Search

英語は国際共通語（リンガ・フランカ）として現在では世界中で使われている。このように英語が世界中で使われるようになるにつれて、国や地域ごとのバリエーションも大きくなっている。その中でも、特にイギリス英語には地域方言に加えて、RP, Estuary, Cockneyなどの社会方言のバリエーションも存在する。歴史的にイギリス社会では、社会方言の差は身分や出生の差として扱われ、使用する社会方言によって職業選択にも影響を及ぼしていた。このことから、教育水準の高い人や、人前に出る職業の人などは意図的にRPを話そうとする人も多く、外国から見たイギリス英語のイメージもRPがその代表であった。一方で最近では、RPの話者は減少し、Estuaryを使い続ける人も増えてきている。日本人英語学習者が様々な国の英語を聞き取る際に、イギリス英語、アメリカ英語、オーストラリア英語の間で聞き取りやすさに差がないことは内田（2021）の研究などで明らかになっているが、本研究では、イギリス英語の社会方言の間でも聞き取りやすさに差がないかについてリスニング実験を行い検証した。その結果、RPとEstuaryでは聞き取りやすさに差がなく、Cockneyのみが聞き取りにくいという結果が明らかになった。

This study is concerned with comparing the pronunciation in Southern Welsh, a Celtic language, and Cockney, an English dialect , regarding the place of articulation. The study uses a comparative method to shed light on the similarities and differences between the two accents. The data were collected from YouTube videos of speakers of Southern Welsh and Cockney and the consonant sound systems were analysed and compared. This study answers two main research questions: Do Southern Welsh and Cockney accents have the same consonants? What are the phonological differences between Southern Welsh and Cockney regarding place of articulation? The findings show that there are some phonological differences between Sothern Welsh and Cockney in terms of bilabial, labiodental, dental, alveolar, lateral, palatal, velar, and uvular sounds. However, they are similar in terms of post-alveolar and glottal sounds. Awareness of these phonological differences is important for EFL learners to develop strong competencies in dealing with these accents which are gaining an increasing popularity due to the unprecedented spread of social media networks and applications.

This article reviews the strategies used in three Ukrainian translations of George Bernard Shaw’s play «Pygmalion» focusing upon different approaches to representing the sociolect Cockney. Two of the translations (done by M. Pavlov and O.Mokrovolskiy) resort to surzhyk — a mixed Ukrainian-Russian vernacular, thus employing the strategy of domestication, while the third, and the latest, one (done by T. Nekriach and N. Ferens in collaboration, with the general editing of T. Nekriach) rejects surzhyk in principle, proceeding from the idea that cockney is not a contamination of two languages but a socially and culturally marked set of deviations from the norm within one language. The latter translation unites foreignization in indicating the time and place of action and domestication in consistent using the Ukrainian supradialectal popular parlance, which is termed ad hoc the «harmonizing strategy» in the article. Cockney as a specific ethnosociolect has been researched in the translation perspective in the works of I. Akopyan, V. Komissarov, O. Rebriy, T. Nekriach, A. Hughes, P. Trudgill etc., which form the theoretical foundation of the present article. The aim of the article is to study and systematize the optimal strategies and tactics of reproducing Cockney in the available Ukrainian translations of «Pygmalion». The principal method of research is the comparative translation analysis, which allows to evaluate the gains and losses in employing a particular strategy in order to achieve a faithful translation. The topicality of the research is accounted for by the growing interest on the part of both practical translators and translation scholars in the appropriate handling of translation strategies and tactics within one text in order to reveal the author’s intent to the full with the retaining of the distinguishing features of the form. Special attention is paid to the specific «double» nature of drama works which requires taking into account the “pronounceability” of cues in translation. It is argued that M. Pavlov and T. Nekriach/N. Ferens take this parameter into account, translating «for stage», whereas O.Mokrovolskiy translates «for page» only, which results in his alternatives for Cockney representation being understood visually, not audially. The research prospects are seen in applying the proposed methodology to the study of recent Ukrainian translations of fiction in comparison with the previous ones in order to survey the dynamics and effectiveness of applying various translation strategies and tactics in reproducing a particular language or cultural phenomenon used in the original text.

This paper demonstrates that the differing social meanings held by linguistic features can result in an implicational relationship between them. Rates of (h) and (ing) are investigated in the casual speech of sixty-three speakers from a community with Cockney heritage: Debden, Essex. The indexicalities of h-dropping in Debden (signalling Cockney) are superordinate to and incorporate the indexicalities of g-dropping (working-class, “improper”), resulting in an implicational relationship. H-dropping implies g-dropping, but g-dropping can occur independently of h-dropping. This occurs in terms of co-variation at the between-speaker level and clustering effects at the within-speaker level which is measured through a novel approach using the number of phonemes as the denomination of distance. The features’ differing social meaning are also related to rates of change. Young speakers are shifting away from linguistic features which index Cockney heritage (h-dropping; the [-Iŋk] variant of -thing words) in favor of more general, southeastern, working-class norms (g-dropping).

The article reports on the study of the interferential influence of Welch intonation on the speech of Australians. Special focus is given to historical factors which influence the phonetic realization of Australians’ speech. The article contains overview of the results of lingual and historical analysis proving that the first emigrants of Australia were representatives of the lowest social classes, native Cockney, Venaculas speaker from different parts of Britain. Investigators consider that Australian English is more likely to be close to Cockney dialect with a touch of Welsh, Irish and a definite share of Scottish dialects. In the frame of the conducted complex investigation on the basis of auditory and computer analysis melodic and frequency characteristic of Australian speech were studied and the influence of English speech of the first emigrants from Britain was traced. In the result of the auditory analysis the prevalence of the Falling terminal tone was fixed, which is the peculiarity of the British intonation, and also high frequency of Rising and Rising-Falling nuclear tones. Such tendency is the result of the Welsh intonation influence on the speech of Australians. Computer analysis showed the frequency characteristics in the speech of the investigated informants vary which depend on gender and territorial belonging of the speaker. Uniqueness of Australian English has been revealed in the paper, which was formed in the run of historical development of the country under the influence of emigrants’ speech as well as from different areas of Britain and other countries. The analysis of segmental characteristics which were formed under the influence of regional factors inside and outside Australia are to be the subject of the future investigation.

Recent research has suggested that two linguistic processes are displacing Cockney: the emergence of Multicultural London English (MLE) in inner London and dialect levelling (e.g. Kerswill & Williams 2005). This study investigates firstly whether Cockney phonetic features have ‘moved East’ to Essex (Fox 2015), and secondly the features’ indexicality in relation to place and identity. Fifty-four participants from Debden, an outpost of the Cockney Diaspora, completed a sociolinguistic interview. Vowel measurements were made from a wordlist and passage, and quantitative attitudinal and qualitative data were extracted from a questionnaire and interviews. Overall, changes in identity as a result of social change exceeded linguistic changes, and linguistic labels were not interpreted uniformly across the community. Whilst Cockney variants were largely maintained in young speakers, they were transposed onto an ‘Essex’ accent. Furthermore, some young women but no young men considered themselves Cockney, likely due to the matrifocal nature of Cockney. (Cockney, phonetic variation and change, dialect levelling, identity, indexicality, gender)

The purpose of this study was to determine the type of use of slang language. The types of slangs were analyzed from “The Duff” movie. Theories used in this research were Paltridge (2004) about the types of slang language and Yanhong (2013) about the functions of slang. This study was conducted by using a descriptive qualitative method. The data was from a movie entitled “The Duff” in the year of 2015 with genre of teen or comedy. After conducting the analysis, this study showed that there were six slang languages from eleven type of slang language. They were society, cockney, workmen’s, public school and university, public house, and theater. Society was found as the most dominant slang language with society with 41 data (54,6%), public house with 20 data (26,6%), workmen’s with 6 data (8 %), cockney with 5 data (6,6%), theater with 2 data(2,6%), and public school and university with 1 data (1,3%). Finally, the researcher hopes that this study will be useful for the future improvement of studying literature, especially about slang language

Bernard Shaw has been a well-known writer in the Spanish-speaking world since Julio Broutá introduced his works in Spain at the beginning of the twentieth century. This article assesses two of the six translations of his play Pygmalion into Spanish, those of Julio Broutá (1919) and Floreal Mazía (1952), focusing specifically on the rendering of Cockney. Both target authors maintain the dialectal distinction in their works, by translating Cockney as Cheli and Lunfardo, dialects spoken by the lower classes of Madrid and Buenos Aires, respectively.

