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This article analyzes an experiment to cure leprosy using the assacu plant (Hura crepitans L.) conducted in Santarém, Pará, in 1847, by an Indigenous man named Antonio Vieira dos Passos. The experiment was later repeated in other Brazilian provinces and abroad. This article establishes relationships between medical practices in other parts of the country while focusing on the dialog between official and Indigenous medicine. Newspaper articles and official documents of the time show that Indigenous knowledge of medicinal plants was widely recognized and utilized by physicians wishing to incorporate it into the official therapeutic repertoire.

Se realizó una revisión bibliográfica sobre la Enfermedad de Hansen; se detalla en este artículo la historia de la lepra desde su surgimiento y su arribo a Cuba. Se comenta el rechazo social que ha existido desde la época bíblica hasta Cuba en el año 1917. Se tratan temas bioéticos como: Justicia, Equidad y principales afectaciones psicológicas de estos pacientes.A bibliographic revision about the Hansen disease was done, detailing the Leprosy`s history, from its begining until its Cuba arriving, social rejection from Biblical`s time until the Cuba in the 1917 was comment, bioethic themes like: Justice, Equity, Beneficence and main psicologicals disturbs in these patients was approached.

Background: The pathogen landscape in the Early European Middle Ages remains largely unexplored. Here, we perform a systematic pathogen screening of the rural community Lauchheim "Mittelhofen," in present-day Germany, dated to the Merovingian period, between fifth and eighth century CE. Skeletal remains of individuals were subjected to an ancient DNA metagenomic analysis. Genomes of the detected pathogens were reconstructed and analyzed phylogenetically., Results: Over 30% of the individuals exhibit molecular signs of infection with hepatitis B virus (HBV), parvovirus B19, variola virus (VARV), and Mycobacterium leprae. Seven double and one triple infection were detected. We reconstructed four HBV genomes and one genome each of B19, VARV, and M. leprae. All HBV genomes are of genotype D4 which is rare in Europe today. The VARV strain exhibits a unique pattern of gene loss indicating that viruses with different gene compositions were circulating in the Early Middle Ages. The M. leprae strain clustered in branch 3 together with the oldest to-date genome from the UK., Conclusions: The high burden of infectious disease, together with osteological markers of physiological stress, reflect a poor health status of the community. This could have been an indirect result of the climate decline in Europe at the time, caused by the Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA). Our findings suggest that LALIA may have created an ecological context in which persistent outbreaks set the stage for major epidemics of severe diseases such as leprosy and smallpox hundreds of years later., (© 2022. The Author(s).)

The aim of our paper is to demonstrate a middle-aged male (KK61) from the 8th-century-CE cemetery of Kiskundorozsma-Kettőshatár I (Duna-Tisza Interfluve, Hungary), who appears to represent the lepromatous form of Hansen's disease. Leprosy has affected not only the rhinomaxillary region of his face but also his lower limbs, with severe deformation and disfigurement of the involved anatomical areas (saddle-nose and flat-foot deformity, respectively). Consequently, he would have experienced disability in performing the basic activities of daily living, such as eating, drinking, standing or walking; and thus, he would have required regular and substantial care from others to survive. Despite his very visible disease and associated debility, it seems that KK61 was accepted as a member of the community in death, since he has been buried within the cemetery boundaries, among others from his community. In addition, his grave has conformed to the mortuary practices characteristic of the Kiskundorozsma-Kettőshatár I cemetery (e.g., burial orientation, position of the body in the grave, and type and quantity of accompanying grave goods). Although distinction or segregation in life do not preclude normative treatment in death, the long-lasting survival of KK61 with Hansen's disease implies that he would not have been abandoned but cared for by others. KK61 is one of the few published historic cases with leprosy from the Avar Age of the Hungarian Duna-Tisza Interfluve. His case gives us a unique insight into the biological consequences of living with Hansen's disease and illustrates the social attitude toward leprosy sufferers in early mediaeval Hungary., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

