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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2022 This article proposes a measure of the social structuration of political parties. The measure has some distinctive virtues. It assesses the social bases of partisanship from the standpoint of the political party, and it provides a simple and transparent method for assessing the relative weight of social-structural and behavioral factors for party composition. We illustrate the power of this measure through a comparison of political parties in 30 European countries since 1975.

International audience; The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.

International audience; Universal jurisdiction (UJ), which not very long ago seemed condemned to extinction, is now becoming routine. It has been endorsed by 109 states, and the number of prosecutions is increasing. This article is based on an ethnographic study of the recent trial in France of Pascal Simbikangwa, a Rwandan accused of participating in the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. Using the concepts of ‘vernacularization’ and ‘transnational legal orders’, it shows how UJ is creating a transnational judicial space (TJS). Involving both partisan and ordinary actors, this process is fraught with multiple conflicts. Although UJ does not participate in the dissemination of a uniform definition of genocide, it makes various jurisdictions work together. This fragmented transnational justice is paradoxically contributing to the integration of national legal systems.

Not all politics is local. Not even local politics is necessarily local. The reemergence of local politics is not comparable to the nationalization of politics but is rather an element making multilevel policies more or less interconnected. This global review (not including North America) suggests that the rise of local politics is explained by three set of processes—( a) democratization, including protest, ( b) economic globalization, urbanization, and the deepening of territorial inequalities, and ( c) decentralization or deconcentration and the rise of local governance and policies. The rise of local politics is not a revival of the past but an element of the politics of scale taking. All over the world, local politics is increasingly about policies, governance, and political choice.

Launched in 2019, the French Citizens’ Convention for Climate (CCC) tasked 150 randomly chosen citizens with proposing fair and effective measures to fight climate change. This was to be fulfilled through an “innovative co-construction procedure”, involving some unspecified external input alongside that from the citizens. Did inputs from the steering bodies undermine the citizens’ accountability for the output? Did co-construction help the output resonate with the general public, as is expected from a citizens’ assembly? To answer these questions, we build on our unique experience in observing the CCC proceedings and documenting them with qualitative and quantitative data. We find that the steering bodies’ input, albeit significant, did not impair the citizens’ agency, creativity, and freedom of choice. While succeeding in creating consensus among the citizens who were involved, this co-constructive approach, however, failed to generate significant support among the broader public. These results call for a strengthening of the commitment structure that determines how follow-up on the proposals from a citizens’ assembly should be conducted.

The last 20 years have been characterized by very different dynamics: massive reduction of milk and, to a lesser extent, dairy consumption; fewer positive attitudes towards milk; no reclaims for affordable, public dairy production; the development of a large conversation about the presumed risks associated with the intake of lactose; and semantic battles on non-dairy ‘milk’ alternatives. These new attitudes haven’t been systematically studied. We explore here the links between milk/dairy consumption, health concerns, and trust in medical expertise. Through an online survey of highly educated youth in Italy (N=378) we have investigated: milk and dairy consumption; attitudes towards items carried out by vegan movements; attitudes towards medical expertise and trust in counseling by general practitioners. Results show that anti-speciesist and vegan movements are very little known among consumers. Data display very limited impact of the ideas and concepts of anti-milk movements within our sample. The results highlight that milk consumption shrinking is due to health concern and an unfavorable perception of dangerous consequences in lactose intake, and additionally to a general distrust towards medical expertise and evidence-based arguments. Indeed, we observe a tendency to self-diagnose intolerance/allergies, questioning the role of physicians and medical knowledge in advising for dietary choices among highly educated youth. The analysis of the patterns of consumption and motives clearly shows that health considerations, not politics, are behind the Italian youth’s dairy restrictions. Healthy consumerism emerges as a concept fitting better than political consumerism for interpreting our results.; Les vingt dernières années ont été traversées par différentes dynamiques : la réduction massive de la consommation de lait et, dans une moindre mesure, de produits laitiers ; des attitudes de plus en plus négatives à l’égard du lait ; aucune revendication pour une production abordable et publique du lait ; le développement d’une vaste discussion à propos des risques qui seraient associés à la consommation de lactose ; et des batailles sémantiques autour des alternatives que constituent les « laits » non laitiers. Ces nouvelles attitudes n’ont pas été systématiquement étudiées. Nous explorons ici les liens entre la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les préoccupations en matière de santé et la confiance dans l’expertise médicale. À partir d’un sondage en ligne auprès des populations jeunes et éduquées en Italie (N=378), nous avons analysé : la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les attitudes envers les arguments portés par les mouvements végans, les attitudes envers l’expertise médicale et la confiance dans les conseils dispensés par les médecins. Les résultats ont mis en évidence que les mouvements antispécistes et végans sont assez peu connus des consommateurs. Les données ont montré que les idées et les concepts des mouvements anti-lait avaient un impact limité sur notre échantillon. Les résultats soulignent que la réduction de la consommation de lait est due à des préoccupations en matière de santé et à une perception défavorable des apports en lactose et, additionnellement, à une méfiance générale envers l’expertise médicale et les arguments fondés sur des preuves. En effet, nous observons une tendance à l’auto-diagnostic pour les intolérances et les allergies, une tendance chez les populations jeunes et éduquées qui mettent en doute le rôle des médecins et du savoir médical dans l’accompagnement diététique. L’analyse des schémas de consommation et de motivation montre clairement que des considérations liées à la santé, et non à des opinions politiques, sont derrière les restrictions des jeunes italiens en matière de produits laitiers. Un consumérisme orienté vers la recherche d’une meilleure santé a émergé, un concept qui fonctionne mieux que celui de consumérisme politique pour interpréter nos résultats.

Contemporary political economy is predicated on widely shared ideas and assumptions, some explicit but many implicit, about the past. Our aim in this Special Issue is to draw attention to, and to assess critically, these historical assumptions. In doing so, we hope to contribute to a political economy that is more attentive to the analytic assumptions on which it is premised, more aware of the potential oversights, biases, and omissions they contain, and more reflexive about the potential costs of these blind spots. This is an Introduction to one of two Special Issues that are being published simultaneously by New Political Economy and Review of International Political Economy reflecting on blind spots in international political economy. Together, these Special Issues seek to identify the key blind spots in the field and to make sense of how many scholars missed or misconstrued important dynamics that define contemporary capitalism and the other systems and sources of social inequality that characterise our present. This particular Special Issue pursues this goal by looking backwards, to the history of political economy and at the ways in which we have come to tell that history, in order to understand how we got to the present moment.