教育実践レポート, 本稿では，教育環境をめぐる変化を背景に，高等教育における映画を活用した英語科目の授業実践に着目し，1 ～2年次必修の英語科目を2例取り上げ，実践的な英語運用能力の育成の試みについて報告する．実践報告を通し明らかにする特徴は，次の3点である．1点目に，映画の授業への活用は，学生の学部・学科や関心に合わせて，学習のターゲットを絞って授業をデザインできるという点，2点目に，映画の映像を通しオーセンティックな英語にふれることで，多様性理解や文化的背景の学びにつなげることが可能であるという点，3点目に，そこからさらに応用し，英語の発音・アクセントの導入教材として活用する等の専門的な学習へ発展させることも可能であるという点である．そして，英語教育における映画の応用可能性を指摘し，映画を活用した実践的な英語運用能力の育成へ向けた今後の課題と展望を述べる．, Since rapid development in ICT has led to the diffusion of technology, certain forms of media, such as movies, have widely been applied to English education as an efficient teaching tool in recent years. This paper reports two case studies on English courses conducted in 2018 that utilized movies as teaching materials to improve students' practical English skills. These courses are compulsory basic EFL courses for freshmen and sophomore students at the higher education level, and focus on improving students' English language skills for practical use. This paper describes the following three features of courses that utilize movies as teaching materials: 1) instructors are able to design courses with movies based on various students' departments, majors, or interests; 2) students are able to learn variations of the English language, such as World Englishes and Cockney, through the authentic use of English in movies; and 3) movies can be applied not only to fundamental but also specialized English education, such as that regarding pronunciation or accent, in the English language. The results of this paper indicate the efficiency of English courses using movies as course materials, and suggestions are provided regarding the current state and advanced issues of course design with movies in higher education.

The presented article is aimed at elaborating the problem of specific stylistic coloring achieved by the employment of the Cockney dialect in English literature in the 19th century. The main objective of the paper consists in investigating the stylistic value of the Cockney rhymed dialect as the powerful expressive means in the English literature of realism as well as the possible ways of its rendering in artistic translation. The results of the carried-out research have proved that there exist common strategies and techniques of both employing Cockney in English literature of the given period and reproducing it in literary interpretations. The practical value of the research lies in the fact that the conclusions may be applied in the educational activity, namely in the course of English stylistics. The urgency of this paper arises from the need for all-sided review of difficulties of translating belles-lettres works in contemporary translation studies. The object of the work is a Cockney dialect viewed in the aspect of its translatability. The subject is the specific stylistic function of Cockney dialect in B. Shaw's play. The immediate tasks of the article have been predetermined by the above-mentioned objective and include respectively: the disclosure of the specifics of Cockney dialect; the outline of the strategies and tactics of translating Cockney in belles-lettres works. The methodology of this research involved the inductive and deductive methods, the method of contrastive analysis and ethnic methodological conversation analysis. In the course of the research it has been concluded and experimentally and statistically proved that there exist common strategies and tactics of translating Cockney. It has also been postulated that the pragmatic and the expressive potential of Cockney is rendered in translation. The perspective is seen in reviewing the peculiarities of rendering Cockney in literary interpretations in various Western and Oriental languages.

Estuary English has been a topic for discussion ever since the term was coined by David Rosewarne in 1984. The putative English variety has been criticized for its messiness and lack of phonological cohesion, and the debate has circled around whether it is a variety in its own right and whether it will replace Received Pronunciation as the new standard variety of English. This thesis investigates the speech of eight Estuary English speakers and aims to discuss how the variety has changed since its time of origin. The focus of analysis is on four phonetic features that are considered to be boundary markers between Estuary English, Received Pronunciation and Cockney: syllable-final t-glottalization, intervocalic t- glottalization, l-vocalization and th-fronting. The material consists of recent YouTube videos of the speech of eight chosen celebrities who speak with an Estuary English accent. This thesis discusses the results of the analysis of the abovementioned videos in an attempt to add knowledge to the still ambiguous Estuary English phenomenon. The collected data indicates an increase in use of several features in comparison to previous research on the topic. Syllable-final t-glottalization has for long been observed in both Estuary English and Received Pronunciation, and the results of this thesis indicate that it still has a strong presence in Estuary English. Intervocalic t-glottalization and l-vocalization are slightly more ambiguous, and this thesis indicates an increase in the use of these features. With th-fronting, however, the results are much blurrier. Only two of the speakers investigated in this thesis uses th-fronting in the data material, and only one of them used it extensively. These findings have several implications for the questions commonly raised by previous research. If th- fronting follows the same development as l-vocalization and intervocalic t-glottalization, it seems likely that its usage will increase in Estuary English in the time to come. Since Estuary English blends Received Pronunciation and Cockney, and a greater number of features from Cockney is observed in it, it is no far-fetched claim that Estuary English as a variety will increase its footprint in England and have the chance to become a standard. This ability to become a standard, however, presupposes that Estuary English is a variety in its own right. The still present internal variation might function as an obstacle in this regard.

In 2013, the Metropolitan Museum hosted an exhibition of punk-inspired fashion entitled Punk: Chaos to Couture. The exhibition emphasized the ‘spectacular’ elements of the subculture, reflecting a narrative that dominates accounts of punk dress, whereby it is presented as a site of art school creativity and disjuncture with the past. This is an important aspect of punk dress, but photos of bands and audiences reveal that there was much more to British punk style in the 1970s than what was being sold on London’s King’s Road. Heeding calls to trouble the boundary between the spectacular and the ordinary in subculture studies, this article looks at the ordinariness of 1970s British punk dress, arguing that we should understand punk dress in terms of mass-market commodities, not just customization and designer fashion. Many of these commodities were worn by the skinheads who preceded punk, and this article explores this subcultural continuity by focusing on the role of the Dr.Marten boot and the Harrington jacket in first- and second-wave British punk dress. It does so through discussion of the Cockney Rejects, the 1979 BBC television dramatization of the Sham 69 album That’s Life, and the Undertones.

espanolLa novela de Peter Golsworthy Wish (1995) narra una historia de amor inusual entre una gorila, Eliza, y su profesor de lengua de signos, John James. Puede interpretarse como una reescritura del texto de George Bernard Shaw Pygmalion (1912) donde una florista Cockney, Eliza Doolittle, pasa por ser una dama gracias a las lecciones de diccion del profesor de fonetica Henry Higgins. Ambas obras describen experimentos linguisticos orientados hacia la transformacion social. Puede por lo tanto argumentarse que ambas tienen como objetivo, en suma, diseccionar las desigualdades de su tiempo y producir un giro ontologico. Este articulo por lo tanto pretende analizar las estrategias empleadas por el autor australiano Peter Goldsworthy para desmontar el binario humano/animal y demostrar lo contingente de la separacion entre especies basada en nociones como el lenguaje verbal. EnglishPeter Goldsworthy’s novel Wish (1995) narrates an unusual love story, that between the female gorilla Eliza and her Sign teacher John James. It can be interpreted as a re-writing of George Bernard Shaw’s play Pygmalion (1912) where a Cockney flower girl, Eliza Doolittle, is turned into a lady thanks to her training in proper speech by professor of phonetics Henry Higgins. Both works depict language experiments oriented towards social transformation. It can therefore be argued that both works aim, in sum, at dissecting the inequalities of their time and producing an ontological turn. This article therefore aims at analysing the strategies used by Australian author Peter Goldsworthy to dismantle the human/animal binary and demonstrate the contingency of the species boundary based on notions such as verbal language.