The key to evolution is reproduction. Pathogens can either kill the human host or can invade the host without causing death, thus ensuring their own survival, reproduction and spread. Tuberculosis, treponematoses and leprosy are widespread chronic infectious diseases whereby the host is not immediately killed. These diseases are examples of the co-evolution of host and pathogen. They can be well studied as the paleopathological record is extensive, spanning over 200 human generations. The paleopathology of each disease has been well documented in the form of published synthetic analyses recording each known case and case frequencies in the samples they were derived from. Here the data from these synthetic analyses were re-analysed to show changes in the prevalence of each disease over time. A total of 69,379 skeletons are included in this study. There was ultimately a decline in the prevalence of each disease over time, this decline was statistically significant (Chi-squared, p<0.001). A trend may start with the increase in the disease's prevalence before the prevalence declines, in tuberculosis the decline is monotonic. Increase in skeletal changes resulting from the respective diseases appears in the initial period of host-disease contact, followed by a decline resulting from co-adaptation that is mutually beneficial for the disease (spread and maintenance of pathogen) and host (less pathological reactions to the infection). Eventually either the host may become immune or tolerant, or the pathogen tends to be commensalic rather than parasitic., Competing Interests: The Authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Mineralized dental plaque (calculus) has proven to be an excellent source of ancient biomolecules. Here we present a Mycobacterium leprae genome (6.6-fold), the causative agent of leprosy, recovered via shotgun sequencing of sixteenth-century human dental calculus from an individual from Trondheim, Norway. When phylogenetically placed, this genome falls in branch 3I among the diversity of other contemporary ancient strains from Northern Europe. Moreover, ancient mycobacterial peptides were retrieved via mass spectrometry-based proteomics, further validating the presence of the pathogen. Mycobacterium leprae can readily be detected in the oral cavity and associated mucosal membranes, which likely contributed to it being incorporated into this individual's dental calculus. This individual showed some possible, but not definitive, evidence of skeletal lesions associated with early-stage leprosy. This study is the first known example of successful multi-omics retrieval of M. leprae from archaeological dental calculus. Furthermore, we offer new insights into dental calculus as an alternative sample source to bones or teeth for detecting and molecularly characterizing M. leprae in individuals from the archaeological record. This article is part of the theme issue 'Insights into health and disease from ancient biomolecules'.

Few investigations to date have analyzed the epidemiology of Hansen's disease (leprosy) in the United States, and in particular, if birth location is related to multibacillary versus paucibacillary leprosy. We collected data on 123 patients diagnosed with leprosy in Georgia from the National Hansen's Disease Program from 1923-January 2018. A logistic regression model was built to examine the relationship between country of origin (U.S.-born or immigrant) and the type of leprosy. While the model showed no significant relationship between country of origin and type of leprosy, being Asian or Pacific Islander was associated with a higher odds of multibacillary disease (aOR = 5.71; 95% CI: 1.25-26.29). Furthermore, since the early 1900s, we found an increasing trend of leprosy reports in Georgia among both domestic born and immigrant residents, despite the overall decrease in cases in the United States during the same time period. More research is therefore necessary to further evaluate risk for multibacillary leprosy in certain populations and to create targeted interventions and prevention strategies., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

The purpose of this research is to describe how Hansen's disease patients experienced the modern system of control of Hansen's disease introduced by Japan, and the inimical attitude of society against them in colonial Korea. The study also seeks to reveal the development of the system to eliminate Hansen's disease patients from their home and community to larger society and leprosarium in this era. Sorokdo Charity hospital (SCH), a hospital for Hansen's disease patients, was built in 1916, and vagrant Hansen's disease patients began to be isolated in this hospital beginning in 1917 by the Japanese Government-General of Korea (JGGK). Once the police detained and sent vagrant Hansen's disease patients to SCH, stigma and discrimination against them strengthened in Korean society. Because of strong stigma and discrimination in Korean society, Hansen's disease patients suffered from daily threats of death. First, their family members were not only afraid of the contagiousness of Hansen's disease but also the stigma and discrimination against themselves by community members. If a family had a Hansen's disease patient, the rest of community members would discriminate against the entire family. Furthermore, because Hansen's disease patients were excluded from any economic livelihood such as getting a job, the existence of the patients was a big burden for their families. Therefore, many patients left their homes and began their vagrancy. The patients who could not leave their homes committed suicide or were killed by their family members. The victims of such deaths were usually women, who were at the lower position in the family hierarchy. In the strong Confucian society in Korea, more female patients were killed by themselves than male patients. Moreover, all of patients victims in the murder were women. This shows that the stigma and discrimination against Hansen's disease patients within their families were stronger against women than men. Strong stigma and discrimination made the patients rely on superstition such as cannibalism. Patients believed that there were not any effective medicine. There were a few reports of patients who were cured, and many were treated with chaulmoogra oil in the modern Hansen's disease hospitals. Eating human flesh was known as a folk remedy for Hansen's disease. As such, patients began to kill healthy people, usually children, to eat their flesh. Increased stigma led to increased victims. Hansen's disease patients who left their homes faced many threats during their vagrancy. For survival, they established their own organizations in the late 1920's. The patients who were rejected to be hospitalized in the Western Hansen's disease hospital at Busan, Daegu, and Yeosu organized self-help organizations. The purpose of these organizations was first to secure the medicine supply of chaulmoogra oil. However, as stigma and discrimination strengthened, these organizations formed by Hansen's disease patients demanded the Japanese Government-General of Korea to send and segregate them on Sorok island. They did not know the situation of the inside of this island because news media described it as a haven for patients, and very few patients were discharged from this island to tell the truth. On this island, several hundreds of patients were killed by compulsory heavy labor, starvation, and violence. They were not treated as patients, but as something to be eliminated. Under strong suppression on this island, the patients resisted first by escaping this island. However, in 1937, some patients tried to kill a Korean staff but failed. Attempted murderers were all put in the jail, also located on this island. In 1941, a patient murdered another patient who had harassed other patients, and in 1942, Chunsang Lee, a patient, killed the director of Sorok island. These instances show that there was a system to eliminate Hansen's disease patients in colonial Korea.