Identifying and explaining change in the structure of central state bureaucracies and the determinants of survival of individual public organizations are two closely related areas of research in public administration. We aim to bridge the gap between these two main strands of studies of organizational change by presenting a novel approach to collecting event history data for public organizations. We have developed this framework as part of the Structure and Organisation of Governments Project, which aims to map entire central state bureaucracies in three Western European countries. Our approach is flexible enough to describe macro-trends in public sector organization populations and to explain these trends by analysing the event histories of the organizations they comprise. In addition to presenting our framework and how we applied it to create this data set, we also present some initial cross-national comparisons of the distribution of the event types recorded, highlighting initial findings and promising avenues for further research. Points for practitioners We present here a novel approach for representing the structural changes that organizations and sub-departments experience over time that can apply to any hierarchical organization (public or private). Applying the approach illuminates the historical development of organizations and their parts, and allows cross-national comparisons of events and trends across organizations. Our comparison of ministerial organizations in France, Germany and the Netherlands from 1980 to 2013 shows that trends in the size of bureaucracies mask considerable structural changes within.

Contemporary West European shantytowns have essentially been studied with qualitative methods. Questions related to their ethnic structure, homophily and interaction with local institutions have not been analysed through large samples and survey data. Based on the example of Romanian and Bulgarian Roma living in shantytowns in the Parisian metropolitan area, we analyse the ‘historical’ region of origin (autochthony), networks between individuals and households having lived together in a shantytown, as well as some of their attitudes, skills, and behaviour (i.e. expectations as to local welfare, French proficiency, children’s schooling). We used a database of slum-dwellers in Paris collected by social workers (N = 12,019). The paper looks at how autochthonies combine with socialisation in shantytowns and with territorial institutional effects of local policies. Evidence shows that while there are limited differences in the socio-professional backgrounds of slum-dwellers, there are several differences in attitudes, behaviour and skills. Moreover, social network analysis shows that these differences are only weakly related to the households’ region of origin (autochthony), while they are more correlated to emergent structural clusters of co-habitation connections, where individuals socialise in acting together to build and manage a shantytown. Moreover, local policies at the city level play a role in shaping shantytown dwellers expectations and skills for integration.

International audience; Few studies so far have analysed the effectiveness of differentiation in EU policies. This is surprising given the importance and permanence of many differentiated arrangements, for example in EU economic policy. Insights from three studies on differentiation in the energy sector, the financial sector and third-country access to Single Market highlight the importance of institutional factors. EU economic differentiated arrangements tend to be more effective when: (i) there is a good ‘fit’ between the institutional design and the policy objectives; (ii) there are mechanisms to adapt them over time; and (iii) there are institutional provisions to prevent or mitigate negative side effects for the Union as a whole.

International audience

Published 16 November 2021. Under embargo until 16 November 2022 The content of this document represents only the views of the TRANSNATIONAL team and is its sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains. The project leading to this application has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No 885026)”. This research note reports on the 1999–2019 Chapel Hill expert survey (CHES), which contains measures of national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non-EU policies for six waves of the survey, from 1999 to 2019. The trend file provides party position measures for all 28 EU countries and 1196 party-year observations. In this article, we analyze the evolving party positions on European integration from 1999 to 2019, with a particular focus on how EU positions are related to economic left right and the Green/Alternative/Libertarian-Traditional/Authoritarian/Nationalist dimension (GAL-TAN). The dataset is publicly available on the CHES website

International audience; How do political parties respond to external shocks? Using an original survey of political parties across Europe conducted in June 2020 and Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) data on partisan ideological positioning, we argue that the pre-existing ideological stances of Europe's political parties shaped their response to emerging Covid-19 policy issues, including the tension between economic normalization and containment, legal versus voluntary enforcement and the role of science in policymaking. We find that party ideology powerfully predicts how parties, both in government and in opposition, responded to the pandemic.

International audience; In this article, we examine the effects of political change on name changes of units within central government ministries. We expect that changes regarding the policy position of a government will cause changes in the names of ministerial units. To this end we formulate hypotheses combining the politics of structural choice and theories of portfolio allocation to examine the effects of political changes at the cabinet level on the names of intra-ministerial units. We constructed a dataset containing more than 17,000 observations on name changes of ministerial units between 1980 and 2013 from the central governments of Germany, the Netherlands, and France. We regress a series of generalized estimating equations (GEE) with population averaging models for binary outcomes. Finding variations across the three political-bureaucratic systems, we overall report positive effects of governmental change and ideological positions on name changes within ministries.

International audience; Covid-19 has shocked governance systems worldwide. Legislatures, in particular, have been shut down or limited due to the pandemic, yet with divergence from one country to another. In this article, we report results from a cross-sectional quantitative analysis of legislative activity during the initial reaction to this shock and identify the factors accounting for such variation. Exploring legislatures across 159 countries, we find no relation between the severity of Covid-19 and limitations on legislatures' operation, thus suggesting that legislatures are at risk of being shut down or limited due to policy "overreaction" and that a health risk may serve as an excuse for silencing them. However, we find that legislatures in democratic countries are relatively immune to this risk, while those in frail democracies are more exposed. In partially free countries, the use of technology can mitigate this risk. We also find that the coalitional features of the government may lead to legislatures' closing.

National audience

National audience

International mega-events are crucial issues for security policies. An increasing number of digital devices designed for the security of urban spaces are tested during these events, from facial recognition to anti-drone systems. This paper shows how the Rugby (masculine) World Cup in 2023, and the Olympic and Paralympic Games in 2024, can contribute to the development of digital security devices in France, by favoring their technical advancement, but also legal and economic transformations enabling their use., Les grands événements internationaux sont de plus en plus les lieux de déploiement des politiques et des technologies de sécurité numérique, allant de la reconnaissance faciale aux systèmes antidrones. Myrtille Picaud montre comment la Coupe du monde masculine de rugby de 2023 et les Jeux Olympiques et Paralympiques de 2024, deux grands événements accueillis en France, sont susceptibles d'accélérer leur développement, à la fois sur la plan technique, mais aussi juridique et économique.

