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The article summarizes the book "El camino obrero. Historia del sindicalismo mexicano, 1907-2017" by Saúl Escobar Toledo, highlighting the importance of unionism in Mexico and the need to understand its history in order to understand the present. It mentions the absence of the labor movement in national recovery projects and how improvements in wages and labor legislation have not been the result of pressure from organized workers. The book covers different periods in the history of the labor movement in Mexico, from 1915 to 1982, and analyzes corporatism, repression, and violence imposed on workers. It also addresses the arrival of neoliberalism, labor reforms, and union resistance. The author emphasizes the importance of building a unionism that responds to the country's needs. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal History of Latin American Education / Revista Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The fourth international Marxist feminist conference was the most international and best attended with around 700 participants, including Silvia Federici, Nancy Fraser, Tithi Bhattacharya, Lorena Cabnal, Ochy Curiel, Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, Elsa Dorlin, Jules Falquet, and Frigga Haug. The main themes of the panels established continuity with the previous conferences, from debates on intersectionality which overlap in various fields with practical and theoretical issues such as value, the state, law, care, production, and social reproduction to those that were closely linked to the thinking of new organizations and repertoires of struggle. This Special Issue is based on the plenary titled: the Thirteen Theses of Marxist Feminism. Frigga Haug, the author of The Thirteen Theses, considers all of them in her opening interview. The most widely debated theses by the Special Issue contributors are Theses I, II, and III on relations of production and the production of the means of life followed by theses from V to VIII which deal with intersectionality and how to study race, class and gender, the role of labor movement in the process of emancipation, and the issue of primary and secondary contradictions which is closely related to the development of an effective political emancipatory subject. The Special Issue closes with an interview with the philosopher Nancy Fraser on the three faces of labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The surge in late-nineteenth century American divorce rates, particularly among the working class, has since then perplexed scholars. This study argues that understanding this phenomenon requires a multifaceted approach, considering both the urban context and various intersecting factors such as gender, ethnicity, class, and race. By focusing on the 1881 divorce trial of Paul and Johanne Geleff in Chicago, this article explores the influence of new social environments on the adoption of a burgeoning divorce culture, beyond transnationally transmitted values. Utilizing both qualitative and quantitative data, the analysis examines the intersectionality of social categories, arguing that urban living conditions, combined with class and racial, gender, and ethnic dynamics, contributed to the high divorce rates in urban America. By situating the Geleff divorce within the broader context of Scandinavian American historiography and labor movements, this article provides a nuanced understanding of the socio-economic and cultural factors driving late-nineteenth-century divorces. Ultimately, it demonstrates that the rise in divorces was a complex social phenomenon influenced by an interplay of diverse factors in both private and public spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated three trends that were already transforming economic development theory and practice. A backlash to economic restructuring and inequality, driven by globalization and technology, is now manifesting in reshoring and union movements. The resurgence of small and midsized cities, originally driven by increasing housing costs in coastal cities, has been reinforced by a rise in remote work. The uncertainty of today's complex economy is exacerbating long-term challenges of tracking economic change, making “shoot anything that flies” more important than ever. These trends highlight the need to focus economic development on building and supporting the workforce.

Copyright of Historia Regional is the property of Historia Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to discuss aspects of the contemporary Brazilian political economy, showing how Brazilian large manufacturing entrepreneurs acted in defense of their interests in the dispute over the design of economic policy throughout the Partido dos Trabalhadore (Workers' Party) governments between 2003 and 2016. It is argued that is possible to identify an inter-class dispute over the definition of four macroeconomic prices - the profit rate, the interest rate, the exchange rate, and the wage rate - which places industrial capitalists sometimes against the rentier sector, sometimes against the labor movement in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although counterintuitive for many academics and lay people alike, the Canadian environmental movement has long included significant engagement from organized labour. More surprising, perhaps, the most dedicated labour environmentalists came from unions representing workers in the auto, steel, mining, chemical, and oil industries. This was certainly the case in Alberta during the 1970s. There, the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers (ocaw) used their outsized influence within the Alberta Federation of Labour (afl) to conjoin growing concern about occupational health and safety with developing awareness about air and water pollution beyond the workplace. Drawing on fonds at the University of Calgary Glenbow Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, and Library and Archives Canada, this article chronicles and assesses efforts by ocaw officials within the afl to introduce and sustain a labour environmentalist agenda. It also makes an argument for historians interested in the origins and evolution of the Canadian environmental movement to pay closer attention to organized labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivos de Historia del Movimiento Obrero y la Izquierda is the property of Archivos de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Archivos de Historia del Movimiento Obrero y la Izquierda is the property of Archivos de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Throughout history, trade union organization has undergone significant reforms and changed as the organization of the state itself has changed. Trade union organization went through three historical phases: the phase until the nineteenth century, the phase from the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century, and the final phase in the twenty-first century. Trade union organization followed the organization of the first states, through which workers defended their labor rights under primitive conditions in a primitively organized way. The first modern forms of trade union organizing were experienced in the territory of the United Kingdom, which is also considered the forerunner of trade union organizing. The right to organize a trade union, although today one of the fundamental collective rights, is increasingly becoming the subject of discussions and dilemmas, whether this right is really necessary in labor relations and, in the end, in constitutions of a large number of countries, as a promotion of economic and social rights. The paper could be divided into three parts, firstly the authors want to define the historical development of trade union organization, the process of developing in the countries of the world, what are the key historical moments in which this right made and contributed to "a quality more" in labor relations, and which were the first laws-constitutions that provided for this fundamental right today. The second part of the paper refers to the current normative legal situation in the Republic of Serbia regarding trade union organization and specifically trade union rights. The third part actually represents the main purpose of the paper, which is to point out some potential problems in the twenty-first century that union organizing in the international community is facing.

