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Following the Trump Administration's decision to withdraw from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2018 and the reimposition of economic sanctions, Iran witnessed public unrest that threatened the survival of the regime. Throughout its history, the Iranian regime has deployed various intricate internal and external strategies that have worked separately at times, and overlapped at others, to secure the regime against threats and guarantee its survivability. It is important to discover the strategies the Iranian regime has followed to survive the stifling crises it has faced since its establishment in 1979, in order to evaluate whether it will be able to survive its chronic economic crises. While the regime has purposely supported the Palestinian cause, strengthened its relations with non-state actors, and engaged in religious discourses on an external level, it has also achieved militarization and securitization, populated unelected governmental institutions with personnel loyal to its clerical and military institutions rather than qualified persons and pursued legitimacy renewal on an internal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different theoretical approaches can be used to analyze countries' foreign policy and regionalism. The present study intends to study and compare the policy of regionalism of Iran in the second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic based on the theoretical approach of James Rosenau, using the variables of decision-making personality, role, government, society and international system variables. Iran's regionalization policy during the Second Pahlavi period was in line with the structure of power in the international system. At the same time, Iran, in this period influenced by the structure of the bipolar system and the Cold War, also sought to gain supremacy and leadership in the region, as the most important person in foreign policy decisionmaking and in the personality of Mohammad Reza Shah. On this basis, we can say that the two variables of the international system and the decision-making personality were the most important variables influencing the process of foreign policy and regionalism of Iran during this period. In the Islamic Republic, with the formation of ideological elements such as the construction and nature of political power based on the velayat-e faqih and the idea of issuing a revolution, the policy of regionalism was in conflict with the structure of power in the international system and in line with ideological foundations and interests. Accordingly, the two variables of the international system and the decision-making personality were the most important variables influencing the process of foreign policy and regionalization of Iran during this period. The purpose of this paper is to use a descriptive-analytical method, a comparative study and to use the historical data to study the effect of each of these variables on the regionalization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the Strategic Culture Theory, this article analyzes Iran's evolving ballistic missile program (BMP), by focusing especially on the period of the Trump administration (January 2017-January 2021), including both Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) shooting down a US surveillance drone in the Strait of Hormuz in June 2019 and Iran's attack on the US military bases following the assassination of IRGC General Qasem Soleimani, in January 2020. This work demonstrates the increasing reliance on the 'revolutionary', more offensive narrative, which has become additionally reinforced after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani and Professor Mohsen Fakhrizadeh. This has consolidated the retaliatory aspects in Iran's foreign and security policy, while it has also marginalized moderated actors willing to engage in negotiations with the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rate of construction of nuclear reactors in the world that supply energy, the geopolitical situation such as with North Korea, Iran, and the rising tensions between the world powers raise the question of whether and when a large nuclear incident xviii occur. However, after examining several references scenarios for dealing with civil nuclear events and compering them to data obtained from interviews, a careful analysis of previous events, and investigating accidents, it is clear that the current models cannot deal properly ivith those events. The current plans for coping with nuclear accidents address only partial aspects of disaster management, do not offer accurate description of unfolding events, ignore newly obtain scientific data, and ignore the human factor in decision making level. The current paper will review why Reference Scenario to nuclear incidents accepted currently in various countries around the world are not up to date and shed light on the most critical aspect in proper nuclear disaster management--rational thinking pattern. The suggested model presented at this article, ONDM, is an innovative new mechanism and a more effective preparedness mechanism for nuclear disaster, as it takes under consideration past mistakes and provides tools for leaders to make informed decisions under conditions of uncertainty Keywords: Disaster Preparedness, ONDM, Nuclear Event, Risk analysis assessment, Civil defense., 1. Introduction Nuclear disaster preparedness is an aspect that caught the attention of the world after the Fukushima disaster in 2011, when it was discovered that despite the design of [...]

