Search

After the 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake, Japan received international humanitarian aid from many countries, most notably from the U.S. The U.S. provided an "unprecedented deployment of humanitarian aid," which was unusual for conventional U.S. international humanitarian assistance. The U.S. aimed to improve the U.S.–Japan relationship, seizing this disaster assistance as an opportunity. In various ways, Japan expressed gratitude to the U.S., including through 744 thank-you letters from Japanese students, confirmed by the authors for the first time. The authors analyzed these letters and discovered that they not only expressed the students' gratitude for the U.S. support but also their wish to promote friendship between Japan and the U.S. and to achieve world peace. The U.S. aid following the Great Kanto Earthquake and the Japanese students' thank-you letters exemplify "disaster diplomacy." These letters indicate that disaster diplomacy involves not only direct disaster relief, but also efforts to strengthen friendly relations between people of the two nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent events in the Middle East caught most political commentators, observers and thinkers by surprise. Who would have imagined that a non-state actor like Hamas could launch an attack on Israel and create such a complex condition for a powerful state, heavily supported by the USA and Western powers? However, crises in the Middle East often escalate unpredictably, defying calculations and expectations. This paper argues that since October 7th 2023, not only in the Middle East but also in several other regions worldwide, major rival powers have been struggling with crises that are leading to reshape the global order. The paper argues that the realms of Economy, Security, and Diplomacy among the primary global powers are all under scrutiny as they navigate the crises that have intensified significantly towards altering the global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, Colombia has advanced processes of cooperation and mutual interest that promote knowledge transfer and resource management to tackle the issue of multi-criminality, alongside various factors impacting citizen security in both local and global contexts. These efforts are grounded in the training and education of members of the Armed Forces (National Police, 2019). As a result, Colombia has emerged as a leader in fostering collaboration. This paper aims to explore the role of the National Police in international cooperation efforts and examine how the institution can be further strengthened by establishing collaborative links with other organizations globally. The methodological approach employed was qualitative, consisting of three phases involving the review and analysis of primary and secondary documentary sources related to national and institutional policies, plans, and strategies on international cooperation. As a result, the study offers a series of recommendations for the institution to enhance its capacity to leverage international cooperation opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an increasingly interconnected world, technological diplomacy has become essential for driving economic development and enhancing international relations. This article examines South Korea's technological diplomacy strategy, particularly in Latin America, analysing how this Asian nation has built a global network of collaboration and innovation, fostering bilateral and multilateral relationships. Adopting a qualitative, descriptive methodology, the study investigates South Korea's policies, programmes, and strategic alliances, uncovering the technological ties with Latin American countries and their influence on South Korea's international image. Additionally, this article identifies the challenges and opportunities shaping this dynamic relationship, such as cultural barriers and the need to adapt to regional demands. The analysis argues that as technological co-operation intensifies, promising prospects emerge for closer collaboration; it further explores whether this co-operation perpetuates technological dependence or serves as a catalyst for the autonomous development of Latin American countries. In conclusion, the study provides a comprehensive view of how technological diplomacy can act as a key driver for global development by promoting innovation and progress, emphasising the importance of strengthening South Korea-Latin America ties in the pursuit of a more prosperous and technologically advanced future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cuba was the last country to establish diplomatic relations with the Republic of Korea, doing so on February 14, 2024. Notably, however, it was the first nation in Latin America and the Caribbean to recognize Korea, preceding Brazil, which also recognized Korea in 1949. The absence of concrete evidence of the official establishment of diplomatic ties on July 12, 1949, or the subsequent cessation of these ties--likely due to de facto recognition of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea following the Cuban Revolution in 1959--necessitates a re-evaluation of the terms "establishment" and "re-establishment" in the context of renewed relations in 2024. The year 2024 also marks the 75th anniversary of Cuba's official recognition of the Republic of Korea and the commencement of diplomatic relations between the two countries. This article explores the evolution of the largely unknown