This paper examines early twentieth century labor movements in Venezuela and Mexico that offer an opportunity to better specify how global capitalism can spawn divergent, not just convergent, resistance movements. It zeroes in on the oil workers in the decades when Venezuela became incorporated into global oil production (1912-1948). Their bread and butter demands for improvements to wages and labor conditions paled in comparison to those of their anticapitalist counterparts in Latin America's first oil powerhouse: Mexico. This study elaborates why Venezuela's labor movement is surprising, devises a world-historical approach to explain it, and illustrates the potential of this approach to help us reconcile differences in resistance despite apparent universalizing pressures of global economic forces. It demonstrates that Venezuela's less radical forms of labor resistance derived from the earlier lessons the oil capitalists brought from Mexico to Venezuela on how to avoid anticapitalist labor militants. In unraveling the Mexican origins for Venezuela's less anticapitalist labor resistance, this study spotlights incorporation as a process which can forge distinct resistance agendas even in nations on apparently parallel development trajectories. It calls for delving into histories of incorporation and exploring how their legacies create conditions more, or less, conducive for anticapitalist resistance today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this article is to locate and analyze two practices that can be considered as experiences of social dialogue in the United States of America without the intervention of the State. For this study, it is considered that social dialogue transcends the tripartite definition of the International Labor Organization, employers, unions, and the public sector, by incorporating civil society organizations, or by limiting itself to a bipartite dialogue. Likewise, it assumes that the creation of public institutions for social dialogue is not necessary since simple alliances between sectors can allow the generation of common projects. With a qualitative methodology, the result of this study shows the recognition of rights and obligations of two labor movements: the Anti-Sweatshop movement and the movement of caregivers and home care nurses in the State of California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While unionization has experienced growth over the past couple of years, immigrant incorporation has been widely regarded as the long-term future of the labor movement. Economic shutdown during COVID-19 has revealed that low-wage work is "essential" to our country. Yet, the immigrants who often occupy these industries are left widely unprotected in the face of poor working conditions. There remains an opportunity to mobilize immigrant workers and to increase solidarity within organized labor. Still, unions have been faltering in their efforts to fold immigrants into the rank-and-file. This Note analyzes over one hundred union contract provisions and argues that union contract provisions provide a unique opportunity for unions to recruit immigrant workers by providing material benefits that other organizing models cannot. This Note contends that unions, as organizations with a direct hand in the workplace, can operate as intermediaries between workers and employers or immigration enforcement to discuss immigration-related concerns while protecting workers from potential deportation or discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labor activists have long-been encouraging workers to build international labor solidarity to empower each other and to improve all workers' lives and well-being going back to before the First International. This tradition, while dismembered by the Cold War between the US and the UK on one hand and the Soviet Union on the other, has been resuscitated since the 1970s, with efforts by activists, scholars, and some workers to build cross-national border solidarity across the globe for workers, an effort that is growing. This paper details these efforts, dividing the work between 1978-2011 and 2011 to today, listing some of the most important efforts of each period, and supporting the claim of increased interest in building global labor solidarity. This is important because of labor's potential leadership in the struggle against climate change and environmental destruction, which is a threat to the survival of all species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the historical context and legislative intent behind the labor exemption to antitrust law. It explores how antitrust laws have been used against worker-organizing efforts despite the existence of a labor exemption, arguing that such actions contradict Congress's original intent to protect labor rights. It highlight the paradoxical use of antitrust enforcement to suppress labor activism and advocate for a reevaluation of antitrust enforcement in support of workers' rights.