International audience; On banners and graffitis or in the writings of political activists, the “metropolis” seems to have become a keyword for contemporary urban social movements in France. Beyond the slogans, what does the term refer to? How does it enable one to theorise, and above all, to mobilise and act? This collective interview with authors who address the topic in three recent books of social critique (Contre Euralille: une critique de l’utopie métropolitaine, Le Désert Urbain, and Quartiers vivants) questions the term's theoretical and practical potential. Instead of adopting an external and overbearing stance that seeks to objectify political positions, this text seeks to contribute to the existence of a debate on how to think and foster urban social movements.; Sur des banderoles et des murs ou dans des tribunes des collectifs politiques, la « métropole » semble s’imposer dans la rhétorique des luttes urbaines actuelles. Au-delà des slogans, que désigne ce terme dans le lexique des luttes urbaines ? Comment permet-il de penser et, surtout, de mobiliser et d’agir ? À travers un entretien collectif avec les auteurs de trois ouvrages récents de critique sociale portant sur la question (Contre Euralille : une critique de l’utopie métropolitaine, Le Désert Urbain, et Quartiers vivants), ce texte interroge son potentiel théorique et pratique. À rebours d’une posture extérieure et surplombante cherchant à objectiver des positions politiques, il s’agit ainsi de contribuer à l’existence d’un débat sur la manière de penser et de nourrir les luttes urbaines.

Le marche du risque sante en France connait depuis une trentaine d’annees un vaste mouvement d’europeanisation. Dans les annees 1990, une premiere serie de directives remanie les relations entre les acteurs (mutuelles, institutions de prevoyance et societes d’assurance). En 2016, l’entree en vigueur de la directive Solvabilite II s’accompagne de nouvelles exigences reglementaires. Pourtant, et pendant la meme periode, une serie de mesures adoptees a l’echelon national a renforce la presence de l’Etat dans ses activites. Il en ressort une situation paradoxale : d’un cote, les principaux assureurs sante en France sont certainement plus europeanises qu’auparavant mais, d’un autre cote, les politiques nationales pesent de facon croissante sur leurs activites.

International audience; Inorganic antigens may contribute to paediatric sarcoidosis. Thirty-six patients matched with 36 healthy controls as well as a group of 21 sickle-cell disease (SCD) controls answered an environmental questionnaire. Patients' indirect exposure to inorganic particles, through coresidents' occupations, was higher than in healthy and SCD controls (median score: 2.5 (0.5-7) vs 0.5 (0-2), p=0.003 and 1 (0-2), p=0.012, respectively), especially for construction, exposures to metal dust, talc, abrasive reagents and scouring products. Wood or fossil energies heating were also linked to paediatric sarcoidosis. This study supports a link between mineral environmental exposure due to adult coresident occupations and paediatric sarcoidosis.

The strengthening of the populist radical right poses an important challenge for European integration. This article explores whether democratic backsliding among member states has acted as a catalyst for broader PRR cooperation at the EU level. Studying the co-sponsorship and contents of parliamentary questions and roll-call vote cohesion of PRR representatives in the European Parliament from 2009 to 2019, we examine the extent and substance of their joint polity-based contestation of European integration. Our findings indicate that overall levels of PRR cooperation remain low and concentrated within European party groups, suggesting that ideological divergences between PRR actors and their institutional fragmentation within the EP still hamper their formal cooperation at the European level. These insights feed into debates on the potential and limitations of transnational cooperation of PRR actors., Journal of European Public Policy, 30 (1), ISSN:1350-1763, ISSN:1466-4429

What explains far-right mobilisation in the protest arena? After decades of growing electoral support and policy influence, the far right is experiencing an increase in grassroots mobilisation. Scholars of social movements and political parties have devoted little attention to the determinants of far-right protest mobilisation in Europe. In this article, we bridge previous research on the far right and social movements to advance hypotheses on the drivers of far-right protest mobilisation based on grievances, opportunities and resource mobilisation models. We use an original dataset combining novel data on 4,845 far-right protest events in 11 East and West European countries (2008–2018), with existing measures accounting for the (political, economic and cultural) context of mobilisation. We find that classical approaches to collective action can be fruitfully applied to the study of the far right. Cultural grievances, notably concerns about immigration, as well as the availability of institutional access points in contexts characterised by divided government increase far-right protest mobilisation. But far-right protest mobilisation also rests on the organisational resources available to nativist collective actors, that is, the network in which they are embedded, their visibility in the media and elected officials. These findings have important implications to understand far-right success in advanced democracies. They show that far-right mobilisation in the protest arena not only rests on favourable circumstances, but also on whether far-right actors can profit from them. More broadly, the study links party politics and social movement research to grasp the far right's modes of political contestation, locating research on this phenomenon at the intersection of political sociology and comparative politics. What explains far-right mobilisation in the protest arena? After decades of growing electoral support and policy influence, the far right is experiencing an increase in grassroots mobilisation. Scholars of social movements and political parties have devoted little attention to the determinants of far-right protest mobilisation in Europe. In this article, we bridge previous research on the far right and social movements to advance hypotheses on the drivers of far-right protest mobilisation based on grievances, opportunities and resource mobilisation models. We use an original dataset combining novel data on 4,845 far-right protest events in 11 East and West European countries (2008–2018), with existing measures accounting for the (political, economic and cultural) context of mobilisation. We find that classical approaches to collective action can be fruitfully applied to the study of the far right. Cultural grievances, notably concerns about immigration, as well as the availability of institutional access points in contexts characterised by divided government increase far-right protest mobilisation. But far-right protest mobilisation also rests on the organisational resources available to nativist collective actors, that is, the network in which they are embedded, their visibility in the media and elected officials. These findings have important implications to understand far-right success in advanced democracies. They show that far-right mobilisation in the protest arena not only rests on favourable circumstances, but also on whether far-right actors can profit from them. More broadly, the study links party politics and social movement research to grasp the far right's modes of political contestation, locating research on this phenomenon at the intersection of political sociology and comparative politics.