relations between Cuba and Korea, which has been the focus of an in-depth investigation initiated in 2022. Some elements within this article will be presented academically for the first time, while others have appeared in previous works by the author in the Republic of Korea. The two countries, in their historical interactions, share the unique characteristic of having maintained diplomatic relations without bilateral disputes, establishing a foundation for a new phase of cooperation based on these enduring ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gift is an Arabic word that means “favor, favor, love and respect”. In accordance with the meaning of the word, a gift is given without expecting anything in return. It has long been known that people engage in gift-giving activities for various reasons. Gifting is used as an expression of love and respect between people in every society, as well as serving a purpose that initiates communication and enables the development of mutual feelings. Throughout history, the tradition of gift-giving has also served as an important tool for maintaining relations between individuals and societies. In addition to people giving gifts to each other for various reasons, states have also officially presented gifts to each other in order to improve relations. The tradition of gifting has been practiced in state organizations since ancient times. These official gifts are encountered in the Ottoman Empire period as well as in many other periods. It is understood from the existing records that inter-state exchanges of gifts usually took place during the change of the throne and visits to the country. Ottoman-German relations, which are the subject of this article's research, continued in a friendly manner until the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II. With the accession of Sultan Abdülhamid II to the Ottoman throne and the subsequent accession of Wilhelm II as the German Emperor, OttomanGerman relations took on a different dimension and relations developed in many fields such as politics, military and economy. So much so that during Wilhelm II's visit to Istanbul, Sultan Abdülhamid II presented many gifts to Wilhelm II and his wife. In return, Wilhelm II gave many gifts to Abdulhamid II. These exchanges of gifts between states have been of great importance in terms of the continuation of good relations, show of strength, military and economic relations. In this study, the concept of receiving and giving gifts, the place and importance of gift-giving in Turkish culture, as well as the concept of gift-giving in the Ottoman-German diplomacy of the XIX.th century were explained and the historical process of gift-giving was evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents a comprehensive evaluation of the diplomatic strategies and principles of the Huns and the Second Göktürk Empire through a comparative analysis. The Huns and the Second Göktürks adopted distinct strategies in their diplomatic engagements within Central Asia. The Huns prioritized military power and balance of forces, with displays of military superiority playing a crucial role in their relations with the Chinese Empire. In contrast, the Second Göktürk Empire managed its regional relationships through diplomatic negotiations and treaties, focusing on long-term strategic objectives. However, previous research has often failed to examine these strategies in conjunction. Consequently, existing literature frequently lacks depth in detailing the diplomatic practices of these states. In particular, the comparative analysis of their diplomatic strategies within a historical context and their influence on modern diplomacy remains underexplored. This study aims to fill this gap by providing an indepth analysis of the diplomatic approaches of the Huns and the Second Göktürks, offering a clearer understanding of the links between historical and contemporary diplomacy. Employing document analysis (primary and secondary historical sources) and conceptual analysis techniques, the study reveals the similarities and differences in the diplomatic strategies of the Huns and the Second Göktürk Empire, evaluating their impact on modern diplomatic practices. Ultimately, the study contributes significantly to the field of international relations by highlighting the influence of historical diplomatic legacies on contemporary strategic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses the gap in existing literature concerning Japan's engagement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to foster an international rules-based, liberal order. While previous research has often overlooked the long-term perspective of Japanese engagement, this article offers a comprehensive analysis of Japan's legal and technical commitments to ASEAN, specifically focusing on the development of judicial systems and the institutionalization of judicial cooperation. Using the concept of "diplomatization", the article situates Southeast Asia as a key region in Japan's diplomatic strategy to advance a rules-based regional order. It presents two key arguments: Japan has gone from providing long-term legal technical assistance to establishing formalized institutional frameworks with ASEAN, and this has allowed Tokyo to utilize its judicial diplomacy to promote the rule of law internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines India's response to the crisis in Myanmar, which political turmoil, human rights violations, and refugee influxes have characterized. The