The paper addresses the problem of overshoot involved in singing accent stylisation. Selected phonetic features indexed as “American” and “Cockney” are analysed in the singing and speaking styles of a British vocalist, Adele. Overshoot, understood as a greater frequency or an exaggerated quality of a given feature, is characteristic of staged performance (Bell and Gibson 2011; Coupland 2007). PRAAT is used to establish the acoustic properties (F1 and F2) of the BATH and TRAP vowels, as well as the presence or absence of the BATH-TRAP split. The results show that Americanisation regarding the BATH-TRAP split in singing is present and the Americanised vowel tokens are “overshot”, having higher F2 frequency compared with the regular British TRAP vowel.

Sir Terry Pratchett’s "Unseen Academicals" shows the soccer world, but also the University, both of which are important. The title of the French translation, Allez les mages, is the first example of the naturalization strategy which focuses on football, but erases any hint of the British culture and, consequently, the reader of this translation is unable to see any allusion to the Oxford-Cambridge old rivalry. Moreover, this strategy destroys the tension between the language of the “gentlemen” of the University and ordinary people, humble servants in the University but big ones in the football world. The rendering of the “cockney” by the Parisian argot is, in fact, Berman’s deforming tendency called vulgariza- tion. In conclusion, the author of this paper believes that the French translator of Pratchett’s book, although very clever at rendering of puns, took the wrong strategic decision, which his Polish colleague did not. Le roman de Terry Pratchett met en relief le monde de football, certes, mais aussi la vie universitaire: d’où le titre de l’original (Unseen Academicals) et le titre de la traduction française (Allez les mages). Les deux réalités sont impor- tantes, d’où l’opinion de l’auteur du présent article que la naturalisation exces- sive conduisant à l’effacement des allusions à la culture britannique, notamment à l’Université d’Oxford, est une erreur stratégique du traducteur français. Elle détruit la possibilité de déchiffrer les allusion à la rivalité Oxford-Cambridge, mais aussi, conduit à l’homogénéisation de la langue des personnages du ro- man, d’une part, et la vulgarisation argotique du « parler populaire » contrastant de façon subtile, dans l’original, avec le parler des « gentlemen »: les deux ten- dences déformantes qu’évite le traducteur polonais, moins doué pour les jeux des mots, peut-être, mais plus vilgilant au niveau stratégique du texte.

This research has main objectives to identify the Cockney and Received Pronunciation accents in My Fair Lady movie spoken by Eliza Doolittle and Professor Henry Higgins. Also, the objective is to find the correlation between the accents and the social backgrounds of both speakers. The result of this research shows that the accents indeed can indicate Eliza and Higgins’ social backgrounds. There are several characteristics that can distinct the Cockney and Received Pronunciation, such as H-dropping, Th- fronting, Diphthong shifting, and G- dropping. Eliza and Henry Higgins speak different accents because they come from different regions in London. Besides, from their accents, it is shown that Eliza with her strong Cockney accent comes from lower class while Henry Higgins with his Received Pronunciation accent comes from upper class. Furthermore, the correlation between accents and social backgrounds is also analyzed in this research. Key Words: Accent, Cockney, Received Pronunciation

This research paper examines how language change can occur across the lifespan through the linguistic analysis of East Londoner, and world renowned football player, David Beckham. Specifically, we look at his use of the consonantal variables of t-glottaling and h-dropping and how the frequency of these forms change over a 20-year period. We discuss the background of the linguistic phenomena under investigation and the common environments in which these non-standard variants are likely to occur. We also take a closer look at how the forms are being used in certain phonotactic environments, for example, word-medial and word-final positions, and the potential reasons behind them being less common when preceding or following certain sounds. We discuss some common theories associated with language change across the lifespan, using quantitative data to find trends and qualitative interpretation to suggest social causes for our findings. The paper allows us to critically evaluate language change theories, such as Labov’ s (1978) apparent time theory.In designing our study, we hypothesised that Beckham would be seen to undergo linguistic change from his classic East London Cockney features to more prestigious forms. As t-glottaling and h-dropping are stigmatised forms which are commonly associated with a working-class background, we believed that Beckham would go from using a high rate of these variants in his teenage years, due to his lower socioeconomic background, to producing standard /t/ and /h/ more frequently, reflecting his dramatic upward social climb. Due to his rise to fame, we expected that his celebrity status would bring an added pressure to speak in a “correct” manner, therefore influencing Beckham to opt for the standard variants more frequently. The variants we looked at are also commonly associated with younger speakers, so we expected Beckham’ s aging to further affect his language.Our results support our hypothesis, showing the extent to which David Beckham’s language choices have changed over time. We found that he showed a significant decrease in both h-dropping and t-glottaling in all phonotactic environments. However, we also found a surprisingly high rate of t-glottalisation before consonants and after vowels in Beckham’ s 2014 recordings. Our data support theories concerning age, social class, sex and dialect convergence. Overall, our paper offers insight into the methodology and theory surrounding language change across the lifespan through the analysis of particular linguistics variables of an English speaker.

The realisation of /t/ as a glottal stop [?] is a phenomenon described as occurring in word medial or final position (Docherty, 2010; Fabricius, 2002; Przedlacka, 2002; Roach, 1973). In English, sociolinguistic studies and phonological corpora (Schleef, 2013; Tagliamonte & Temple, 2005) have tried to frame and predict the context of glottal stops, since it is perceived as a phenomenon of change which is an index of membership to the Cockney or Estuary English, different from the variety of London. We explored a set of tokens containing glottalisation of the alveolar stop segment /t/ from a recorded corpus of naturally occurring data (British reality TV show The Only Way is Essex) in order to predict instances of glottal replacement. Main findings suggest that both onset or coda position are insufficient variables to determine the occurrence of [?], but stress does allow a better calculation for contexts of glottalisation replacement. The present analysis expands prior findings in the literature by involving syllabic boundaries and stress to determine the maintenance of the alveolar feature in all studied samples, as well as to support former predictions that glottalised /t/ emerges in syllable final or intervocalic contexts relying on pure articulatory grounds. (University of Delaware)

This study investigates two dynamic vowel changes in a variety of Southern British English, in the context of social changes affecting a specific speech community. We present apparent-time data from a community of Cockney speakers, rehoused from London to Essex in the 1950s. Our interest is in tracking the potential loss of a traditional Cockney feature, the PRICE-MOUTH crossover. We find that the crossover is reversing in apparent time, showing an abrupt change towards regional standard in speakers under 28 years of age, which we link to historical policy changes, and a following shift to social class attitude. We also find that while the formant values shift noticeably in apparent time, the changes largely preserve the trajectory shape.