This thesis examines the procedural and functional sources of political trust in Europe. It defines these two sources as the quality of democracy and the quality of public services and proceeds with two distinct yet complementary strands of arguments. First, through the lens expectancy-disconfirmation theory, it demonstrates that political trust not only depends upon democratic expectations, democratic evaluations, and democratic disconfirmation—three measures of the quality of democracy—but disconfirmation mediates the relationship between expectations, performance and trust. It employs the ESS-6 data to test these associations. Second, by mobilizing the micro-performance literature, it builds models at the intersection of distributive justice, procedural fairness, and functional effectiveness—three measures of the quality of public services—and political trust. The quality of schooling and the quality of policing serve as prime examples of public services, and their respective effects are tested by using data from the ESS-2 and the ESS-5. The results, which are multilevel estimates, confirmed the direct effects of democratic expectations, evaluations, and disconfirmations; however, disconfirmation could only mediate between expectations and political trust. Likewise, the effects of procedural fairness and functional effectiveness are confirmed in the context of both services, and the effect of distributive justice could be observed only in the case of quality of policing. In sum, besides providing support to the expectancy and micro-performance theories, these results show that the quality of democracy matters more than the quality of public services., Cette thèse examine les sources procédurales et fonctionnelles de la confiance politique en Europe. Elle définit ces deux sources comme étant la qualité de la démocratie et la qualité des services publics et procède selon deux volets d'arguments distincts mais complémentaires. Premièrement, à travers le prisme de la théorie de l'espérance et de la disconfirmation, on démontre que la confiance politique dépend à la fois des attentes démocratiques, des évaluations démocratiques et de la disconfirmation démocratique - trois mesures de la qualité de la démocratie - mais que la disconfirmation joue un rôle de médiateur dans la relation entre les attentes, les évaluations et la confiance. On utilise les données de l'ESS-6 pour tester ces associations. Deuxièmement, en mobilisant la littérature sur la micro-performance, on construit des modèles à l'intersection de la justice distributive, de l'équité procédurale et de l'efficacité fonctionnelle - trois mesures de la qualité des services publics - et de la confiance politique. La qualité de la scolarité et la qualité du maintien de l'ordre sont les exemples de services publics que nous analysons, et leurs effets respectifs sont testés à l'aide des données de l'ESS-2 et de l'ESS-5. Les résultats, qui sont des estimations multiniveaux, confirment les effets directs des attentes démocratiques, des évaluations et des disconfirmations ; cependant, la disconfirmation ne peut que servir de médiateur entre les attentes et la confiance politique. De même, les effets de l'équité procédurale et de l'efficacité fonctionnelle sont confirmés dans le contexte des deux services, et l'effet de la justice distributive ne peut être observé que dans le cas de la qualité du maintien de l'ordre. En somme, en plus de soutenir les théories de l'attente et de la micro-performance, ces résultats montrent que la qualité de la démocratie importe plus que la qualité des services publics.

National audience; De la logistique aux soins, les emplois de service ont une utilité sociale plus que jamais soulignée par la crise sanitaire. Ils n’en demeurent pas moins dévalorisés et sous-payés car réputés peu productifs.

While comparisons across space are rare in literature on climate movements, time has long featured centrally in it—albeit often implicitly. That is because the climate movement is fundamentally shaped by the temporality of its main concern: climate change will have irreversible consequences that will become inevitable as soon as tipping points are crossed. Against this background, urgency has become an essential driving force behind and challenge for the climate movement. Yet while this urgency is certainly based in physics, it is also a social product. This chapter discusses how the contested nature of time shapes at least three core dimensions of climate activism: strategy, politics, and goals. The chapter further argues that discussions of temporality should be attentive to the contextuality of time: what might seem a future threat in privileged parts of the world presents only one of the more recent ecological disasters to disrupt disadvantaged communities worldwide. Contextualized discussions of time should therefore inform the development of comparative scholarship on climate activism and vice versa.

contribution à un site web; 1ères lignes : Alors que la perspective de l’élection présidentielle de 2022 se fait de plus en plus sentir, et que les campagnes préélectorales sont lancées à droite sans méthode de départage clairement définie, les candidat(e)s de la droite hors et dans les murs tentent d’affirmer leur sensibilité idéologique particulière. Xavier Bertrand se réclame ainsi du gaullisme social, tandis que Valérie Pécresse se réclame d’Angela Merkel et de Margaret Thatcher et qu’Éric Ciotti occupe le créneau de la « droite forte ».Pour autant, ces tentatives de distinction peinent souvent à se concrétiser dans les programmes, qui ne font souvent apparaître que des divergences superficielles ou formelles. Déjà en 2016, à l’exception des projets de Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet – à la tonalité moderniste – et de Jean-Frédéric Poisson – à la tonalité conservatrice –, les candidats à la primaire de la droite et du centre semblaient se distinguer bien plus par leur ethos et leur parcours politique que par leurs idées...

Policy Points Private health insurance (PHI) in France has been facing critical changes over the past 30 years. A complementary and voluntary scheme, it has been historically dominated by nonprofit entities. However, the share of for-profit insurance companies in the sector has significantly increased. Nonprofit firms also changed their strategies and mimicked some for-profit behaviors. The present paper argues that this process is a result of the conflict-provoking coevolution of the insurance and health care sectors. Trying to improve the regulation of the insurance industry as whole, two European directives first jeopardized the business model of nonprofit entities. Then, two national reforms designed to improve health coverage significantly increased competition among insurers, notably in the area of corporate-level contracts. Decoupling the insurance and health care sectors has become a major source of policy feedback and unexpected outcomes of reforms affecting the very organization of PHI. Context In France, private health insurance (PHI) has an exceptionally high level of coverage and accounts for 13.7% of health expenditures. A complementary and voluntary scheme, it has been historically dominated by nonprofit, mutual benefit societies. Over the past 20 years, however, the market share of for-profit insurance companies has increased by 47%. Financialization of the field developed, and competition based on new risk management strategies also increased. The broad aim of this paper is to characterize and to elucidate the causes of this trend. More specifically, we are interested in how and to what extent a series of supranational and national policies contributed to this situation. Method Our data come from three sources. We first reviewed documents published by health insurers, government reports, and newspaper articles. We then conducted two semistructured interview campaigns between September 2017 and May 2018. The first mostly covered private and public actors and their involvement in European Union (EU) policymaking (n = 21). The second series of interviews was conducted with another group of actors directly involved at the French level (n = 16). Findings Our findings support preliminary observations. PHI in France, we argue, is indeed facing a development of competition and marketlike instruments. Four major policies (two EU directives and two national reforms) played a significant role in this outcome. Surprisingly, however, it has never been the purpose of legislators and policymakers: while EU directives created a regulatory framework for insurance activities within the Single Market, policies adopted at the national level initially aimed at improving health coverage. We show that it is the interactions and the noncoordination among all of these policies that explain their unexpected outcome. Conclusions The trend described in this paper is twofold. The first is Europeanization, as PHI in France is increasingly affected by EU legislation. Since this framework tends to favor larger firms and for-profit companies, a reduction in statutory coverage can no longer be considered a quasi-neutral transfer from (publicly owned) social security to nonprofit providers. At the same time, PHI is shifting toward collectivization: as competition increases, complementary health coverage is becoming gradually standardized and based at the corporate level. Together, these changes are likely to reduce freedom of choice and individual welfare, an assumption supported by studies published on the most recent period.

