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A rare consensus points to the question of normativity, with an inclination towards the Eurocentric Frankfurt School of Critical Theory, which seems to have been central to Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS). Given the universality of knowledge exerting pressure on scholars to conform with traditional theoretical perspectives, terrorism studies pose inequality from Eurocentricity emerging in "the battle for hearts and minds" research. Some of these studies fall to the allure of connivance with the progressively "authoritarian demands of Western, liberal state and media practice". Consequently, terrorism research risks being dominated by ethical and logical blindness within established research formations. In Africa, for example, some CTS scholars are subdued to cynically use their Africanity to authenticate the neo-colonial and neo-liberal agenda in terrorism research. This article explores the reimaging of subjugated knowledge through decolonisation of methods in CTS. Rooting for cognitive justice and adequate space for alternative knowledge to imperial science, the article contests the battle for Africa's hearts and minds as a failed process that needs transformation. Consequently, this work is a contribution to epistemological debate between the global North and South, and the subsequent theoretical contestations in CTS. We argue for hybridity by re-constructing alternative frameworks of knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's Sahel strategy was formulated in accordance with the EU's holistic approach, emphasizing the interconnectivity of security, development, and governance. This paper seeks to evaluate the effectiveness of the EU's Sahel strategy and its alignment with established goals. Thus, the initial Sahel strategy was introduced by the EU in 2011, subsequently fortified by the 2015-2020 regional action plan. These two documents delineate the fundamental pillars that form the basis of the EU's involvement in the Sahel region. The EU's involvement encompasses a multifaceted approach aimed at promoting security, development, and cooperation in the Sahel. This includes initiatives to counter terrorism and extremism, enhance governance and rule of law, promote sustainable development, and strengthen regional partnerships. However, the European Union's strategy toward the Sahel region encounters substantial challenges across various dimensions. In addition, evaluations suggest that a timely and comprehensive reassessment of the EU's Sahel policy is essential to achieve its intended objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UN peace operations are often accompanied by parallel forces from individual states, regional organizations, or "coalitions of the willing." These forces remain distinct from the UN to address security concerns outside the remit of traditional peacekeeping. The deployment of UN stabilization operations, however, has resulted in an overlap between UN and parallel forces. This article investigates the complex relationships between UN stabilization operations and parallel forces using as examples the French and UN deployments in Mali and the Central African Republic. It concludes that when UN and parallel forces have distinct mandates, they often create military synergies but political tensions. In particular, when peacekeepers are reliant on parallel forces for military support, the UN can struggle to achieve its longer-term political tasks. When parallel forces are explicitly mandated to support UN efforts, the UN is better able to leverage its relationship with parallel forces to achieve its military and political objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A growing emphasis on stabilisation and counterterrorism in international peacekeeping operations has increasingly become apparent. In Africa, the phenomenon of terrorism has become of special importance in contemporary peacekeeping activities and has significantly influenced the nature and profile of peacekeeping operations on the continent. Bloodshed, death, displacement and destruction caused by terrorism and violent extremism are increasingly posing challenges to peacekeepers in African conflict theatres. In view of this, this article analyses the tasks and contours of two of the most important peacekeeping operations on the African continent, namely those in Mali and Somalia. These operations could be considered laboratories for further exploration and innovation in the African peacekeeping landscape. At the same time, any scholarly discussion on contemporary peacekeeping and counterterrorism would be incomplete without reflections on scholars and analysts who consider an increasing entanglement between peacekeeping and counterterrorism as highly problematic. In this regard, the discussion touches on some of the fundamental questions that have started to surface on the future of United Nations and (to some extent) African Union peacekeeping operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three decades after state terror in Uruguay, counter memory making has endured in successive waves despite the official politics of oblivion, a transitional politics based on the denial of state abuses, absence of redress for victims, and impunity for perpetrators of the crimes of state terrorism. The Uruguayan case illustrates the impossibility of foreclosing memory through political engineering and the unsustainability of blanket impunity. It also highlights the long-term effects of ongoing social mobilization for memory and personal memorialization after social trauma and offers a sociocultural and intersubjective approach to the understanding of the generation of social memory after massive political violence.Tres décadas después del terrorismo de estado en el Uruguay, la construcción de la contramemoria ha resistido en oleadas sucesivas a pesar de una política oficial del olvido, una política de transición basada en la negación de los abusos del estado, la ausencia de reparaciones para las víctimas y la impunidad para los responsables de los crímenes del terrorismo de estado. El caso uruguayo ilustra la imposibilidad de impedir la construcción de la memoria por medio de la ingeniería política y la falta de viabilidad de una impunidad general. También pone de manifiesto los efectos a largo plazo de una continua movilización social por la memoria y la memorialización personal después del trauma social y ofrece un enfoque sociocultural e intersubjetivo para entender la generación de la memoria social después de periodos de enorme violencia política. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-established authoritarian regimes in Libya, Yemen, and Egypt were very different in form. It is not surprising, therefore, that the way in which those regimes came to an end in 2011 varied significantly across cases. Nor is it surprising that the dynamics of transition in those cases have also varied since the Arab Spring. That said, the studies in this symposium have shown that, despite their many differences, processes of regime transition in Libya, Yemen, and Egypt have also shared two significant traits. First, disagreements among stakeholders over basic questions of institutional design have generated intense uncertainty about the nature of posttransition regimes. Second, political and military actors have occasionally turned to violence, in an effort to “resolve” their disagreements through force. In our symposium, we have tried to clarify the relationship between these shared traits of uncertainty and violence. To do this, we have disaggregated the concept of transitional uncertainty, considered the degree to which different forms of uncertainty have already fomented insecurity in post-Arab Spring states, and offered assessments of whether uncertainty may (continue to) prove destabilizing in those states going forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study of the effects of institutions suffers from a potential endogeneity problem. This article proposes a strategy for addressing this problem by estimating the motivations for institutional choice directly. It identifies the motivations behind the wording of postindependence constitutions in Francophone sub-Saharan Africa. The author finds that constitutional wording in these countries has been motivated by the strength of ties with France. However, contrary to standard narratives, domestic political preferences also have been influential. By estimating the motivations for institutional choice directly, scholars are better placed to draw conclusions about the independent effect of institutions in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a list of books on international relations received by the journal including "The Ethics of Foreign Policy," edited by David Macdonald," "Before Their Time: The World of Child Labor," by David L. Parker and "The Globalization of Political Violence: Globalization's Shadow," edited by Christopher W. Hughes.