In the present world, over 300 million people speak English. But there are many differences between their native language and the diversity of the English language. However, compared to their accent, the differences are verbal, grammatical very small. Emphasis is a term used by philologists to express the pronunciation of people belonging to a particular geographical region. It is very difficult to write about what kind of accent you need to speak with. Only in the United Kingdom there are various peoples who speak the Welsh dialect of English, Cockney and the recently emerged estuary and Georgie. However, 2 “standard” accents are used in the teaching of phonetics of the English language – (British and American). The accent used in the United States of America is called “General American” GA, that is, common American. The pronunciation “General American” is used in the United States by many people and, at the same time, by American radio and television hosts. The usual level of speech used in Britain is called Received Pronunciation or RP (the word “Received” translates as “commonly used”). When teaching English as a foreign language, it is taught as a pronunciation model. There are several differences between the American and British versions morphologically. The article explores the current problems of modern English. The author mainly focuses on the analysis of the differences between the American and British versions of English. These differences are studied at the morphological level. Including nouns, adjectives, pronouns, verbs, articles, etc., are involved in the

Traballo Fin de Grao en Lingua e Literatura Inglesas. Curso 2018-2019 The present study discusses the role of the city of London, its history and its society, in the emergence of standard and non-standard varieties of English. The importance of London derives from the fact that this city is and has been, an important centre of migration. Migration brings about interdialectal and interlinguistic contact, as well as phenomena such as dialect levelling, or the introduction of linguistic features from other dialects/languages, which may eventually lead to the emergence of new varieties. The dissertation will present an overview of the emerging varieties in London at different stages in history. Firstly I will examine the formation of the standard variety, which originates in the late Middle English period; and secondly I will analyse the main features of two non standard form of British English (spoken mainly in the city of London): Cockney (emerging in the Modern English period) and the current developing Multicultural London English (MLE). The methodology followed in this paper combines a more theoretical approach based on the literature on the subject; and a more practical approach by which I will illustrate the different features of the three varieties under study in various materials (e.g. historical texts, for the emerging written standard; TV shows, movies or corpora material, in the case of Cockney and MLE)

African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is systematic, rooted in history, and important as an identity marker and expressive resource for its speakers. In these respects, it resembles other vernacular or nonstandard varieties, like Cockney or Appalachian English. But like them, AAVE can trigger discrimination in the workplace, housing market, and schools. Understanding what shapes the relative use of AAVE vs. Standard American English (SAE) is important for policy and scientific reasons. This work presents, to our knowledge, the first experimental estimates of the effects of moving into lower-poverty neighborhoods on AAVE use. We use data on non-Hispanic African-American youth (n = 629) from a large-scale, randomized residential mobility experiment called Moving to Opportunity (MTO), which enrolled a sample of mostly minority families originally living in distressed public housing. Audio recordings of the youth were transcribed and coded for the use of five grammatical and five phonological AAVE features to construct a measure of the proportion of possible instances, or tokens, in which speakers use AAVE rather than SAE speech features. Random assignment to receive a housing voucher to move into a lower-poverty area (the intention-to-treat effect) led youth to live in neighborhoods (census tracts) with an 11 percentage point lower poverty rate on average over the next 10-15 y and reduced the share of AAVE tokens by ∼3 percentage points compared with the MTO control group youth. The MTO effect on AAVE use equals approximately half of the difference in AAVE frequency observed between youth whose parents have a high school diploma and those whose parents do not.

Una de las obras más famosas de George Bernard Shaw en el mundo hispanohablante es Pigmalión, que fue traducida, representada y publicada en nuestro país entre 1919 y 1920, llegando a convertirse en todo un éxito, de la misma manera que ya lo había sido en Inglaterra. Desde ese momento hasta la actualidad, podemos contabilizar otras cinco traducciones de la misma obra, cuatro de ellas llevadas a cabo en España y otra en Argentina. Pero estas obras meta no retratan a Eliza, la protagonista, de la misma manera de la que Shaw la caracterizó. Debemos tener en cuenta, por un lado, que la concepción sobre la mujer ha evolucionado mucho desde que se publicó por primera vez y estas diferencias fueron marcadas por Shaw en una segunda edición de la misma, llevada a cabo en 1941, lo que lleva a una primera distinción palpable. Por otro, las elecciones léxicas y gramaticales llevadas a cabo por los autores meta no siempre transmiten las mismas ideas que las que aparecen en el original. Debemos destacar, así mismo, que el autor irlandés utiliza el tagging para mostrar una de las principales características de Eliza, su inseguridad, pero esta estructura no es gramaticalmente correcta en nuestra lengua. En este artículo vamos a mostrar a las distintas «Elizas» con las que contamos en las seis ediciones de esta obra de teatro en nuestra lengua, exponiendo las diferencias en la traducción de los diferentes autores meta. Pygmalion, one of the best known of George Bernard Shaw’s plays in Spain, was translated and performed in 1919 and published in 1920. Up to 2016, it has been rendered into Spanish five times. The main character in Pygmalion is Eliza, a Cockney woman who feels the need to change her life to accede to the middle class. Shaw characterized Eliza in two ways, her clothes and her speech, as she speaks the dialect of her socio-geographical background, Cockney. Translators tend to fail to do justice to Eliza’s characterization for two reasons. The first is the lexical and grammatical choices, which do not always convey the same ideas as those implied in the original text. The second is the sociolinguistic disparity between the original English dialects and the Spanish dialects chosen in the translations. We should also consider that attitudes to the social place of women have evolved in the century since Pygmalion was first published. In this paper I show the different “Elizas” which are presented in the different Spanish editions of Pygmalion.

It seems temporally appropriate that George Cukor’s screen version of My Fair Lady should have been released in 1964, since it neatly concluded a half-century of attempts by actors, directors, and adapters alike to romanticize Bernard Shaw’s Pygmalion. From the very moment, in fact, that Herbert Beerbohm Tree and Mrs. Patrick (Stella) Campbell—in their respective roles of phonetician Henry Higgins and Cockney flower seller Eliza Doolittle—had improvised lines and stage business to imply to their opening-night London audience in 1914 that a romantic union between their two characters was inevitable, Shaw was embroiled in a perpetual struggle to control his conception of the play. To Shaw, the culminating point of Pygmalion was that Eliza achieves independence from the bullying Higgins. an Eliza-Higgins marriage, he declared, would have been “a revolting tragedy.”1 To that end, Shaw appended a prose sequel to the first (1916) English-language publication of Pygmalion in book form, in which he outlined Eliza’s married life with the youthful Freddy Eynsford Hill, a minor character in the play. However, the public, in general, “went on preferring its own version.”2 The advent of talking pictures offered Shaw an opportunity to reassert his wishes, and to this end he wrote his own screenplay adaptation in 1934 for the first ( German) film version of Pygmalion (Erich Engel, 1935), making it a contractual requirement that the filmmakers adhered to his (translated) scenario, in which any suggestion of a Higgins-Eliza romance had been carefully removed. Without having seen the resulting film, Shaw also granted screen adaptation rights on the same condition to Dutchand English-language productions (Pygmalion, Ludwig