The striking economic agglomerations emerging in affluent democracies are generating, reproducing, and expanding inequalities. A major mechanism for this is housing, which is both a repository for wealth and, under these conditions, a magnifier of wealth. Access to urban areas – the site of educational, labor, and marriage market advantages – is contingent upon access to housing. We use comparative analysis of cases in Europe (London and Paris) and the United States (New York and San Francisco) to consider the capacities of different societies to limit or ameliorate these new sources of diverging opportunity. These seemingly local issues remain shaped by distinct national political contexts, which vary dramatically in their capacity to support local affordable housing and reduce the collective action problems confronting major metropolitan areas.

International audience; Paediatric sarcoidosis is an extremely rare disease characterized by a granulomatous inflammation. The estimated incidence is 0.6–1.02/100,000 children, but in the absence of international registers, the disease is probably under-reported. Its pathophysiologic basis is not clearly understood but the current hypothesis is a combination of a genetic predisposition and an environmental exposure that could be either organic or mineral. Contrary to adult forms of the disease, general symptoms are often at the forefront at diagnosis. In its most frequent form, paediatric sarcoidosis is a multi-organ disorder affecting preferentially the lungs, the lymphatic system and the liver, but all organs can be affected. This review aims to provide an overview of current knowledge on sarcoidosis in children, providing a summary of the data available from cohort studies on the presentation, the management and the evolution of the disease in this specific population.

Many parties have updated their recruitment strategies and offer softer routes for joining their ranks. In some parties, registered sympathizers are given virtually the same rights as traditional members with substantially lower costs. This begs the question, why would somebody take the further step of joining such parties as full members rather than sympathizers? This article analyzes this question by using membership surveys from three left-wing Spanish parties. As such, it explores the usefulness of the general incentives model (GIM) for explaining the decisions of these two groups of affiliates. We find that full members and sympathizers differ in the motives they have to join the party and in their evaluations of the diverse types of incentives included in the GIM. Candidate selection incentives seem particularly important for sympathizers, whereas selective outcome incentives, selective process benefits, collective outcome benefits and altruistic motivations play a more significant role for members.

This article examines public contestation of Europe by the far right in France. It investigates whether far-right mobilization on the EU has changed over time, and how it diverges in the party and non-party sectors. Specifically, we follow a politicization approach and address mobilization in terms of three interrelated dimensions: intensity, issue focus, and action repertoire. This allows comparing collective action in the electoral and protest arenas, thus assessing how the far right politicizes Europe in public debates. The study relies on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of the press releases posted by far-right parties and movements on their official websites, scraped automatically from 2012 to 2019. The results show that European integration is increasingly at the core of far-right politics in France, but its politicization unfolds in different ways in the protest and electoral arenas. As political conflict over the EU expands, far-right parties and non-party actors are challenged to differentiate their respective profiles. These findings complement existing research on the linkages between protest and elections, and suggest that the rooting of the far right in society is reconfiguring the structure of political conflict in Europe.

This dissertation proposes a theoretical framework of attitude change under threatening conditions based on parallel updating. More specifically, I focus on public preferences for policies to address terrorist attacks, pandemics, climate change and natural disasters in periods when these threats are elevated. I test my argument with four original survey experiments, which include eleven interventions and draw on a nationally diverse sample of a total of 9,110 American citizens. These interventions identify the effects of factual information, partisan cues, incidental emotions, ideological and non-ideological framing, and memory priming.Evidence from these experiments provides consistent support that public opinion updating exhibits five characteristics. First, citizens change their views by a small amount. Second, citizens’ opinions move in the direction of information. Third, attitude change occurs regardless of political predispositions and individual attributes. Fourth, exposure to information about a specific policy area does not impact preferences for policies unrelated to this area. The only exception to this rule is when the treatment is emotionally strong. Finally, attitude- and identity-based cross pressures may introduce only minimal bias in the manner citizens update their opinions., Cette thèse propose un cadre théorique pour le changement d’opinion dans des contextes de menace. Ce cadre théorique est basé sur l'hypothèse d’une « actualisation en parallèle ». Plus précisément, je me concentre sur les préférences du public pour les politiques en réponse aux attaques terroristes, aux pandémies, au changement climatique et aux catastrophes naturelles dans les périodes où ces menaces sont élevées. Je teste mon argument avec quatre expérimentations originales dans des enquêtes d’opinion en population générale. Ces interventions identifient les effets des informations factuelles, des indices partisans, des émotions incidentes, du cadrage idéologique et non idéologique, et de l'amorçage de la mémoire.Les preuves tirées de ces expériences confirment systématiquement que l’actualisation de l'opinion publique présente cinq caractéristiques. Premièrement, les citoyens changent d'avis de manière limitée. Deuxièmement, les opinions des citoyens se meuvent dans le sens de l'information. Troisièmement, le changement d’opinion se produit indépendamment des prédispositions politiques et des attributs individuels. Quatrièmement, l'exposition à des informations sur un domaine politique spécifique n'affecte pas les préférences pour les politiques qui ne se rapportent pas à ce domaine. La seule exception à cette règle est lorsque le traitement est émotionnellement fort. Enfin, le poids des pressions croisées basées sur les attitudes et l'identité ne devrait introduire qu'un biais minimal dans la façon dont les citoyens actualisent leur opinion.

contribution à un site web; 1ères lignes : Les élections régionales et départementales de 2021 ont été préparées comme une rampe de lancement pour la séquence présidentielle des Républicains (LR), grâce à leur implantation territoriale censée en faire un parti à ne pas oublier trop rapidement dans la lutte pour la conquête du pouvoir national.Eclipsés par les bons, voire très bons scores réalisés par les candidats de droite au premier tour, ces derniers mois ont pourtant représenté un défi de taille pour une organisation semblant incapable de contrôler ses cadres et de moins en moins à même de déterminer seule les plans de bataille de la famille de la droite française.

The articles in this Special Issue are organised around two main subtopics linked to how the pandemic relates to the dynamics of existing crises: the governance of the Covid-19 pandemic, and political scenarios after the pandemic. Table of contents

This article addresses the question of whether populist parties behave differently from other political parties in parliament. Building on the attention-based perspective of the study of policy agendas, we map issue emphasis in parliamentary questions in Italy over more than two decades (1996–2019). The paper is innovative as it compares populist and non-populist parties in government and in opposition. Using data from theItalian Policy Agendas ProjectandThe PopuList, we find mixed evidence. Specifically, we show that populist parties behave differently from other parties only when they are in opposition (signalling that they are different from ‘elite’ ones) but not when in government (signalling that they are ‘competent’ policymakers). While the results are exploratory and drawn from the Italian context, this study contributes to deflate the myth of populists' exceptionalism, at least in terms of their behaviour in parliament. As such, it holds broader implications for the scholarly understanding of party government and the so-called ‘normalization’ of populism in contemporary democracies.

