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To discuss the merits of this last hypothesis is beyond the scope of this paper, which has the much more limited aim of examining the empirical support for Lipset and Bendix's original argument. How firmly can we rely on their empirical generalization that the overall pattern of social mobility appears to be much the same in industrial societies? To answer this requires a reanalysis of their data. Although a complete assessment of this generalization would require the examination of all the available material, I have made here no attempt to incorporate more recent findings than they consider. Needless to say, this review is not meant to be negative but, rather, reopens an issue which may have been prematurely closed. Indeed it may even be that readers of Lipset and Bendix have imbued their findings with greater finality than was indicated, since in their original monograph they stress the tentative nature of their interpretation. As an interpretation their study remains masterful, and this critique should be seen in this context. One final qualification is that since the chapter in which this analysis appears was in fact written by Lipset and Zetterberg, it may be more proper to refer to this thesis as the Lipset-Zetterberg thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the theoretical link between the social differentiation of population groups in modern industrial society and the residential differentiation of such groups and suggests alternative methods of analyzing urban residential differentiation by outlining the results of a study of social areas in Melbourne, Victoria. The paper is primarily concerned with a limited model of urban society and is restricted culturally and temporally to the modern industrial city which emerged as a consequence of the industrial revolution. One criticism of social area analysis has been that, while its underlying theory is mainly concerned with understanding social differentiation in modern industrial society, the main empirical concern among social area analysts has been with a problem of a different, although related order, the residential differentiation of socially differentiated groups. The first section of the paper discusses the general processes through which the three constructs of social rank, urbanization and segregation come to have a spatial referent. The second section of the paper reports an empirical test of the Shevky-Bell schema using 1961 census data for Melbourne. A two-staged component analysis is used to test for the existence of the three hypothesized dimensions of residential differentiation. A more efficient method of classification is used to derive a typology of residential areas using two component scores for each area.