crisis has posed significant challenges for neighboring countries, particularly India, due to its geographical proximity and historical ties. The primary objective is to examine India's response to the Myanmar crisis, focusing on the complexities and nuances that have shaped its approach. The study analyzes India's policies, diplomatic engagements, and domestic considerations, highlighting the factors contributing to its reluctance to adopt a strong stand on the crisis. By evaluating India's response, the article aims to provide insights into the regional dynamics and the implications for India and Myanmar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Palestinians have been suffering at the hands of the British and then the Zionist state of Israel for about a century. Some of the tactics that Israel uses to oppress Palestinians have their antecedents in the British brutalities against them. While Israel has always received unfair support and blanket diplomatic cover from the USA and other countries, the post-9/11 global war on terror provides it with further ideological ammunition to continue mistreating and killing Palestinians. Against this background and based on Mohd. Kamal Hassan's poem "Complaining to Iqbal," this essay provides an account of some of the major Israeli human rights violations against Palestinians and concludes with a reflection on the current Israeli genocide in Gaza that began in early October 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the evolving relationship between Taiwan and Malaysia. The focus is on the growing importance of people-to-people diplomacy, particularly through youth engagement. They have become central in fostering exchanges related to democratic values and popular culture, bridging the two societies in significant ways. Using literature and interview data, the paper analyzes the mutual exchanges between Taiwanese and Malaysian Chinese youth, exploring the driving factors behind the rise of youth power and their tangible actions. Furthermore, the concept of a new ethnicity is examined, highlighting how their identities and behaviors diverge from traditional Chinese communities. This shift in identity, shaped by global influences and local contexts, marks a significant transformation in how these youth relate to one another and the broader Chinese diaspora. This evolving identity is expected to play a crucial role in shaping the future of Taiwan-Malaysia relations, suggesting that the younger generation will continue to play a vital role in strengthening bilateral ties and promoting cross-cultural understanding in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history and current workings of the United Nations suggest it is not an effective vehicle for the promotion of Canadian interests and values. As it has generally been, the Security Council is paralyzed by great power vetoes, while the General Assembly has an overwhelming majority that reliably votes against the West, and against Canada. The creation of the postwar liberal international order owed more to other multilateral organizations and groupings with which Canada is associated than the UN. In its core function of underwriting global security and stability, the UN has generally failed and often been irrelevant, with the crucial understandings reached between the great powers directly. In an age of increased international polarization, the UN will remain of only modest utility and Canada would be better advised to forward its values and interests primarily through other multilateral vehicles, working with like-minded states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns the increasingly significant role of subnational entities in international relations, using Nova Scotia's engagement with China as a case study. It highlights the period from 2010 to 2023, during which Nova Scotia leveraged its key export—lobsters—to establish and deepen economic and diplomatic ties with China, thereby carving out an influential role in the broader Canada-China relationship. The article provides an overview of subnational diplomacy's growing importance in international relations. The theoretical framework centres on subnational actors in global diplomacy and examines how Nova Scotia pursued independent diplomatic efforts with China, focusing on economic interests. The case study investigates lobster exports as the cornerstone of Nova Scotia-China relations, driving both economic benefits and diplomatic engagement. Finally, it touches on the economic outcomes for Nova Scotia and the political dynamics between federal and provincial authorities, concluding with broader implications for Canada's foreign policy and subnational actors in international diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reinterprets the Thai discourse of bamboo diplomacy. In a normative study of Thai foreign policy, bamboo diplomacy has been readily taken as a self-explanatory approach behind the resilience of Thailand's position through bending with the prevailing wind of international politics for its survival. However, the oversimplification of this view of bamboo diplomacy belittles the reality in which the making of Thai foreign policy demands careful calculations and even sacrifices from the political elites. Proposing a reinterpretation of Thai diplomacy, the article argues that Thai bamboo diplomacy has been shaped by the interplay between interests and values as a basis of the shift of Thai positions and alliances throughout the country's history. A main research question