The Levant has constituted one of the core areas of interest for US foreign policy since the Second World War. The aim of this article is to shed light on the US policies towards the Levant, mostly during the last two American administrations, to understand how the vicissitudes of the region and of American politics made Washington's policy towards the Levant look biased, at times incompetent, and most importantly inconsistent. This article examines the changes in approach to the region as a whole from one administration to the next on issues such as the protection of Israel's sovereignty, supporting friendly regimes, fighting terrorism, and containing Iran. The hesitations and shifts in policy towards Syria are given a longer treatment as they speak both to the yet not finalized American policy towards the Levant but also to show how the US has shifted track and moved away from unseating President Assad to focus more on containing and ifpossible rolling over Iran.Keywords: Levant, Middle East, US Foreign Policy, the Syrian Uprising, Post- Islamic StateLevant bolgesi, Ikinci Dunya Savasi'ndan bu yana ABD dis politikasinin oncelikli cikar alanlarindan birini olusturmaktadir. Bu makalenin amaci, ABD'nin, bilhassa da son iki Amerikan yonetiminin, Levant'a yonelik politikalarini acikliga kavusturmayi, bolgede ve Amerikan siyasetindeki degisimlerin Washington'un Levant'a yonelik politikasinin nasil yanli, zaman zaman beceriksiz ve daha da onemlisi tutarsiz gorunmesine neden oldugunu anlamayi hedeflemektedir. Makale, bir yonetimden digerine Israil'in egemenliginin korunmasi, dostane rejimlerin desteklenmesi, terorizmle mucadele ve Iran'in kontrol altina alinmasi gibi konularda ve genel itibariyle bolgeye yonelik yaklasimdaki degisiklikleri incelemektedir. Suriye'ye yonelik politikadaki tereddutler ve degisimler daha detayli ele alinmistir. Nitekim bu konular Amerika'nin Levant'a yonelik politikasinin henuz son halini almadiginin, daha da otesinde gelismeler karsisinda ABD'nin nasil yon degistirdigini ve Esad'i yerinden etme hedefinden uzaklasarak Iran'i kontrol altina alma ve eger mumkunse boyun egdirmeye odaklandigina isaret etmektedir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Levant, Orta Dogu, ABD Dis Politikasi, Suriye Ayaklanmasi, Islamcilik Sonrasi Devlet, IntroductionThe term Levant, which derives from the Italian Levante, meaning the rising of the sun in the east, is used to refer to the eastern part of the Mediterranean that [...]

This article examines the policies of the Russian Federation in the Levant region against the backdrop of dramatic global, regional and domestic changes. Russia's strategy is analyzed through the prism of the Syrian and the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts. The Syrian conflict marks Moscow's new activist policy in the region. On the one hand, it has provided for the astonishing diversification of its relations with the various Middle East actors, Turkey, Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Hamas, to name just a few. On the other hand, Moscow, striving for a new world order, has been faced with the fact that despite its cooperation with the US in Syria the two countries' approach to solving international problems are so distinct that even a fight against terrorism could not mend their relationship. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict has always been perceived in Russia as the key factor in explaining the instability in the region. Russia's participation in the international structures dealing with the conflict resolution has been motivated primarily by a search for peace in the area. Instrumentally, Russia has always sought to keep open at least some channels of cooperation with the West, as these serve as a crucial means for decreasing international tensions.Keywords: Russia, Terrorism, Regime Change, De-escalation Zones, De-confliction.Bu makale kuresel, bolgesel ve ulusal degisimler baglaminda Rusya Federasyonu'nun Levant bolgesine yonelik politikalarini incelemektedir. Rusya'nin stratejisi Suriye ve Filistin-Israil catismalari odakli olarak analiz edilmektedir. Suriye catismasi Moskova'nin bolgede yeni ve eyleme donuk politikalarina isaret etmektedir. Bu durum, bir taraftan Rusya'nin Orta Dogu'da Turkiye, Iran, Israil, Suudi Arabistan ve Hamas benzeri farkli aktorlerle iliskilerini cesitlendirmesine neden oldu. Yeni bir dunya duzeni arayisindaki Moskova, diger taraftan, Suriye'de ABD ile yurutulen isbirligine ragmen, iki ulkenin uluslararasi sorunlara cozum bulma yaklasimlarinin birbirinden cok farkli oldugu ve terorizmle mucadele yaklasiminin dahi iliskileri iyilestirmeye yetmedigi gercegiyle yuzlesti. Filistin-Israil catismasi Rusya tarafindan her zaman bolgedeki istikrarsizligi aciklayan ana faktor olarak algilandi. Rusya'nin catisma cozumuyle ilgilenen uluslararasi kuruluslara katilimi, agirlikli olarak bolgede baris arayisi cercevesinde gerceklesti. Bu cercevede Rusya Bati'yla iliskilerinin devamliligi adina, en azindan aracsal olarak uluslararasi gerilimin azaltilmasina katki sagladigina inandigi bazi isbirligi kanallarinin acik kalmasini saglamaya calismistir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Rusya, Terorizm, Rejim Degisikligi, Catismasizlik Bolgeleri, Catismayi Onleme., IntroductionRussia's interests in the Levant cannot be separated from its global interests and calculations. The increasingly diverged interpretation of national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the role of military interference as [...]