Then felt I like some watcher of the skies When a new planet swims into his ken; Or like stout Cortez when with wond'ring eyes He stared at the Pacific ... (1) IN HIS 1823 ESSAY "ON LONDONERS AND COUNTRY PEOPLE," WILLIAM Hazlitt resists "Mr. Blackwood's" definition of Cockney" as a person who has happened at any time to live in London, and who is not a Tory." (2) Instead, Hazlitt pictures the Cockney as "a person who has never lived out of London, and who has got all his ideas from it" (155). For Hazlitt the basis for being Cockney is not political but ethical, if we understand ethics to be not simply a set of doctrines but also as incorporating those everyday habits and practices that establish a "complex set of relays between moral contents, aesthetic-affective styles, and public moods." (3) According to Hazlitt, the landscape of the Cockney's affect is mapped onto the landmarks of daily London life, and "the true Cockney has never travelled beyond the purlieus of the Metropolis, either in the body or the spirit. Primrose-hill is the Ultima Thule of his most romantic desires; Greenwich Park stands him in stead of the Vales of Arcady" (155). Hazlitt portrays the Cockney as being "confined to one spot, and to the present moment" (155). For him, everything is near and seen in "hasty Succession." The world turns round, and his head with it, like a roundabout at a fair, till he becomes stunned and giddy with the motion. Figures glide by, as in a camera obscura. There is a glare, a perpetual hubbub, a noise, a crowd about him; he sees and hears a vast number of things, and knows nothing. He is pert, raw, ignorant, conceited, ridiculous, shallow, contemptible. His senses keep him alive; and he knows, inquires, and cares for nothing farther. (155-56) The Cockney feasts upon the ocular delights offered up by the "perpetual hubbub" of a vital cosmopolitan city. Even a shopman may be "nailed all day behind the counter: but he sees hundreds and thousands of gay, well-dressed people pass--an endless phantasmagoria--and enjoys their liberty and gaudy fluttering pride" (160). Another may be a mere "footman--but he rides behind beauty, through a crowd of carriages, and visits a thousand shops" (160). For Hazlitt, these vivid glimpses of the always turning social world are valuable because they facilitate man's recognition of himself as a "public creature" (177). This is important, because in addition to defining "Cockney" another aspect of Hazlitt's effort in "On Londoners and Country People" is to rebut Wordsworth's portrait in the preface to "The Excursion" of "men in cities as so many wild beasts or evil spirits, shut up in cells of ignorance, without natural affections, and barricaded down in sensuality and selfishness" (177). Hazlitt argues that this would be true if city dwellers were really disconnected from one another but such is not actually the case. The Londoner may know fewer details about other people's private lives, but in London "he has better opportunities of observing its larger masses and varied movements," because the city's streets are a "stream of human life," and "the public amusements and places of resort are a centre and support for social feeling" (178). For the Londoner, "a playhouse alone is a school of humanity, where all eyes are fixed on the same gay or solemn scene, where smiles or tears are spread from face to face, and where a thousand hearts beat in unison!" In London "there is a public; and each man is part of it" (178). Worthworth's contrasting response to "the mighty city" (7:697) is captured in the "Bartholomew Fair" section of Book 7 of The Prelude. (4) Here the poet encounters a "blank confusion" (7:696) while experiencing what it would be like to be one of those ... thousands upon thousands of her sons, Living amid the same perpetual whirl Of trivial objects, melted and reduced To one identity, by differences That have no law, no meaning, and no end (7:701-5) For Wordsworth, to live amid the "second-sight procession" of the city's "perpetual whirl" is to risk becoming submerged in an enthusiastic but ultimately lawless collective identity. …

From the start of the 1960s, photographer Eugene Vernier, along with models like Tania Mallet and Ros Watkins, began charting and creating new fashionable representations, featuring cool, youthful London looks. Virtually forgotten today, these individuals were the kinds of "young meteors" journalist Jonathan Aitken identified mid-decade, who ushered in much of the visual language and symbolic shorthand that we now take for granted as the hallmarks of London's "Swinging Sixties." The fashion models did not just parade the latest styles. They were key players - on and off the street - in the formation of London as a global creative center, as well as in the new modes of self-presentation that were essential to this 1960s "cultural revolution."In the spring of 1966 Tim e magazine ran a feature on London, announcing it with the headline: "London: The Swinging City" on its cover. (Halasz, 1966) Time's rather belated discovery of the city's revolutionary style was accompanied by Geoffrey Dickinson's pop art. Dickinson represented London at night, in images of Big Ben, a red Routemaster bus, the Welsh Guards, a Morris Mini, a discotheque, and a cinema marquee announcing the year's hit, Alfie, in which Michael Caine played a Cockney ladies' man. The pipe-smoking Prime Minister Harold Wilson, famous for announcing to the British population that they had "never had it so good," lurks in the background. Mini-dressed models jostle with a long-haired singer wearing Union Jack sunglasses and a Who T-shirt, as well as gents in a Rolls Royce and an older casino-going couple in black-tie. Time told its readers that Dickinson had "prowled from Carnaby Street to the King's Road, slipping in and out of the boutiques and coffeehouses" in order to "sum up the scene in a collage technique" (Halasz 1966).Also in 1966, Mary Quant at the age of thirty- two, published her autobiography, in which she rendered the period one of a radical break, set in train twenty years earlier by World War II: "Once only the Rich, the Establishment set the fashion. Now it is the inexpensive little dress seen on the girls in the High Street. These girls . . . are alive . . . looking, listening, ready to try anything new. . . . They may be dukes' daughters, doctors' daughters, dockers' daughters. They don't worry about accents or class They represent the whole new spirit that is present day Britain - a classless spirit that has grown up out of the Second World War. . . . They are the mods." (Quant 1966, 75). Writing at the time and published the following year, the young Jonathan Aitken, then a twenty-four-year- old reporter for London's Evening Standard, interviewed the young people he believed were "making an impact" in the city in the fields of fashion, design, music, photography, politics, business, art, television, and even gambling and prostitution. He called his interviewees, over two hundred in all, "the young meteors," which was also the title of his resulting book. There he wrote:The changes in tastes, behaviour and attitudes of the younger generation over the last few years have at least to a small extent influenced the lives of every Londoner under the age of 35. Whether these changes have anything to do with "swinging" is a matter of semantics, but the fact remains that without these changes today's younger generation would be imperceptibly different from their youthful parents, whereas in fact they are enormously different. Therefore it seems to me that the inflated ballyhoo about Swinging London does have some serious relevance to the generation of which I am writing, particularly through its indirect influence on advertising and communications, so I make no apology for giving so many pages over to what may seem essentially frivolous people. (1967, 10)As many critics have pointed out, Time's now-iconic article was far from the first. There had been the Weekend Telegraph's "London - the Most Exciting City," of April 30, 1965, and more than three years earlier, on February 4, 1962, the Sunday Times Colour Magazine had featured Jean Shrimpton, David Bailey, Peter Blake, Mary Quant, and Alexander Plunket-Greene (Gilbert 2006, 13). …

Magistrsko delo z naslovom Govor Elize Doolittle v angleški (Pygmalion) in slovenski (Pigmalion) knjižni predlogi ter gledališki uprizoritvi se osredotoča predvsem na analizo narečnega v govoru prodajalke rož – Elize Doolittle. Namen dela je ugotoviti, katera narečja se pojavljajo v knjižnih predlogah Pigmaliona ter ju primerjati z gledališkima predstavama, z narečnega in socialnozvrstnega vidika. Najprej smo predstavili avtorja, Georga Bernarda Shawa, ter njegovo delo Pigmalion. Na podlagi transkripcij Elizinega govora v knjižnih predlogah smo skušali predstaviti značilnosti narečnega. V delu so predstavljene štajerska, gorenjska, koroška in dolenjska narečna skupina, podrobneje pa ponkovski govor ter Cockney. V nadaljevanju smo poskušali odkriti, ali je v gledaliških adaptacijah prišlo do sprememb pri izbiri rabe socialnih zvrsti jezika, ter odkriti vzroke. V veliko pomoč pri analizi Elizinega govora je bila igralka Tanja Ribič, ki je leta 1999 v predstavi Pigmalion upodobila Elizo. Po predstavitvi igralskih zasedb, MGL (Mestnega gledališča ljubljanskega) in The Thrift Store Players, smo se posvetili primerjavi narečnega v knjižnih predlogah in gledaliških uprizoritvah. Prav tako smo želeli raziskati, ali se v Elizinem govoru pojavlja sleng z vulgarizmi, ter primerjati število slengizmov v obeh jezikih. Master's thesis entitled Eliza Doolittle’s speech in the English and Slovene versions of Pygmalion and in the stage performance is focused mainly on the analysis of dialects in speech of flowergirl Eliza Doolittle. The purpose is to identify dialects which appear in the book Pygmalion and compare them with stage performances, from the dialect and social perspective. First, we presented the author, George Bernard Shaw and his work Pygmalion. In addition, we tried to present characteristics of the dialect, based on Eliza’s speech from the books. In the master’s thesis there are also presented dialects of Styria, Upper Carniola, Carinthia, Lower Carniola and also speech of Ponikva and Cockney. Hereafter we tried to discover whether changes of dialects occured in the stage performances and find the causes. A great help with analyzing Eliza’s speech was Tanja Ribič, who portrayed Eliza in 1999. After presenting the cast MGL (Ljubljana City Theatre) and The Thrift Store Players, we focused on comparison of dialecst in the books and stage performances. In addition, we wanted to research, whether slang and vulgarisms occur in Eliza’s speech and compare their number in both languages.