Téléchargement gratuit, site ENAP: https://repositorio.enap.gov.br/bitstream/1/6338/1/1_Osmany Porto de Oliveira_So aciologia política_9969.pdf; International audience; Ce chapitre consacré aux instruments d'action publique s'inscrit dans un ouvrage est le résultat d'une série de discussions entre les auteurs et un groupe de chercheurs brésiliens et français, initiées après avoir constaté l'absence d'un texte de référence au Brésil sur la réflexion et l'utilisation des approches de la sociologie de l'action publique. L'objectif de cet ouvrage est de présenter les perspectives françaises d'analyse des politiques publiques aux personnes intéressées par le sujet. Il s'agit d'un livre qui aspire à servir des publics variés, tels que les universitaires, les chercheurs, les organisations gouvernementales et non gouvernementales, le secteur privé, les journalistes, les étudiants ou les citoyens intéressés par le sujet.; Este capítulo dedicado aos instrumentos de ação pública faz parte do uma série de discussões entre os organizadores e um grupo de pesquisadores brasileiros e franceses, iniciada após a constatação da ausência de um texto de referência no Brasil para estimular a reflexão e o uso das abordagens da sociologia da ação pública. O objetivo deste texto é introduzir as perspectivas francesas para a análise de políticas públicas à comunidade de pessoas interessadas no assunto. Trata-se de um livro que aspira a servir para públicos variados, como acadêmicos, pesquisadores, funcionários do governo e de organizações não governamentais, do setor privado, jornalistas, estudantes ou cidadãos interessados sobre o tema.

Extrait - 1ères lignes : Il a fallu attendre le 23 mars 2020 pour qu’une personnalité politique utilise à propos de la pandémie de Covid-19 le terme « précaution ». Encore faut-il noter qu’il ne s’agit pas d’un membre du Gouvernement, ni d’un expert de santé publique en charge de ce dossier, mais de Corinne Lepage, avocate et ancienne ministre de l’Environnement. Elle écrit : « On pourrait […] avoir un débat sémantique sur le point de savoir si en janvier, puisque c’est là que la ministre de la Santé, Agnès Buzyn, a tiré la sonnette d’alarme au niveau gouvernemental (et apparemment au niveau de la direction générale de la santé dès décembre 2019), il fallait parler à propos du coronavirus de prévention ou de précaution. Le débat pourrait paraître secondaire mais en réalité, il ne l’est pas. On rappellera que la précaution s’applique en cas de risque incertain et pour lequel le calcul des probabilités est impossible. Il s’agit en revanche de prévention lorsque le risque est connu dans ses effets et que les probabilités peuvent s’appliquer quant à l’importance de ses conséquences ». Comme l’indique Corinne Lepage début janvier et même en deçà, les pouvoirs publics français se trouvent face à la pandémie montante dans une situation d’incertitude qui relève typiquement de la précaution. Quatre indicateurs permettent d’avancer cela.

So far, most research on differentiated integration has focused either on its causes or on its broader consequences for the process of European integration. In contrast, in this paper we apply a public policy approach. Through an analysis of the functioning of various differentiated governance arrangements that exist in the EU economic policy field (particularly governing the EMU, the EU energy sector and the access of third countries into the Single Market) we aim to understand under which conditions differentiated procedures and institutions prove to be effective in attaining the stated objectives and in adjusting to changing circumstances while minimising undesirable effects. Doing so, we make two contributions to the existing scholarship. First, we develop an encompassing and dynamic definition of policy effectiveness that allows us to assess and compare the performance of economic differentiated integration arrangements. Second, we identify a number of institutional factors that positively influence the effectiveness of EU differentiated economic policy arrangements. These include (1) institutional set-ups tailor-made to the policy objectives of the differentiated organisation, (2) unified, simple and clear governance frameworks, (3) adaptable and flexible institutional designs and (4) institutional provisions to include nonparticipating and third countries. The theoretical framework presented in this paper to study the conditions under which differentiated integration is effective may inspire the research agenda on differentiated integration also beyond the economic policy field.

This article analyses the political construction and politicisation of UK–EU relations by British parliamentarians in Westminster and in the European Parliament (EP) between May 2015 and May 2017. Using computer-assisted content analysis techniques and qualitative analysis of sampled speeches, we investigate how parties used frames and emotions in order to mobilise voters. Results indicate that the ‘Leave’ campaign succeeded in triggering sentiments of distrust and anger against the establishment and mobilizing voters while, economic arguments used by ‘remainers’ failed to convince citizens from deprived areas of the benefits of EU membership. Intra-party divisions were stronger among Westminster members than in the EP, but the visibility of the ‘Leave’ discourse in the EP was disproportionately higher to the number of pro-Brexit parliamentarians. Polarisation and values-based arguments are observed in the EP early in the campaign, suggesting that the process initiated at the European level and then migrated to the national level.

1ères lignes : Dès sa préparation à partir de 1967 et son lancement en janvier 1968, la rationalisation des choix budgétaires (RCB) fait l’objet de réflexions avancées de la part de ses promoteurs qui portent sur les conditions de son développement et de son succès. Encore balbutiante dans sa présentation théorique initiale et structurée par un ensemble de dispositifs et d’instruments micro-économiques et gestionnaires dont la cohérence reste à construire, la mise en œuvre de la RCB soulève d’entrée de jeu des problèmes de formation des agents du ministère de l’Économie et des Finances et des ministères sectoriels appelés à en mobiliser les principes et les techniques. La RCB impose en effet un langage technique nouveau que peu d’acteurs maîtrisent, qui n’est ni connu ni harmonisé, et qui pose deux problèmes d’action collective. D’un côté, la réforme engage des coûts d’investissement et d’apprentissage liés à la mise en place d’une communauté de spécialistes au sein du ministère de l’Économie et des Finances mais aussi dans chaque ministère.