is: Under which condition is a values-based Thai foreign policy formulated and implemented? While the interests-driven approach has remained central to Thai foreign policy, Thailand has demonstrated some resilience in its shift towards a values-based foreign policy if dictated by domestic and international factors. Under this circumstance, values are vital as a legitimisation mechanism for the shift of foreign policy and alliances for the ultimate attainment of national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of wartime diplomacy is becoming increasingly important under the influence of global challenges that threaten international security and stability. This study is devoted to the investigation of wartime diplomacy as a tool for the peaceful settlement of international disputes. The article provides a theoretical and legal research of wartime diplomacy in the context of pacific settlement of international disputes. The fundamental international legal acts that enshrine the basic principles of pacific settlement of international disputes are processed and their content is characterized. The main criteria for distinguishing between diplomatic and judicial means of resolving international disputes are proposed: the legal framework, the form of implementation, the subjects of influence and the nature of the result achieved. A brief historical discourse on the formation of the institution of diplomacy is formed and approaches to the definition of the concept of “diplomacy” are detailed. By using general scientific and special, empirical and theoretical, quantitative and qualitative methods of scientific research, the phenomenon of wartime diplomacy is detailed through the prism of the proposed criterias, in particular, identifies the features of this category through its legal framework, forms of implementation, subjects of influence and the nature of the achieved results. The purpose of wartime diplomacy is formulated. The goals, forms and methods of wartime diplomacy in the context of the issues under study are highlighted. The research also examines the wartime diplomatic tools aimed at preventing or resolving international conflicts, in particular: diplomatic conferences, сonsultations, congresses, meetings. Particular attention is paid to “peace conferences” as means of implementing military diplomacy, and three types of peace conferences aimed at resolving conflicts are distinguished: a conference that either follows a “major” conflict or is held to negotiate the termination of one of them; a conference to promote “general” world peace or to mitigate and resolve the outbreak of a conflict; global conferences [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Track-Two Diplomacy has emerged as a vital tool in contemporary international relations for resolving conflicts. This form of diplomacy involves unofficial channels, often involving non-governmental actors, to complement official diplomatic efforts. In today's complex global landscape, where traditional state-centric approaches often fall short, Track-Two diplomacy offers a flexible and innovative approach to conflict resolution. Adopting the communication theoretical framework of international relations which emphasizes the pivotal role of communication processes in shaping global interactions and outcomes, the study explores the role of track-two diplomacy efforts towards conflict resolution while analyzing the Aceh, Indonesian conflict and the Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan. The paper finds that Track Two diplomacy efforts has provided a platform for addressing the sensitive issues which the official channels has long overlooked in the two conflicting case studies. The research paper conclude that amidst the several shortcomings and limitations of Track-two Diplomacy, its major advantage is its capacity to engage a wide array of stakeholders, including those who may be marginalized or excluded from official negotiations in conflicting situations. The study recommends 'enhance communication channels'; That is, the Establishment of a system of communication that is consistent and dependable amongst parties involved in a disagreement and the 'Incorporation of Local Knowledge and Expertise; that is the Utilizing the insights and proficiency of individuals inside the local community who possess a deep understanding of the cultural, social, and political intricacies of the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the content of “state overseas interests”, which is an important Chinese diplomatic concept, and studies the role those interests play in the country's foreign policy strategy. The work analyzes a relatively wide range of Chinese research literature, conceptual and regulatory documents related to the PRC’s policy to protect its overseas interests. The author concludes that the Chinese leadership adheres to a narrow materialistic interpretation of overseas interests and does not regard their protection as an existential need as compared to the “core interests” of the country. At present, Beijing's pursuit of its overseas interests exhibits protective nature and is aimed at promoting country’s economic development, implementing foreign economic initiatives, improving international image and deepening its relations with other states. This situation is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future, but the emergence of more serious threats to China's overseas interests may bring about new changes in the country's foreign policy strategy.