This paper is about different argots used by various groups of people, and will focus on Cockney rhyming slang in particular. Firstly, to be able to comprehend the topic fully, those terms must be explained and defined. Also, in numerous cases it can be seen that people tend to confuse argot with jargon or slang, and in this thesis those terms will be differentiated. The reader will be introduced to argot as a secret language used by different groups to prevent people outside those certain groups from understanding what they are saying. Argot is commonly connected with groups such as criminals, thieves and students, but it is not limited to only those. Most of the words that develop in a certain argot are not a part of standard speech. There are many subtypes of argots that have developed in different countries and out of different needs of people when they needed privacy, but they still wanted to communicate orally. The major part of this paper focuses on Cockney rhyming slang, which is a well-known argot that originated in the East End of London. Cockney rhyming slang phrases are obtained from using an expression or a name that rhymes with a word which is supposed to be replaced, and then using that expression instead of the original word. Numerous expressions have gone from being used by only Cockneys into usage in common language. Also, the creation of new phrases and expressions is no longer restricted to just Cockneys.

Treball Final de Grau en Traducció i Interpretació. Codi: TI0983. Curs: 2015/2016 El presente trabajo consiste en un estudio de la variación lingüística y de sus características, así como de los problemas de traducción que esta presenta y las correspondientes soluciones adoptadas por distintos autores. Para mostrar el proceso de traducción de la variación lingüística analizaremos una obra teatral, Pygmalion, de George Bernard Shaw, en la que el dialecto tiene un papel muy importante, especialmente a nivel social. Para ello, compararemos los elementos dialectales de dicha obra en tres lenguas: inglés, español y catalán. Finalmente, en las conclusiones del trabajo expondremos si hemos cumplido los objetivos planteados.

"The Literary Police Office" is a spoof police report by "Edward Herbert," published in The London Magazine, February, 1823 (157-61). The report depicted the arrest of a parade of literary people, including John Clare. In this essay, I am concerned with Clare as a "Londoner," Reynolds' career in the early 1820s, Glare's relationship with Reynolds, and the sociable context for the "Literary Police Office." Reynolds played a central role both as host to The London Magazine, in extending and moderating the cockney politics, and as a formative influence on Clare's early career. While "cockney Clare" is not an accurate label for the Northamptonshire peasant, there is yet something to it. It was bestowed in print in 1824 by the Eton-educated Charles Elton in a moderately awful London poem "The Idler's Epistle to John Clare" (Aug. 1824: 143-5). Worried about Glare's "church-yard cough," Elton urges him to let go the diminishing charms of London and the London, and to return to the safe inspiration of his native "rural air" (144, 143). The poem is sickly sweet, but the presentation of the social whirl of the London and the cockney label bestowed by Elton, confirm that Glare occupied a central position in the network of loosely liberal politics and sociable creative correspondences which formed the culture of the magazine from 1820 to the end of 1824. Jonathan Bate maintains that Elton's label means Clare "had become one of the literary lads about town" (Bate 259), but, while this interpretation has merit, there is more behind such a complex, charged term as "cockney" than its simply being an affirmation of Clare's rakish urban pursuits. Elton's poem was published in the last few months of John Taylor's editing and ownership of the London. The poem bemoans the departure of the leading lights of the magazine (Bauer 80-91; Chilcott 129-82; Sales 34-75 and O'Leary). Roger Sales characterises the London as "Clare's university" (Sales 36). Glare learned a great deal from interaction with the luminaries and hacks who did some of the most agile and entertaining thinking of the early years of George IV's reign. But Clare was no passive student: from the first issue under John Scott, he gave a great deal to the explorative energies of the magazine--both through his extended stays in London (Bate 165-71, 239-46, 256-67 and 332-34) and through his correspondences in letter and verse form. At the time, and in recollection, members of the writing staff demonstrated how centrally they thought of Glare's position, to which Elton's poem stands as just one testament. With justification, Charles Lamb and others in the London circle called their coterie "The Wits": remarkably, Clare was the first to flatter the group with this name (Curling 157-65, 192). The name "The Wits" indicates Clare's committed understanding of a politicised, satirical literary history. There are two distinct, yet related sources: firstly, John Suckling's satirical poem "A Session of the Poets" (1637), also known as "The Wits" (progenitor of all subsequent "parading poets" poems and prose skits, including "The Literary Police Of fice"); and secondly, the early 18th century grouping called "The Wits" which consisted, as Bertrand A. Goldgar puts it, of "Swift, Pope, Gay, Fielding, Thomson, and a host of lesser figures [who] exercised their talents to attack the person and the policies of the prime minister," Robert Walpole. This group was also known as the "Tory Wits" (4, 28). By contrast "The Wits" of the later London era collected themselves in reformist opposition to a Tory government; but, while they were liberally inclined, they were never as politically focused in their satire as their forebears. Nevertheless, the name granted by "cockney Clare" suggests there was a proud sense of sociably politicised purpose in what the group was about, together with an implied awareness of the power and importance of literary pursuits, even when--as in the "The Literary Police Office"--the writers were at their most comedic. …

Research on stylisation and language crossing often underlines the agency of speakers, but how do these practices fit into larger systems and structures? Drawing on two substantial datasets, this paper focuses on two pairs of contrasting styles – posh and Cockney, and Creole and Asian English – and its account of stylisation connects the ways that British adolescents engaged with these sociolinguistic contrasts to their experience of class, ethnicity and migration. Posh and Cockney were closely tied to class, and adolescent stylisations denaturalised class stratification. The Creole/Asian English binary linked to ethnicity and migration, and here, stylisation domesticated potentially divisive ethno-linguistic imageries circulating more generally in public culture. These reworkings of Creole/Asian English were grounded, though, in a shared working class position, and so although migration and ethnicity mattered a great deal, the structuring processes associated with class were more fundamental. This has wider implications for our understanding of contemporary multilingualisms.