Competing Interests: None

Relatively little is known of leprosy in Medieval Ireland; as an island located at the far west of Europe it has the potential to provide interesting insights in relation to the historical epidemiology of the disease. To this end the study focuses on five cases of probable leprosy identified in human skeletal remains excavated from inhumation burials. Three of the individuals derived from the cemetery of St Michael Le Pole, Golden Lane, Dublin, while single examples were also identified from Ardreigh, Co. Kildare, and St Patrick's Church, Armoy, Co. Antrim. The individuals were radiocarbon dated and examined biomolecularly for evidence of either of the causative pathogens, M. leprae or M. lepromatosis. Oxygen and strontium isotopes were measured in tooth enamel and rib samples to determine where the individuals had spent their formative years and to ascertain if they had undertaken any recent migrations. We detected M. leprae DNA in the three Golden Lane cases but not in the probable cases from either Ardreigh Co. Kildare or Armoy, Co. Antrim. M. lepromatosis was not detected in any of the burals. DNA preservation was sufficiently robust to allow genotyping of M. leprae strains in two of the Golden Lane burials, SkCXCV (12-13th century) and SkCCXXX (11-13th century). These strains were found to belong on different lineages of the M. leprae phylogenetic tree, namely branches 3 and 2 respectively. Whole genome sequencing was also attempted on these two isolates with a view to gaining further information but poor genome coverage precluded phylogenetic analysis. Data from the biomolecular study was combined with osteological, isotopic and radiocarbon dating to provide a comprehensive and multidisciplinary study of the Irish cases. Strontium and oxygen isotopic analysis indicate that two of the individuals from Golden Lane (SkCXLVIII (10-11th century) and SkCXCV) were of Scandinavian origin, while SkCCXXX may have spent his childhood in the north of Ireland or central Britain. We propose that the Vikings were responsible for introducing leprosy to Ireland. This work adds to our knowledge of the likely origins of leprosy in Medieval Ireland and will hopefully stimulate further research into the history and spread of this ancient disease across the world., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Studying ancient DNA allows us to retrace the evolutionary history of human pathogens, such as Mycobacterium leprae, the main causative agent of leprosy. Leprosy is one of the oldest recorded and most stigmatizing diseases in human history. The disease was prevalent in Europe until the 16th century and is still endemic in many countries with over 200,000 new cases reported annually. Previous worldwide studies on modern and European medieval M. leprae genomes revealed that they cluster into several distinct branches of which two were present in medieval Northwestern Europe. In this study, we analyzed 10 new medieval M. leprae genomes including the so far oldest M. leprae genome from one of the earliest known cases of leprosy in the United Kingdom-a skeleton from the Great Chesterford cemetery with a calibrated age of 415-545 C.E. This dataset provides a genetic time transect of M. leprae diversity in Europe over the past 1500 years. We find M. leprae strains from four distinct branches to be present in the Early Medieval Period, and strains from three different branches were detected within a single cemetery from the High Medieval Period. Altogether these findings suggest a higher genetic diversity of M. leprae strains in medieval Europe at various time points than previously assumed. The resulting more complex picture of the past phylogeography of leprosy in Europe impacts current phylogeographical models of M. leprae dissemination. It suggests alternative models for the past spread of leprosy such as a wide spread prevalence of strains from different branches in Eurasia already in Antiquity or maybe even an origin in Western Eurasia. Furthermore, these results highlight how studying ancient M. leprae strains improves understanding the history of leprosy worldwide.