The article analyzes socialist Yugoslavia’s stance towards Uruguay in the decade following the Second World War, using ar­chival materials, relevant scholarship, and contemporary newspa­per reporting. The introduction outlines diplomatic ties, beginning with Uruguay’s recognition of communist Yugoslavia and ending with the FNRJ embassy’s de facto independence in Montevideo. The section on economic cooperation examines trade exchanges over the entire period, focusing on existing contracts and trade volume. The final section explores Yugoslav emigrants’ activities in Uruguay, including their organization and connections to their homeland.

Track-Two Diplomacy has emerged as a vital tool in contemporary international relations for resolving conflicts. This form of diplomacy involves unofficial channels, often involving non-govern-mental actors, to complement official diplomatic efforts. In today’s complex global landscape, where traditional state-centric approaches often fall short, Track-Two diplomacy offers a flexible and innovative approach to conflict resolution. Adopting the communication theoretical framework of international relations which emphasizes the pivotal role of communication processes in shaping global interactions and outcomes, the study explores the role of track-two diplomacy efforts towards conflict resolution while analyzing the Aceh, Indonesian conflict and the Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan. The paper finds that Track Two diplomacy efforts has provided a platform for addressing the sensitive issues which the official channels has long overlooked in the two conflicting case studies. The research paper conclude that amidst the several shortcomings and limitations of Track-two Diplomacy, its major advantage is its capacity to engage a wide array of stakeholders, including those who may be marginalized or excluded from official negotiations in conflicting situations. The study recommends ‘enhance communication channels’; That is, the Establishment of a system of communication that is consistent and dependable amongst parties involved in a disagreement and the ‘Incorporation of Local Knowledge and Expertise; that is the Utilizing the insights and proficiency of individuals inside the local community who possess a deep understanding of the cultural, social, and political intricacies of the issue.

On the following pages the goal is to present activities and duties of Hungarian border officials in the context of border society, and to describe the role of Serbian despot Vuk Grgurević as ban of Jajce, which he performed near the end of his life. If our assumptions in correct, it is possible to prolong period of his service also to the years after 1481, as is it had been considered until now in historical literature. This conclusion is supported by the fact that he acted as a mediator in diplomatic negotiations. In addition, it is not unfounded to assume that the famous warrior stayed in this position until his death in 1485, as evidenced by the fact that next ban of Jajce is not mentioned in known sources until 1486, and also folk tradition remembers the despot Vuk as Jajčanin (i.e. a man from Jajce).

The convention between France and the Ryūkyū Kingdom was concluded on the 24th of November 1855. It was signed after six official negotiations and two unofficial interviews between the French representative, Nicolas François Guérin, and representatives appointed to fictitious positions by the Ryūkyū Kingdom’s government. Having been concluded in the wake of a military display of power on the part of the French, this convention is generally considered an unequal treaty. However, the Ryukyu Kingdom had already obtained a concession on the content of the convention, meaning that the French “gunboat diplomacy” had little real effect. Throughout the talks, both France and the Ryūkyū Kingdom used diplomatic strategy to both sway the negotiations in their favor and to achieve a compromise.

In the summer of 1627, a series of violent conflicts erupted between the papal police, colloquially called the sbirri, in Rome and soldiers and servants of the Spanish ambassador. The epicenter of this violence was the Piazza della Trinità dei Monti, the location of the ambassador’s palace that soon gave its name to the square. After the initial skirmish between the police and Spaniards took place in late June, the next months witnessed daily street battles between the two sides with the ambassador’s men patrolling the streets that opened out from the Piazza della Trinità dei Monti all the way to the Corso, a huge swath of urban territory. Calling this area, “il Quatiero degli Spagnoli” (the Spanish quarter),  the Spaniards robbed passersby and prevented the police and other papal officials from carrying out their duties in the area. The ambassador himself was quite active in defending his embassy and the surrounding area. His majordomo, his son, and other important members of his household led the attacks against the police. Moreover, he also secretly brought Spanish soldiers into Rome via the southern gate of the city and the River Tiber. This episode in Rome’s history demonstrates how important controlling its urban space was to Spanish ambassadors, especially during the Thirty Years War and the pontificate of Urban VIII, a partisan of France. Through violence, the ambassadors defended their rights and visibly asserted the will of their king. Moreover, papal government proved ineffective at quelling the violence of ambassadors as other clashes in the 1630s and 1640s reveal.