Directed, produced, photographed and edited by Peter Whitehead. A Lorrimer Film production. British. Colour. Cert A. 78 mins. With JULIE CHRISTIE; MICHAEL CAINE; LEE MARVIN; THE ROLLING STONES; THE ANIMALS; EDNA O'BRIEN; ALAN ALDRIDGE and DAVID HOCKNEY. Marx denounced religion as the opium of the people. But more and more it's less the pulpit than the mass media that stupefy us with myths which we don't really believe but which colour our thinking and dim our sense of our own reality. In every myth there's a grain of truth- the bigger the better; exaggeration is always more plausible than invention. If the old myths stressed eternity, austerity, duty, pain and gloom, the new ones stress ephemerality, indulgence, liberty, plea sure and optimism. Swinging London, by now, is such a myth- a welcome, disturbing minority way of life falsifi ed into a city's brand- image by journalists, advertisers and everyone's daydreams. The economic trampoline beneath it is probably that for the fi rst time working- class adolescents had money and freedom; the upper classes had no empire to be sent out to; the middle classes had lost their dynamism and their self- confi dence. But such shifts have left most people, and institutions, untouched, so far. As Michael Caine tells his interviewer here, a capital city whose pubs shut at eleven is about as swinging as Highgate Cemetery, and, as David Hockney observes, London is to New York as Bradford is to London. Near the beginning of Peter Whitehead's reportage his characteristically nimble camera roams over magazine covers and headlines- as if to stress that "Swinging London" is as much an image as a reality. (A friend of mine always calls it "Swingling London," to suggest "swindling.") The camera catches Donyale Luna off guard, and, as she ner vous ly laughs, "looking like a rag" (but a fascinating rag) in the Portobello Road- the myth comes to earth, and there's still no contact.1 At a light show a girl dances with her own shadow; beatnik buskers avert their faces. Lee Marvin, in his Dirty Dozen outfi t, represents the typical, amiable American tourist, obliging with a few vapid remarks about mini- skirts. The inevitable Playboy smoothie is, sickeningly, there (it's surely the Playboy club that David Hockney describes as "a sort of rhythm- and- blues Angus Steak House, where the seats are so small it's like a children's tea- party"). The camera watches, as smooth, as critical, as a cat, waiting for the people to give themselves away, to come alive. The criticism is carried out on a moral plane also. Eric Burdon rec ords "When I Was Young," whose words are cut in with stockshots of the 1939- 45 air war, and the gruelling purpose dominating the older generation's youth.2 A dollygirl, on a Big Wheel, talks about her freedom, and the camera zooms back to show her, high, alone and perilous, in her lofty cage, while the soundtrack twice repeats the last two words of her last sentence: "You can do what ever you like and no- one cares." David Hockney emerges from behind his "Zoom" spectacles to discuss the way we live now with a blend of Bradford accents, Oxford high table mannerisms, and fl ip thoughts which in itself is a splendid commentary on our new social mobility. Some of the other interviewers are less enlightening (Andrew Oldham, Mick Jagger, Julie Christie) not because their thought isn't sensible, but because the easy En glish use of words is rooted in social and moral outlooks which no longer apply. Thus Alan Aldridge, shown painting fl ower and butterfl y patterns on a girl's nude body, is asked if he doesn't think it's "psychic masturbation," and can respond only with a sceptical shrug.3 The best accounts of themselves are given by the artists. David Hockney is almost the star of the fi lm- apart, of course, from the camera- and Edna O'Brien is quite interesting- though not more so than the anonymous Cockney dollygirl who, having no image to bother about, just declares she doesn't believe in love, and draws all the common sense conclusions as to how a girl ought to behave. …

As Coupland and others show, Bauman’s account of “performance” provides a valuable perspective on speech stylization across a range of public contexts. This article explores the limitations of performance as a window on crossing and stylization in everyday practice, and although recognizing other frames as well, it dwells on Goffman’s interaction ritual, cross-referring to two studies of adolescents in England. In the first, race and ethnicity were controversial, and the performance of other-ethnic styles was risky. But interaction ritual constructed crossing and stylization as urgent responses to the exigencies of the moment, and this made them more acceptable. In the second, performance implies a reflexive composure that is hard to reconcile with informants’ experience of social class as an uncomfortable but only half-articulated issue, whereas interaction ritual provides a sharp lens on how youngsters used stylized “posh” and Cockney varieties to register their apprehension of ongoing stratification. (Interaction ritual, stylization, crossing, performance)1

The relationship between Leigh Hunt and Blackwood’s Magazine has consistently been represented by modern critics as simply antagonistic. Hunt and his cohorts in the Cockney School are placed on one side of a culture war, with the conservative Blackwood’s writers as their ideological opposites. 1 Blackwood’s, as several recent critics have recognised, reinvented the monthly miscellany upon its launch in October 1817, rendering obsolete the outmoded magazine form typified by the Gentleman’s Magazine. 2 But Blackwood’s, I will suggest, had one unlikely precursor: Leigh Hunt. Hunt’s periodicals in the 1810s, particularly The Examiner, but also the Reflector and the Indicator, may be considered experiments in form. Hunt, I will argue, was attempting throughout the decade a reconception of the categories of writing appropriate to the weekly newspaper format, a reconception which finds its most complete expression in the monthly magazines of the late 1810s and early 1820s, in Blackwood’s, the London Magazine and the New Monthly Magazine. The insistent, even obsessive, focus on Hunt in the pages of Blackwood’s should be recognised as a perverse kind of tribute. Without the developments that Hunt introduced into the periodical format, the revolution Blackwood’s effected would not have been possible.

THOUGH WELL-EDUCATED, Geraldine Monk decided quite consciously not to let "education" smooth over or erase the texture of her Lancashire accent and local dialect. In an interview with Leonard Schwartz, she comments that when I come over to America it's not evidently clear that I actually speak with a very broad northern English working-class accent. A lot of people think I talk Queen's English, which amuses me greatly, and it's very very nice to be away from England, people think I talk posh, which I don't. I've never got rid of my accent, because I realized that I wanted to use it. So I think in that way it's almost a political statement--that I might be educated, but I'm not going to betray where I come from and my class background. Monk thus creates in her work a socio-poetic soundscape where place and class and gender are matters of rhyme, quantity, pitch, and pronunciation. Both the physical dimensions and the mutability of words as sound units are highly important in her poetic practice "I do love the sound of words" she notes to Schwartz, "the way you can manipulate them, and tie them in knots--and the kind of malleability and the physicality of the word is very important, as well as the sense of it, the connotation, the denotation of it" Her sound ranges from the musical playfulness of a piece like 'Angles" (with its fractured words, percussive finale, and references to musical terms) to daily journal pieces like the "Sky Scrapers" sequence (luxuriating in Lancashire diphthongs, speech rhythms, thick consonantal clusters, and slowed syllables) to the intense, sensuous, and political articulations of Interregnum and Escafeld Hangings that grab us by the neck and rattle our bones. To insist on speaking in a manner labeled accented in the privileged arena of literature (traditionally open only to the wealthy classes) is immediately to establish a cultural space that acknowledges social realities, including the reality of gender-based or class-based marginalization and whitewashing by normative, schooled modes such as BBC or CBC or Oxbridge English. Monk's defiance has a precedent in the poetry of John Keats, who as part of the "Cockney School" of Leigh Hunt, William Hazlitt, and Percy Bysshe Shelley, was vilified for his low-birth accent and liberal politics. In the whitewash of the page, Keats's accent is mostly forgotten, but Monk has taken pains to score her work so that the reader can't avoid it, as in the lines "Mary Queen of Scots banged-up in the slimmer in Sheffield. // Lizzy mi Luv call off yr creepsy guards" ("Airport Security," Escafeld 27; see also recording on CD track 9). Or the following from "Katherine Hewit Replies": E was newt budda Jimmy-bum-licker. E lived down't lane in a big owse wi iz porky fatted fingers drippin rings and blottin copy after nervous copy--and for what? A right royal smile? The patronising smirk of ultimate noble birth to charm iz drab and impotent circle (Interregnum) Interregnum and Escafeld Hangings explore compellingly the voices of condemned women--in the first case the voices of so-called witches (but actually very poor and disadvantaged people) and their associates who were hanged at Pendle Hill in 1612, and in the second case the voice of the imprisoned Mary, Queen of Scots. By extension these texts explore the condemnation of all women to second-class status; in these texts, however, women speak back to the power structure that imprisons them, just as Monk's northern English dialect challenges the southern English power structure represented by Queen Elizabeth II. Men and women in her cotton-mill town of Blackburn, Monk recalls, actually spoke different dialects: Generally speaking women spoke more slowly and deliberately than men because they spent their days word-miming and lip-reading in the deaf-out of the weaving sheds. …