This essay focuses on the use of the concept of "arrest" in Hansen's disease (leprosy) in the United States in the early to middle part of the 20th century, as well as the transformations the concept underwent with the arrival of sulfone drugs and the implications of these changes for patients and public health officers. An "arrest" was a therapeutic outcome characterized by a long course of treatment, noncontagiousness, a very small chance of reactivation, and a need for postdischarge maintenance that depended on sociomedical infrastructures beyond the clinic as well as self-imposed lifestyle limitations. The concept of disease arrest shows that experts and laypeople alike have valued therapeutic outcomes other than "cure" that signal certain optimal therapeutic milestones, despite the practical difficulties they imply and despite the fact that they do not promise a return to a pre-illness stage.

In the recent Greek ages the most devastating epidemics were plague, smallpox, leprosy and cholera. In 1816 plague struck the Ionian and Aegean Islands, mainland Greece, Constantinople and Smyrna. The Venetians ruling the Ionian Islands effectively combated plague in contrast to the Ottomans ruling all other regions. In 1922, plague appeared in Patras refugees who were expelled by the Turks from Smyrna and Asia Minor. Inoculation against smallpox was first performed in Thessaly by the Greek women, and the Greek doctors Emmanouel Timonis (1713, Oxford) and Jakovos Pylarinos (1715, Venice) made relevant scientific publications. The first leper colony opened in Chios Island. In Crete, Spinalonga was transformed into a leper island, which following the Independence War against Turkish occupation and the unification of Crete with Greece in 1913, was classified as an International Leper Hospital. Cholera struck Greece in 1853-1854 brought by the French troops during the Crimean War, and again during the Balkan Wars (1912-13) when the Bulgarian troops brought cholera to northern Greece. Due to successive wars, medical assistance was not always available, so desperate people turned many times to religion through processions in honor of local saints, for their salvation in epidemics.

The purpose of this study is to understand the reality of imperial medicine by exploring the strategic attitude of the Japanese authority targeting the public who were not patients of Hansen's disease. For this purpose, this study examines the mass media data related to Hansen's disease published in Korea and Japan during the Japanese colonial rule. Research on Hansen's disease can be divided into medical, sociohistorical, social welfare, and human rights approach. There are medical studies and statistics on the dissemination of medical information about Hansen's disease and management measures, the history of the management of the disease, guarantee of the rights of the patients and the welfare environment, and studies on the autobiographical, literary writings and oral statements on the life and psychological conflicts of the patients. Among existing research, the topics of the study on Hansen's disease under the Japanese colonial rule include the history of the Sorokdo Island Sanatorium, investigation on the forced labor of the patients in the island, human rights violations against the patients, oral memoirs of the patients and doctors who practiced at that time. All of these studies are important achievements regarding the research on the patients. An important study of Hansen's disease in modern Japan is the work of Hujino Utaka, which introduces the isolation of and discrimination against the patients of Hansen's disease. Hujino Utaka's study examines the annihilation of people with infectious diseases in Japan and its colonies by the imperial government, which was the consequence of the imperial medical policies, and reports on the isolation of Hansen's disease patients during the war. Although these researches are important achievements in the study of Hansen's disease in modernity, their focus has mainly been on the history of isolation and exploitation in the Sorokdo Island Sanatorium and discrimination against the patients within the sanatorium, which was controlled by the director of the sanatorium. Consequently, the research tends to perceive the problem within the frame of antagonism between the agent of imperialism and the victims of exploitation by the hands of imperialism. Hence, it has limitations in that it has not fully addressed the problem of the people who were not Hansen's disease patients and as such, existed somewhere in between the two extremes in the process of administering medicine under the imperial rule. The purpose of this study is to identify the direction of imperial medicine in the history of Hansen's disease in Japan and to comprehend the characteristics of policy on Hansen's disease developed by Mitsuda Kensuke, who was behind the policy of imperial medicine, and examine the process of imperial medicine reaching out to the people (of Japan and its colonies). To achieve the goal, this study explores how the agent of imperial medicine gain the favor the public, who are not Hansen's disease patients, by means of the mass media. Specifically, this paper examines data in the Japanese language related to Korean patients of Hansen's disease including the mass media data on Hansen's disease in the source book titled The Collection of Data on Hansen's Disease in Joseon under the Colonial Rule(8 volumes) compiled by Takio Eiji, which has not been studied until now. It also reviews the cultural and popular magazines published in Japan and Joseon at that time.