Copyright of Vínculos de Historia is the property of Vinculos de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the discriminatory, anti-women workplace culture in China's tech industry and how tech workers organise online activism in response. In August 2021, an online petition broke out to demand justice for a sexual crime victim at the Chinese e-commerce enterprise Alibaba. This is a powerful example of digital activism leaping beyond the constraints and challenges of labour organising in the global tech sector. The article shows how social media could bring new possibilities to the tech worker movement in both authoritarian and democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are at least five obstacles to the viability of ideology critique as a method of analysis in current conditions: (1) there is no ideology-free, God's-eye view through which the critical theorist can analyze other ideologies; (2) few people really believe in explicit ideological justifications for exploitation and domination today, a widespread skepticism that could annul the warrant for ideology critique; (3) conspiracy theories and identity politics have superseded more universalistic and structural forms of critique, which, due to their real and superficial similarities with ideology critique, represent troublesome competitors; (4) ecological degradation is undermining the possibility of the free future that ideology critique implicitly anticipates; and (5) due to the decline of radical labor movements and near-absolute control of consciousness by the culture industry, the audience for ideology critique is so small and distracted that thoughtful, written analyses of ideology may be pointless. Despite these obstacles, I defend ideology critique as a viable and beneficial method. Barrier (5) is the only obstacle that I think has the potential to deliver a death blow to ideology critique in the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the resistance efforts of the All Indonesia Chemical Energy and Mining Workers Union (SP KEP SPSI) Bekasi in advocating for changes in cases of unilateral employment termination (PHK) at PT. Matahari Alka during the 2021 Covid-19 pandemic. This research primarily focuses on the analysis of SP KEP SPSI Bekasi's strategies and their success in challenging unilateral layoffs at PT. Alka Sun. Employing a qualitative approach, along with interviews conducted with SP KEP Bekasi Branch and Work Unit administrators within the company, this study, guided by Calvin Mackenzie's interest group strategy theory and Douglas McAdam's social movements theory, generates significant insights. The resistance undertaken by SP KEP SPSI Bekasi was rooted in the company's violations against workers, including unilateral layoffs that diverged from collective work agreement (PKB) provisions, non-payment of wages, and the prohibition of union activities. SP KEP SPSI's strategy encompassed demonstrations, lobbying of relevant authorities, and dialogue-based negotiations. The success of SP KEP SPSI Bekasi's strategy was closely linked to factors such as solidarity, which served as a foundation for strengthening the organization during these mobilizations, the union's capacity to motivate its members, and the formation of alliances.

The purpose of the article is to develop a scientific and practical approach to quality management in industry 4.0 through the movement of labor resources towards the “core” of the digital economy. For the most complete coverage of the digital era, the study was conducted in 2017-2022 based on the experience of 72 countries covered by digital competitiveness statistics that is, representing the global “core” of the digital economy. The article defines the impact of the movement of labor resources towards the “core” of the digital economy on quality in industry 4.0 using the regression analysis method. The authors present forecasts for the “Decade of Action” that reveal the prospects for improving quality in industry 4.0 through optimizing the movement of labor resources towards the “core” of the digital economy. As a result, the article proposes a promising mechanism for quality management in industry 4.0 through the movement of labor resources towards the “core” of the digital economy. This mechanism contains framework recommendations for improving quality management through the regulation of migration flow and HRM in Industry 4.0. The originality of the article lies in the fact that it forms a new vision of the process of labor movement to the global “core”, taking into account the specifics of industry 4.0, which for the first time makes it possible to study it from the point of view of its impact on quality (and not quantity – as it was during the first three industrial revolutions) in industrial production, which defines the uniqueness of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. The theoretical significance is that the article has clarified the specifics of the movement of labor resources towards the global “core” in the digital economy from the standpoint of quality in industry 4.0. Migration policy implication is related to the fact that the author’s recommendations will ensure an increase in the effectiveness of this policy by optimizing the flow of labor resources towards the global “core".

"Contesting Austerity: Social Movements and the Left in Portugal and Spain (2008–2015)" by Tiago Carvalho explores the responses of social movements in Portugal and Spain to the financial crisis and austerity measures implemented during the Great Recession. Carvalho examines the impact of structural adjustment programs and the interactions between institutional and non-institutional players in shaping anti-austerity movements. The book identifies different types of movements, such as nationalist, housing, student, anti-precarity, and Internet-based mobilizations. It also highlights the contrasting trajectories of mobilization in Portugal and Spain, with decentralization and grassroots activity playing a significant role in Spain's emergence of Podemos as a national force. [Extracted from the article]