Data de publicació electrònica: 06-10-2021 After a decade-long search, countries finally agreed on a new climate treaty in 2015. The Paris Agreement has attracted attention both for overcoming years of gridlock and for its novel features. Here, we build on accounts explaining why states reached agreement, arguing that a deeper understanding requires a focus on institutional design. Ultimately, it was this agreement, with its specific provisions, that proved acceptable to states rather than other possible outcomes. Our account is multi-causal and draws methodological inspiration from the public policy and causes of war literatures. Specifically, we distinguish between background, intermediate, and proximate conditions and identify how they relate to one another, jointly producing the ultimate outcome we observe. Our analysis focuses especially on the role of scientific knowledge, non-state actor mobilization, institutional legacies, bargaining, and coalition-building in the final push for agreement. This case-based approach helps to understand the origins of Paris, but also offers a unique, historically grounded way to examine questions of institutional design. We are grateful for the research funding received from the Institute of Asian Research and the School of Public Policy and Global Affairs at UBC, the Environmental Governance Lab (EGL) at the University of Toronto, and the Research Support Scheme at Cardiff University.

1ères lignes : Troisième volume d’une histoire au long cours, Le moment RCB ou le rêve d’un gouvernement rationnel (1962-1978) caractérise une étape clé du déploiement de la gestion des finances publiques dans la France contemporaine. Le premier temps (1815-19141) fut marqué par le lent développement, très intriqué, d’un droit budgétaire et comptable et d’instruments pratiques lui donnant corps dans l’administration : y alternaient la domination de préoccupations juridiques (la définition des comptes, la mise en place de procédures, la détermination de responsabilités spécifiques et des contrôles afférents) et la formalisation de considérations gestionnaires (un contrôle des actions et des réalisations des ministres et de leurs agents administratifs, élaboration d’outils de comparaison des coûts et résultats de l’action publique). La thèse défendue était celle d’un mouvement parallèle et d’une hybridation originelle des rationalités juridiques et gestionnaires. D’un côté, on observait la patiente construction d’un droit budgétaire et comptable organisant progressivement les rapports entre les institutions (gouvernement, Chambres du Parlement) et distribuant les rôles joués par des acteurs administratifs (le ministère des Finances, la Cour des comptes).

In the city of São Paulo about 10% of households are either closed or vacant. A large part of them is located in areas well provided with infrastructure and services, while part of the population lives in precarious settlements and without access to basic services. In 2014, the city hall proceeded with the implementation of urban planning instruments to reduce property vacancy and, by this means, it intended to expand the offer of housing. Based on a case study developed with document research, complemented by interviews with key actors and participant observation, this article describes and analyzes the implementation of the instruments of the social function of property between the years 2014 to 2016, exploring the institutional arrangement constituted to carry out this initiative, and the quantitative results for the period from 2014 to 2019. Observing the trajectory of the urban planning sector in São Paulo, we argue that this institutional arrangement represents an expansion of the sector's scope of action and was a pillar fundamental for the application of the instruments, which achieved expressive results and consolidated itself as a relevant experience in national context.

The politicisation and depoliticisation of EU policies such as state aid are key to the legitimation and contestation of the EU. However, the existing literature tends to focus on analysing these processes either in terms of politicisation or depoliticisation, but rarely both simultaneously. Rather, this thesis conceptualises politicisation and depoliticisation as embodying a fluid-like state within Multilevel Governance (MLG) structures, such as the EU, where agents play a key role. The thesis first explores 266 state aid cases labelled “Unlawful with Recovery of Aid” (UWRA) to identify which were appealed, and to gauge the degree of news coverage that each case gained. From the analysis of the 266 cases, the dissertation selects the cases of Apple in Ireland and Ilva in Italy for sustained and detailed analysis. It explores how actors have sought to politicise and depoliticise these state aid cases in the national news media. A claims-making analysis is performed to understand how actors attempt to legitimise or delegitimise their own actions or the actions of the other actors involved (the Commission, Apple, Ilva and the Irish and Italian governments). To perform the analysis, a set of 100 newspapers were gathered from the Factiva database, including two leading quality newspapers (centre-left and centre-right) from Ireland (the Irish Times and the Irish Independent) and Italy (Il Sole 24 Ore and La Repubblica). The results show that a key moment in the trajectory of both the politicisation and depoliticisation of a state aid case is the act of appealing by the member state. More specifically, in the Apple case, TINA (There Is No Alternative) was used as a strategy to discursively depoliticise the action of appealing which, interestingly contributed to the overall politicisation of the state aid case. In contrast, other depoliticising strategies (“appeasing” claims) which intended to calm past tensions between the Italian government and the Commission were used successfully. In terms of politicisation, the Apple case showed an “international conflict trajectory” (Irish government versus the Commission) while the Ilva case raised concerns about the Italian government and the management of the corporation. Overall, this dissertation advances understandings of the differentiated patterns of politicisation and depoliticisation by illustrating that the Apple case followed the “politics against policy” route while this was avoided in the Ilva state aid case., La politisation et la dépolitisation des politiques européennes telles que les aides d’État sont des facteurs clés de légitimation et de contestation de l’Union européenne. La littérature tend à analyser ces processus soit sous l’angle de la politisation soit sous celui de la dépolitisation. Il est rare qu’elle les appréhende simultanément. Cette thèse considère au contraire que ces deux phénomènes présentent une certaine fluidité au sein de structures de gouvernance multiniveau (GMN) telles que l’UE, dans lesquelles les agents jouent un rôle essentiel. La thèse étudie d’abord 266 affaires d’aides d’État jugées « illicites avec obligation de récupération » afin d’identifier lesquelles ont été portées en appel et d’évaluer le niveau de couverture médiatique de chaque affaire. À partir de ces 266 dossiers, la thèse a sélectionné ceux d’Apple, en Irlande, et Ilva, en Italie, pour une analyse approfondie et détaillée. Ce travail explore la manière dont les acteurs ont cherché à politiser et dépolitiser les affaires d’aide d’État dans les médias nationaux. Une analyse de claim-making est réalisée afin de comprendre comment les acteurs tentent de légitimer ou délégitimer leurs propres actions ou celles des autres acteurs en présence (la Commission, Apple, Ilva et les gouvernements irlandais et italien). Un corpus de 100 journaux a été constitué à partir de la base de données Factiva, dont deux journaux de référence (de centre gauche et centre droit) pour chacun des pays concernés : The Irish Times et The Irish Independent pour l’Irlande ; Il Sole 24 Ore et La Repubblica pour l’Italie. Les résultats font apparaître que l’appel porté par un État membre constitue un moment majeur dans la trajectoire de politisation comme de dépolitisation d’une affaire d’aide d’État. Plus précisément, dans l’affaire Apple, le TINA (There is no Alternative) a été utilisé comme stratégie de dépolitisation discursive de l’acte d’appel. Or, il est intéressant de noter que l’appel contribuait à la politisation générale de l’affaire d’aide d’État. D’autres stratégies de dépolitisation (prises de position – claims – dites d’« apaisement »), visant à calmer les tensions du passé entre le gouvernement italien et la Commission, ont en revanche été mises en oeuvre avec succès. Du point de vue de la politisation, on observe ainsi deux schémas différents : dans l’affaire Apple, c’est la « voie d’un conflit international » (le gouvernement irlandais opposé à la Commission) qui a été suivie ; quant au dossier Ilva, il a soulevé des interrogations sur le gouvernement italien et la gestion de l’entreprise.