This paper examines Iran's historical and strategic ties to the Levant and argues that its objectives can characterized as multifaceted, diversified and pragmatic in orientation. Mindful of its strategic calculations and taking advantage of regional events, Iran operates as an opportunistic and adept regional actor having increased its foothold in Lebanon and Syria by supporting its axis of resistance partners Hezbollah and Bashar al Assad in their common goals of survival, stability and anti-Israeli and American sentiments. While Tehran's strategy has, for the time being, strengthened its influence in the Levant, this paper observes that it has simultaneously resulted in the creation of anti-Iran regional alliance that could ultimately undermine Tehran's regional position. Understanding Tehran's strategic calculus in the Levant can shed light on its long-term objectives and potential outcome.Keywords: Islamic Republic of Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, Bashar al Assad, Strategic Depth, Axis of Resistance.Bu makale, Iran'in Levant'la tarihi ve stratejik baglarini incelemekte ve Iran'in hedeflerinin cok yonlu, cesitlilik iceren ve pragmatik yonelimli seklinde nitelendirilebilecegini savunmaktadir. Stratejik hesaplari goz onunde bulunduran ve bolgesel gelismelerin sundugu avantajlardan faydalanan firsatci ve hunerli bir bolgesel aktor olarak Iran, direnis ekseni ortaklari olan Hizbullah ve Besar Esad'i beka, istikrar ve Israil-ABD karsiti duygulardan olusan ortak hedefleri cercevesinde desteklemis, Lubnan ve Suriye'deki nufuzunu artirmistir. Bu makale, Tahran'in stratejisinin su ana dek Iran'in Levant'taki nufuzunu artirdigini belirtmekle birlikte, es zamanli bicimde Tahran'in bolgesel konumuna nihayetinde zarar verebilecek Iran karsiti bolgesel bir ittifakin olusmasiyla sonuclandigini ileri surmektedir. Tahran'in Levant'taki stratejik hesaplarini anlamak, uzun vadeli hedefleri ve olasi sonuclarini da acikliga kavusturacaktir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Iran Islam Cumhuriyeti, Suriye, Hizbullah, Besar Esad, Stratejik Derinlik, Direnis Ekseni., IntroductionIran's increasing influence and interference in the Levant, seen through its support for Lebanese Hezbollah, Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria and Palestinian groups such as Hamas, has been both an [...]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An interview with His Excellency Ardeshir Zahedi, former ambassador of Iran to the U.S., is presented. Topics covered include his view on the current tensions, as of 2020, between Iran and the U.S., what Iranian people should do under the present circumstances and the relations of the neighboring countries with Iran. He also discussed how he sees the future of Iran and the direction it is taking.

The article presents a speech by His Excellency Ardeshir Zahedi, former Iranian minister of foreign affairs and ambassador to Great Britain and U.S., delivered during a telephone conversation in June 2020. Topics covered include Iran's relations with the U.S., the efforts of the young generation in Iran to manufacture goods needed in the country and the need for the oppression of Iran by foreign countries to be stopped. He also discusses the reasons for the revolution in Iran.

The article focuses on the foreign relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Topics include increase in contact between Azerbaijan and Iran in which several delegations have exchanged visit including top military and intelligence brass, the indications of Tehran-Baku rapprochement such as the possibility of a close military and geopolitical alliance which demonstrates declining global role of United States, and historical relationship between the nations and related territorial disputes.

In general, there is substantial heterogeneity in value added, gross output, and production patterns across sectors within the US economy. There is also considerable asymmetry in intermediate goods linkages; that [...]

Recent studies of diversionary theory focus on domestic determinants of conflict between interstate rivals as well as the strategic behavior of potential targets of diversion. This paper addresses both issues by analyzing the tendency of the U.S. and Iran to use their rivalry for diversionary purposes from 1990 to 2004. Throughout the study, I seek to answer the following questions: Do the U.S. and Iran use their rivalry to divert attention away from domestic political and economic problems? Second, does Iran reciprocate hostile actions from the U.S. or act more conciliatory to avoid becoming the target of diversion. My findings demonstrate that U.S. Presidents appear to be more hostile toward Iran as there is a decline in their approval ratings. The same conclusion cannot be drawn for Iran. The findings suggest that Iran neither uses hostility toward the U.S. to divert attention away from domestic problems nor behaves strategically to avoid becoming the target of a potential U.S. diversion., Introduction There has been an unresolved debate in conflict literature over the influence of domestic factors in the outbreak of conflict between states. Scholars have approached the topic, known as [...]

When Iran's nuclear agreement was signed, critics raised questions about the terms of the agreement, its duration and especially about whether the deal would prevent Iran from achieving nuclear weapons. However now, three years since the agreement was signed, one might be able to judge whether or not it is a good deal and what are its future implications. This research intends to review three specific clusters of concerns that critics had, and tries to find out whether or not these concerns have materialized. The first was that under the guise of the JCPOA Iran would commence a clandestine weaponization to produce a bomb. The second concern was that regional actors would respond to the JCPOA by developing their own nuclear arsenals. The third concern was that Iran would use the money it would receive from the sanctions relief to expand its regional ambitions., Introduction The prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran had unsettled neighboring countries and threatened a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. To thwart Iran's nuclear ambition, the international community imposed [...]