At the Abony-Turjányos dűlő site, located in Central Hungary, a rescue excavation was carried out. More than 400 features were excavated and dated to the Protoboleráz horizon, at the beginning of the Late Copper Age in the Carpathian Basin, between 3780-3650 cal BC. Besides the domestic and economic units, there were two special areas, with nine-nine pits that differed from the other archaeological features of the site. In the northern pit group seven pits contained human remains belonging to 48 individuals. Some of them were buried carefully, while others were thrown into the pits. The aim of this study is to present the results of the paleopathological and molecular analysis of human remains from this Late Copper Age site. The ratio of neonates to adults was high, 33.3%. Examination of the skeletons revealed a large number of pathological cases, enabling reconstruction of the health profile of the buried individuals. Based on the appearance and frequency of healed ante- and peri mortem trauma, inter-personal (intra-group) violence was characteristic in the Abony Late Copper Age population. However other traces of paleopathology were observed on the bones that appear not to have been caused by warfare or inter-group violence. The remains of one individual demonstrated a rare set of bone lesions that indicate the possible presence of leprosy (Hansen's disease). The most characteristic lesions occurred on the bones of the face, including erosion of the nasal aperture, atrophy of the anterior nasal spine, inflammation of the nasal bone and porosity on both the maxilla and the bones of the lower legs. In a further four cases, leprosy infection is suspected but other infections cannot be excluded. The morphologically diagnosed possible leprosy case significantly modifies our knowledge about the timescale and geographic spread of this specific infectious disease. However, it is not possible to determine the potential connections between the cases of possible leprosy and the special burial circumstances.

We have examined the remains of a Pilgrim burial from St Mary Magdalen, Winchester. The individual was a young adult male, aged around 18-25 years at the time of death. Radiocarbon dating showed the remains dated to the late 11th-early 12th centuries, a time when pilgrimages were at their height in Europe. Several lines of evidence in connection with the burial suggested this was an individual of some means and prestige. Although buried within the leprosarium cemetery, the skeleton showed only minimal skeletal evidence for leprosy, which was confined to the bones of the feet and legs. Nonetheless, molecular testing of several skeletal elements, including uninvolved bones all showed robust evidence of DNA from Mycobacterium leprae, consistent with the lepromatous or multibacillary form of the disease. We infer that in life, this individual almost certainly suffered with multiple soft tissue lesions. Genotyping of the M.leprae strain showed this belonged to the 2F lineage, today associated with cases from South-Central and Western Asia. During osteological examination it was noted that the cranium and facial features displayed atypical morphology for northern European populations. Subsequently, geochemical isotopic analyses carried out on tooth enamel indicated that this individual was indeed not local to the Winchester region, although it was not possible to be more specific about their geographic origin., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Drawing on documents produced between the early nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, mainly medical reports, this paper indicates the prevailing conceptions in the colonial medical community and local populations about leprosy, its manifestations, and how to deal with it. It focuses on the tensions concerning the practice of segregating lepers and its social and sanitation implications. To comprehend the roots of the discourses and strategies in the Portuguese and colonial medical environment, the trajectory of the definitions of isolation, segregation, and leprosy are traced, as are their use in or absence from the writings of missionaries, chroniclers, and doctors in Angola and Mozambique as of the second half of the seventeenth century.