Book-love was an epidemic among many second-generation British Romantic writers, for whom relationships between books and people were decidedly reciprocal affairs. By incorporating subjective and cultural characteristics into the ordinarily material qualities of books, these individuals could, at different moments, regard books as people, people as books, books as objects of cultural cachet, books as embodiments of memory, and books as the enablers of and vehicles for social contact. In each of these cases, the printed word was infused with thoughts and sensations - a phenomenon present only, of course, in these readers' imaginations, but with acute consequences for their social worlds.Leigh Hunt, with his fervor for books and his writings about books and reading, offers us a picture of a Romantic-era reader for whom the acts of collecting, sharing, and reading books created a unique space between person and book, subject and object, imagination and reality. It was in this space, I will argue, that Hunt recognized a psychic life in the printed page with which he could communicate and identify, ultimately aspiring to become a book himself. In this essay, I will consider Hunt's collection of books - which grew, shrunk, and changed throughout his life - as a community that, like the people around him, shaped his work and his self-conception. For Hunt, reading books, owning books, and living among books created a kind of "triple" vision, a unique way of perceiving the world that he describes in his autobiography: "I know not in which I took more delight - the actual fields and woods of my native country, the talk of such things in books, or the belief which I entertained that I should one day be joined in remembrance with those who have talked it."1 These three realms - the actual world, the world described in books, and the world of literary canonicity - together form a map upon which I will chart Hunt's relationship to books at different points in his life. Like Hunt's own world-view, my navigation of these various realms will occasionally overlap, revealing crucial points at which Hunt's relationship with books were the subject of inter-subjective fantasy in which his texts became "alive" with persons, feelings, and convictions.Jeffrey Cox's critical work on Leigh Hunt and his circle highlights Hunt's collaborative efforts and identifies the Cockney School as an intellectual circle of great cultural significance.2 Cox's cultural analysis of this circle in Poetry and Politics in the Cockney School opened a new avenue for the study of Hunt by engaging with theorized concepts of group dynamics and collaboration - an approach that has influenced my own interest in Hunt and his contemporaries. Like Cox, I find it fruitful to "locate romantic culture in the group, ... to place second generation Romanticism within the circle around Leigh Hunt."3 Unlike Cox, however, I am interested not so much in the social surroundings of Hunt and the Cockney School as I am in the physical features of this community - the concrete circumstances within which they lived and worked.Chief among my concerns is the relationship Hunt shared with the books with which he chose to surround himself (and he nearly always chose to surround himself with books). His relationship to his library sheds light on the complex, reciprocal, and often paradoxical associations between books and people - associations made possible, I will argue, via the forms of the books themselves. More specifically. Hunt's relationship to his books, conceived in his imagination but realized in his personal and professional milieus, can be connected with a particular moment in history when the popularity of book collecting converged with other cultural changes - namely the coalescing of the British literary canon and the advent of cheap reprints - creating what I will identify as a collective bibliomania.For a number of consumers in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain, the value of books had little to do with reading per se, but rested instead upon a book's very existence. …

In contemporary English plays, linguistic violence contributes not only to the creation of a realistic spectacle, but also to the replacement of critical thinking by automatic patterns of thought and speech. Such pre-constructed thought and speech function to re-shape, redefine and transform individuals’ character and destroy their autonomy. In Bernard Shaw’s Pygmalion, linguistic violence is employed to promote conformity to social order. The play illustrates the transformation of Eliza, a common flower girl, as a result of the instruction in phonetics given to her Professor Higgins. At the beginning, her non-standard Cockney accent makes her an outcast of the system and she is subjected to verbal abuse by Prof. Higgins. As Eliza’s education in phonetics advances and her command of English increases, she is both empowered and alienated. Despite her success at the Embassy reception, Eliza remains a disclassed flower girl who will never be completely accepted in upper-middle class British society.

�� ��� Ahem. The speaker is about to read aloud Nancy’s murder, a brutal tableau from Oliver Twist (1837–39) ritually performed before the public since Dickens’ first recitation of this scene at St. James’s Hall as part of a Farewell Tour in 1869. The ‘Murder’, as the author preferred to call it, would soon become part of Dickens lore for the violence with which it ended the life not only of the novel’s heroine but also of the novelist himself. 1 The ‘Sikes and Nancy’ episode begins with the narrator’s voice as one of the boy thieves is instructed to ‘dodge’ a young woman through the streets of London. The ensuing voices are those of Fagin (‘my dear’), Bolter (‘Oh Lor!’), and Sikes (‘Wot now?’), whose Cockney accents are performed in markedly different registers from that of the preceding narrator. 2 In fact, each of the characters is set apart by a distinct sound to ensure that audiences can tell who is speaking without access to the written script. The prompt copy used by Dickens for this scene signals the building momentum toward Sikes’ terrible act of violence with the marginal stage direction ‘XX Murder coming XX’. 3 This is the moment during the recitation when Dickens was said by spectators to have flung aside the script in order to perform the scene from memory. 4 The audience for the performance has little choice but to sit back and wait for the impending murder since the pace of narration is controlled entirely by the speaker, not the auditor. It is a tense wait. The recitation of a scene that takes a mere ten minutes to read silently to one’s self can take upwards of forty minutes when read aloud before an audience. Although both experiences might make the flesh creep, reading the novel in silence is a very different experience from that of listening to Nancy’s murder. Now that Nancy’s murder has caught your ear, let me assure you that this is not another account from an ear-witness to one of the nearly 500 public readings given by Dickens to audiences across England and America. 5 There is no lectern, maroon backcloth, or blaze of gaslamps

The graduation thesis presents the dialectal features of Cockney in the series EastEnders. The theoretical part includes the definitions of the following concepts: language variety, dialect levelling, accent, dialect. This is followed by a brief presentation of the historical background and social perception of Cockney. The last and most extended segment of the theoretical part presents the linguistic features of Cockney, with emphasis on the phonological characteristics and the comparison of its phonological features with those of Received Pronunciation and Estuary English. The empirical part consists of the phonetic transcription of two chosen episodes of EastEnders, accounted for through auditory analysis. As in spoken conversation, especially in rapid speech, the neighbouring phonemes of words affect each other’s articulation, consideration is given to most common accommodation processes that appear in connected speech: assimilation, elision, epenthesis, and liaison. The aim of the graduation thesis is to analyse the phonetic features of Cockney in EastEnders. Moreover, the examination indicates how frequently a certain Cockney feature is used by each speaker and in what way its occurrence varies depending on the age, gender, and education of the characters in the series. The results of the statistical analysis are given for each phoneme separately. Diplomsko delo obravnava narečne značilnosti londonskega narečja cockney v TV-seriji EastEnders. Teoretični del naloge obsega opredelitev sledečih pojmov: jezikovna varianta, jezikovna izravnava, naglas, narečje. Temu sledita kratek zgodovinski oris in družbeni vidik londonskega narečja. Slednji, najobsežnejši segment teoretičnega dela, vključuje jezikovne značilnosti londonskega narečja s poudarkom na glasoslovnih ter primerjavo glasoslovnih značilnosti izbranega narečja z značilnostmi standardne izgovorjave angleškega jezika in angleškega naglasa ‘’Estuary English’’. Empirični del naloge sestoji iz fonetične transkripcije dveh izbranih epizod TV-serije EastEnders, izvedene po slušnem vtisu. Ker v hitro govorjenem besedilu fonemi vplivajo na izgovorjavo sosednjih glasov, so v analizi izpostavljeni in upoštevani fonološki procesi, ki se pojavijo v govorjenem diskurzu, in sicer: asimilacija, izbris in epenteza (vstavljanje ali dodajanje). Cilj diplomskega dela je analizirati glasoslovne značilnosti izbranega londonskega narečja v nanizanki EastEnders. Raziskava vključuje procentualni delež določenega narečnega pojava pri posameznem govorcu in pogostost pojavnosti raziskanih dialektalnih značilnosti glede na starost, spol in izobrazbo govorcev.