoking among cancer patients, smoking cessation treatment is crucial; yet limited data exist to guide integration of such trials into the oncologic context. In order to determine the feasibility of conducting smoking cessation clinical trials with cancer patients, screening and baseline data from a large randomized placebo-controlled pharmacotherapy trial were analyzed. Descriptive statistics and regression analyses were used to compare enrollees to decliners, describe program enrollees, and assess correlates of confidence in quitting smoking. Out of 14,514 screened patients, 263 (2%) were eligible; 43 (16%) refused enrollment. Among the eligible patients, 220 (84%) enrolled. Enrollment barriers included smoking rate, medical history/contraindicated medication, lack of interest, and language. Compared to enrollees, decliners were more likely to have advanced cancer. The trial enrolled a sample of 67 (30%) African Americans; participants had extensive smoking histories; many were highly nicotine dependent; and participants consumed about seven alcoholic beverages/week on average. Head and neck and breast cancer were the most common tumors. About 52 (25%) reported depressive symptoms. A higher level of confidence to quit smoking was related to lower depression and lower tumor stage. Integrating a smoking cessation clinical trial into the oncologic setting is challenging, yet feasible. Recruitment strategies are needed for patients with advanced disease and specific cancers. Once enrolled, addressing participant's depressive symptoms is critical for promoting cessation.

This book outlines a compelling new agenda for feminist theories of identity and social relations. Using Lacanian psychoanalysis with feminist epistemology, the author sets out a groundbreaking psychoanalytic social theory. Campbell's work offers answers to the important contemporary question of how feminism can change the formation of gendered subjectivities and social relations. Drawing on the work of third wave feminists, the book shows how feminism can provide new political models of knowing and disrupt foundational ideas of sexual identity.