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Duomenų, kuriais būtų galima pagrįsti nuomonę, kad akūtas yra ide. pailgintojo laipsnio balsio refleksas baltų ir slavų kalbose, nėra. There is no evidence for an acute as the phonetic reflex of a lengthened grade vowel in Balto-Slavic.

In Germanic a group of nouns belonging to the n-stems display a long *ē followed by geminate voiced stops, MHG tāpe ‘paw’ (*dēbban-), OHG tāpe, MHG hā(c)ke ‘hook’ (*hēggan-), OHG chrācco ‘uncinus: barb, fuscina: trident’ (*krēggan-), OHG chrāppo ‘aspidius, uncinus: barb’ (*krēbban-), MHG snācke snōcke ‘midge’ (*snēggan-). While Kluge explained geminate voiceless stops as lengthening before *n, he attributed geminate voiced stops to analogy. But the investigation about whether geminate voiceless stops are allowed following long vowels in Proto-Germanic reveals that Kluge’s opinion is indefensible. As sound symbolism and expressivity are present in the Germanic lexicon, it is assumed that mental phenomena caused these sounds. In this regard the status of the long *ē will be clarified. It is postulated that the long vowels in front of geminate voiced stops have the function of reinforcing expressivity by creating this phonetically odd mixture.

熊本裕先生退職記念号 Festschrift for Professor Hiroshi KUMAMOTO, Articles

There is still no scholarly consensus about the origin of the Balto-Slavic intonations. The traditional view is that all long vowels and diphthongs receive the acute in Balto-Slavic, while short vowels and diphthongs are circumflexed. On the other hand, according to the Leiden school, the only source of the Balto-Slavic acute is the glottal stop, which is either a reflex of the PIE laryngeals, or of the following glottalized stops (traditional voiced stops) in syllables that underwent Winter’s law. We believe that the traditional view that PIE lengthened grade vowels receive the acute in Balto-Slavic can no longer be defended. It is contradicted by such examples as PIE *dhugh2tēr ‘daughter’ > Lith. dukt, PIE *(H)rēk-s-o-m ‘I said’ > Croat. rijêh, PIE *h2ōwyom ‘egg’ > Croat. jâje. It should also be taken as proved that syllables closed by laryngeals and voiced stops (or glottalics, by Winter’s law) received the acute intonation in Balto-Slavic. However, the fact that the PIE lengthened grade long vowels are circumflex in Balto-Slavic does not prove that all lenghtened grade long vowels in Balto-Slavic are circumflex. In the present paper we attempt to show that a number of Vddhi formations, that were not inherited from PIE, received the acute in Balto-Slavic. These are the words with reflexes in both Baltic and Slavic languages, derived from PIE roots by means of Vddhi, which remained a productive pattern of derivation during the period of Balto-Slavic unity, and probably later. Such words have the lengthened grade only in Balto-Slavic, but not in other IE languages, which shows that their Vddhi is not inherited from PIE. This paper systematically analyzes such material in order to show that the Balto-Slavic Vddhi formations, in contradistinction to the inherited PIE long vowels, received the acute intonation.

In this paper the author argues that Szemerényi’s Law operated in the proto-language and that its operation should be restricted to *- V̆Rs# and *- V̆RH# sequences only. Moreover, it is shown that the development of *- V̆Ts# > *- V̆ss# > *- V̄s#, often assumed as part of Szemerényi’s Law (cf. Neri 2003: 2035; Lipp 2009: 2, 93) as in PIE *pód-s > *póss > *pṓs > Doric Greek πώς ‘foot’ (Hesych.), is hardly credible (cf. also Kim 2001: 12724 but without further discussion). The length of the vowel in the Doric form is not certain (cf. LSJ⁹: 1456) and surely secondary in Attic poús as the short vowel is found in compounds (cf. Homeric trípos). Furthermore, if Szemerényi’s Law operated as *- V̆Rs# > *- V̄R# we would expect such sequences to appear as *- V̄T# < *- V̆Ts#. I will show that such cases are secondary rather than direct outcomes of Szemerényi’s Law.