International audience; Research in the United States has emphasized the importance of anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic hostility to galvanize shared identities and a sense of linked fate that is electorally mobilized around the pan-ethnic Latino identity. With survey data on the electoral behavior of South American immigrants in the United States and Spain spanning a decade (2006-2018), this article gauges how critical hostility is for electoral mobilization. The findings suggest that—despite very different institutional settings, hostility levels, elite strategies, and political mobilization patterns—South American immigrants are forging remarkably similar patterns of political preferences and engagement across both sides of the Atlantic. The overtime and comparative perspective calls into question that hostility is the main driving force behind Latino electoral participation and block voting in the United States and prompts greater attention to the socioeconomic status of Latinos and mobilization by political parties.

As a knowledge condensed into a technique worked out in biology, applied in medicine and guaranteed by laws on bioethics, the HIV test is a ‘hot’ topic. The demand for this test is strong in many sectors having to do with risk assessment: employment, the prevention of occupational risks, insurance, etc. The ways this test has been put to use in France and the United States are compared in the field of employment. This test is part of quite distinct public regulations in each land: its uses are defined, in France, through agreements by sector but, in the United States, by law in a ‘globalizing’ fashion. Differences in how this test has been used are interpreted as the consequence of its social-technical properties and of the private/public levels of action wherein it is run.; L’étude des trajectoires comparées du test VIH en France et aux États-Unis dans le domaine de l’emploi fait apparaître une différence de ses formes d’appropriation juridique, qui dépend à la fois de ses propriétés sociotechniques et des registres d’action dans lequel il se trouve inséré. Cadré progressivement par voie législative et de manière globale comme handicap aux États-Unis, par voie sectorielle et conventionnelle et comme inaptitude en France, le test s’inscrit donc dans des modes de régulation publique distincts.

In what ways, if at all, do past ideologies shape the values of subsequent generations of citizens? Are public attitudes in one period shaped by the discourses and constructions of an earlier generation of political leaders? Using Thatcherism – one variant of the political New Right of the 1980s – as the object of our enquiries, this article explores the extent to which an attitudinal legacy is detectable among the citizens of the UK some 40 years after Margaret Thatcher first became Prime Minister. Our article, drawing on survey data collected in early 2019 (n = 5781), finds that younger generations express and seemingly embrace key tenets of her and her governments’ philosophies. Yet at the same time, they are keen to describe her government’s policies as having ‘gone too far’. Our contribution throws further light on the complex and often covert character of attitudinal legacies. One reading of the data suggests that younger generations do not attribute the broadly Thatcherite values that they hold to Thatcher or Thatcherism since they were socialised politically after such values had become normalised.

This thesis deals with the regulation of binational marriages in Japan and addresses several major issues in contemporary Japan, such as the definition of national community’s frontiers and the way gender is (re)produced by law and public policies. This research analyses the way binational married couples have been either included and/or excluded from the national community from 1873 to the present day, through the concept of “politics of belonging”. It demonstrates the centrality of gender until 1985, both regarding the transmission of nationality and the granting of residence permits to Japanese nationals’ spouses. This study also analyzes the effects of the measures introduced to assess the authenticity of marriages, in a context of increasing repression towards 'sham marriages'.The originality of the Japanese case study lies in the fact that part of the implementation of migration regulations is carried out by legal professionals: certified administrative procedures legal Specialists (CAPLS). This work raises the question of their role in the implementation process. To do so, semi-directive interviews and participant observations among two CAPLS’ firms were conducted. This research shows that their work is shaped by specific constraints related to the need to serve their clients while fulfilling the administration’s expectations. This research, while focusing on Japan, contributes to public policy studies, sociology of law and legal professions, and gender studies., Cette thèse porte sur les régulations de la mixité conjugale au Japon. Ce sujet permet d’aborder plusieurs enjeux majeurs du Japon contemporain, en particulier la définition des frontières de la communauté nationale et les modalités de (re)production du genre à l’œuvre dans le droit et les politiques publiques. Cette recherche analyse l’évolution des modalités d’inclusion et d’exclusion des familles issues de mariages binationaux à la communauté nationale de 1873 à nos jours qui sont à la base de la « politique de l’appartenance ». L’étude montre la centralité du genre jusqu’en 1985, aussi bien en matière de transmission de la nationalité que d’octroi de facilités de séjour aux conjoints de Japonais. Nous analysons en particulier les formes et les effets des dispositifs instaurés afin de contrôler l’authenticité des mariages, dans un contexte de répression croissante des « mariages blancs ».L’originalité du Japon est de faire assurer une partie de la mise en œuvre des régulations migratoires par des professions du droit : des conseillers-experts en procédure administrative (CEPA). Nous interrogeons leur rôle en tant qu’intermédiaires au statut privé et tenant une place importante dans la mise en œuvre d’une politique, ce qui conduit à élargir la réflexion sur les contours de l’action publique. Nous avons mené des entretiens semi-directifs et une observation participante auprès de ces acteurs. Nous montrons que les logiques d’action des CEPA sont déterminées par les contraintes propres à leur positionnement professionnel qui les place en tension entre le service et leurs clients et les attentes de l’administration.

(Special Issue: Political Parties). Adopting an anthropological approach to analyse contemporary political parties is fairly unusual and has tended to be limited to the margins of the political system (greens, extreme left and right), yet it provides a useful lens to explain how these organisations are changing. By focusing on the meanings that are constructed by partisans through their interactions within the party, it draws attention to the ways in which their social representations (on what society is/ought to be) and their symbolic practices (what they think is the appropriate way to act) are negotiated, taken for granted or disputed. It allows us to understand the processes through which policies, teams, rules and behaviours change or are “reformed” and how these evolutions affect members. The article builds from several such studies conducted in the UK and in France in the 1990s and 2000s. It highlights several specific contributions of anthropology to our analysis of political parties: the role of symbolic practices, the construction of group styles (in interaction with national political institutions and culture), the public performance of leadership, policy-making and democracy.