On March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia launched airstrikes on Yemen with the aim of restoring the rule of President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and destroying the Houthi movement. Scholars and policy analysts moved quickly to examine the Yemen war as a sectarian struggle and a byproduct of Saudi-Iranian rivalry in the region. However, these traditional explanations fall short of unravelling the Saudi motive behind launching a large-scale operation in Yemen, its severely weakened and politically divided neighbor. This paper offers an alternative explanation for the abrupt Saudi aggressiveness toward Yemen. It argues that this intervention is driven by a non-material need: Saudi leadership aims to assert the Kingdom's status as a regional power in the Middle East., Introduction On March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia launched airstrikes on Yemen with the aim of restoring the rule of President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and eliminating the Houthi movement. Located [...]

Ayatollah Khomeini after the 1979 Revolution contemplated the promotion of Shia core doctrinal values in the Muslim world. A strategy to instill these values in young minds and academic community in the largely Sunni majority Muslim states was needed. Khomeini used exporting revolution' instead of 'exporting Shia core values' to avoid resistance in the Sunni dominant communities. The Islamic Republic of Iran founded al-Mustafa International University (MIU) with branches across the Muslim world. The MIU's strategy and activities in Malaysia and Afghanistan suggest that it is engaged in proselytizing followers of Sunni theology and recruiting Sunni academia as propagandists and sympathizers of Shiism. In Afghanistan, the Islamic Republic also aims to penetrate policy-making circles., Introduction The Islamic Republic of Iran, in the name of exporting the 1979 Revolution, aims to propagate Shia core doctrinal values. The founding fathers of the 1979 Revolution believed that [...]

The article explores Iran and Saudi Arabia, long time adversaries socially, politically, militarily and religiously. The author traces this competition back to two events in 1979: the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Other topics discussed include how the Iranian revolution transformed the country into a theocracy, Islamic extremism and Shiite and Sunni Islam.

The article examines the role of the U.S. foreign policy in improving relations between Tehran, Iran and Moscow, Russia. Topics discussed include complexities of domestic politics in Iran, the foreign-policy of Russia President Vladimir Putin and vote of Russia at the United Nations (UN) Security Council in favor of American resolutions sanctioning Iran.

The article discusses the regional and international implications of peace in the Syrian Civil War, including in regard to Russia and Iran's support of the Syrian government under President Bashar al-Assad. An overview of the U.S.'s policy towards the Syrian Civil War, including former President Barack Obama's call for Assad to step down, is provided.

The article discusses the competition for regional leadership between Egypt, under President President Abdel Fattah Sisi, and Saudi Arabia, under crown prince Muhammad bin Salman. An overview of their mutual opposition to Iran and to the alliance between the organization Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey and Qatar is provided.

Copyright of Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) is the property of Sultan Qaboos University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historically, based on shared values of culture and religion, Pakistan's relations with Saudi Arabia have become increasingly complex over time. This has occurred in the backdrop of important geopolitical and economic shifts in the region, leading to a new dynamic equilibrium in the Pak-Saudi bilateral ties. Strong relations with Riyadh have become a crucial element of Pakistan's overall foreign policy, given the latter's intermittent economic support by the former, which underscores the significance of the Kingdom; however, deepening Indo-Saudi ties can also not be overlooked or underestimated. This paper gives an overview of ever-evolving Pak-Saudi ties, while taking into consideration current dynamics of the Kingdom's role in the Middle East and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries as well as in the South Asian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses relations between Pakistan and Iran by referring to the book "Pakistan's Foreign Policy 1947-2016: A Concise History" by Abdul Sattar. Topics discussed include Iranian media perception of Pakistan, economic cooperation between Pakistan and Iran, diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Iran following the visit by Pakistan's Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan in 1947, and collaboration between Iran and Pakistan provided by the U.S.-led Central Treaty Organization.

This article follows the United States' pursuit of a comprehensive agreement with Iran over its nuclear program, by putting it in the context of U.S. - Israel relations. Firstly, it offers an overview of the highly contextual relations between Israel and Iran, in order to understand the historical evolution of their present-day rivalry. Secondly, it observes the Iranian regime under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the aftermath of George W. Bush's foreign policy actions, and the increased international focus on Iran's nuclear capabilities. Finally, the focus shifts from President Bush to President Obama and how his foreign policy priorities in the Middle East, particularly the dialogue with Iran, affected the relations with the Israeli government the closer the negotiators got to achieving a final nuclear agreement. This paper seeks to emphasize the interdependent character of the Iran-Israel-U.S. dynamics through the perspective of one of the most pressing regional and international concerns: Iran's nuclear program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]