Introduction Turkiye's contemporary engagement with Africa comes from a long tradition of solidarity and mutual respect with Africa, quite different from the colonial legacies of the other global powers. The [...]

İslâm tarih yazımında ve telif faaliyetlerinde seyahatnameler önemli bir yer tutmakla birlikte, genellikle şehir tarihçiliği için ana referans kaynakları arasında gösterilmişlerdir. Literatür açısından en eski seyahatnamelerden biri olarak tanımlanabilen İbn Fadlân’ın risalesi, özellikle Türk ülkelerinin geçmişine dair yapılan çalışmalarda sıklıkla faydalanılan klasik bir kaynak haline gelmiştir. Bu durumun gerçekleşmesinde İbn Fadlân’ın ikna edici bir yöntemle detaylı anlatımı ve tasvir gücü etkili olmuştur. Aynı satırlar arasında İbn Fadlân, bir bürokratik geleneğin temsilcisi olarak, kendi dünyasının yani 4/10. yüzyıl Abbâsî sarayının kısa fakat anlaşılır bir dokümanını vermekten geri durmamıştır. Modern araştırmalar eserin Türk ülkeleri ve İdil Bulgarlarına değinen yönüne odaklanmayı seçerek, buradaki detayların tahlili ve doğruluğuna yoğunlaşmışlardır. Eserin ihmal edilen diğer yönü çok daha çeşitli ve ilginç ayrıntılarla Abbâsî idari sistemi, saray hayatı, bürokratik geleneği ve diplomatik bileşenlerine dair tahliller yapmaya imkân vermektedir. Çalışma, İbn Fadlân seyahatnamesinden istifadeyle söz konusu ayrıntıların incelenmesini amaçlamaktadır. Doküman analiziyle hazırlanan metin inşasında gerektiği durumlarda dönemin kronikleri ve modern literatürde bulunan konuyla ilgili detaylardan faydalanılmıştır.

The Savona Summit was a major diplomatic event in early sixteenth-century Europe. The festivities and negotiations shared by Ferdinand II of Aragon and Louis XII of France turned that meeting into one of the first summits of the Modern Age, barely treated by historiography. In the present work we gather the available sources—edited and unpublished—to analyze its liturgical, festive and ceremonial dimensions, reconstructing the political objectives and ideological messages that projected a new ideal of peace under the Spanish-French alliance. With its religious and palatine splendour, the Savona Summit allowed Louis XII to overcome his international isolation, and Ferdinand to restore his image on the eve of his return to the Iberian Peninsula.

Osmanlı Devleti’nin sınırları kurulduğu günden itibaren sürekli olarak değişmiştir. Zaman içinde güçlenen devletin başarılı fetihleri ile birlikte sınır çizgisi de farklılaşmıştır. Bu noktada sınırların en fazla değişkenlik gösterdiği yer, devletin Batı tarafı olacaktır. Özellikle İstanbul’un fethi ile birlikte Balkanlarda gerek Adriyatik yönünde gerekse de Viyana’ya doğru fetihler artacak ve iki komşu Venedik ve Avusturya ile sınır sorunları baş gösterecektir. Zaman içinde bir üçüncü ülke Rusya’da sınır sorunları hususunda Osmanlı Devleti ile türlü ihtilaflara ve türlü diplomatik temaslara girecektir. İşte bu makale hem Osmanlı Devleti’nin sınırlarının tespiti hususuna kısmen odaklanmakta hem de asıl önemlisi bu sınırları kimlerin çizdiği hususunda verileri ortaya çıkarmaya çalışmaktadır. Her iki girişimin de diplomasi tarihi hususunda yeni birtakım görüşleri/iddiaları ortaya çıkarması amaçlanmaktadır.