INTRODUCTION Leprosy, an infectious disease caused by Mycobacterium leprae, affects the nervous system, skin, internal organs, extremities and mucous membranes. Biological, social and environmental factors influence its occurrence and transmission. The first effective treatments appeared in 1930 with the development of dapsone, a sulfone. The main components of a control and elimination strategy are early case detection and timely administration of multidrug therapy. OBJECTIVES Review the history of leprosy control in Cuba, emphasizing particularly results of the National Leprosy Control Program, its modifications and influence on leprosy control. EVIDENCE ACQUISITION The historiological method was applied using document review, complemented by interviews with experts on leprosy and its control. Archived documents, medical records, disease prevalence censuses conducted since 1942, and incidence and prevalence statistics for 1960-2015 from the Ministry of Public Health's National Statistics Division were reviewed. Reports and scientific literature published on the Program and the history of leprosy in Cuba were also reviewed. DEVELOPMENT Leprosy has been documented in Cuba since 1613. In 1938, the Leprosy Foundation was created with ten dispensaries nationwide for diagnosis and treatment. The first National Leprosy Control Program was established in 1962, implemented in 1963 and revised five times. In 1972, leper colonies were closed and treatment became ambulatory. In 1977, rifampicin was introduced. In 1988, the Program instituted controlled, decentralized, community-based multidrug treatment and established the criteria for considering a patient cured. In 2003, it included actions aimed at early diagnosis and prophylactic treatment of contacts. Since 2008, it prioritizes actions directed toward the population at risk, maintaining five-year followup with dermatological and neurological examination. Primary health care carries out diagnostic and treatment activities. The lowest leprosy incidence of 1.6 per 100,000 population was achieved in 2006. Since 2002, prevalence has remained steady at 0.2 per 10,000 population. Leprosy ceased to be considered a public health problem in Cuba as of 1993. In 1990-2015, 1.6% of new leprosy patients were aged <15 years. At present, late diagnosis of cases exceeds 20%, which leads to a high percentage of grade 2 disability in such patients. Spontaneous physician visits by already symptomatic patients surpassed 70% of cases diagnosed in 2010-2015. CONCLUSIONS Actions undertaken after initial detection of leprosy in Cuba failed to control it. Effective control began in 1963, with the implementation of the National Leprosy Control Program, whose systematic actions have had an impact on trends in leprosy, reflected in WHO's 1993 declaration that leprosy was no longer a public health problem in Cuba. KEYWORDS Leprosy, Mycobacterium leprae, history of medicine, epidemiology, communicable disease control, Cuba.

The use of paleomicrobiological techniques in leprosy has the potential to assist paleopathologists in many important aspects of their studies on the bones of victims, solving at times diagnostic problems. With Mycobacterium leprae, because of the unique nature of the organism, these techniques can help solve problems of differential diagnosis. In cases of co-infection with Mycobacterium tuberculosis, they can also suggest a cause of death and possibly even trace the migratory patterns of people in antiquity, as well as explain changes in the rates and level of infection within populations in antiquity.

This article discusses the requests submitted by nuns from Convento da Ajuda (Ajuda Convent) to leave their life of enclosure to receive treatment for contagious diseases. Disease was one of the few cases in which nuns were granted permission to leave. The female orders were strictly cloistered in order to preserve their purity as virgins consecrated to Christ. Extant documents detail the causes of the diseases, the ways they were transmitted, and the treatments used to fight them. These processes shed light on the procedures adopted outside the cloisters so that the nuns did not jeopardize their reclusion and honor when they went to distant places in search of treatment.

The incidence of leprosy in Governador Valadares, Brazil, in the 1980s spurred this town to pioneer the introduction of polychemotherapy. The aim of this research was to understand how the different actors involved in this context interacted, especially the employees and patients at the Special Public Health Service. To identify the territories that these interactions inevitably constituted, a variety of theoretical instruments were used, including dramatism (Burke) and performance (Turner). By taking a theatrical metaphor, we sought to find out the dynamics by which the different actors took the stage and established their most significant relationships in a dynamic process of constituted and reconstituted territories.

This article analyzes the root causes of the shortage of social support for the relatives of people with leprosy, especially their children, in the state of Goiás, Central West region of Brazil, between 1920 and 1962. It focuses on the constitution of discourses that defined the medical and philanthropic care for the children of people isolated in leper colonies as a problem, and how this process resulted in the organization of the Society for the Welfare of Lepers and Defense Against Leprosy, and the construction of Afrânio de Azevedo children's home in Goiânia, the state capital. These elements are directly associated with the construction of a new approach in the regional history and social and medical policies for leprosy.

Background: Though the World Health Organization declared the 'elimination of leprosy as public health problem' in 2000, the disease remains endemic in many countries. Current trends in incidence of infection and disease are unclear., Methods: Data on leprosy prevalence between 1977-2013 and data on new leprosy cases detected in the Republic of Korea between 1989-2013 were analysed by age, sex, clinical types, mode of detection, family history, disability grading and geographical distribution., Results: Both prevalence and incidence have declined greatly. There has been a shift to an increased proportion of multibacillary disease, and older age groups, consistent with a dramatic decrease in infection transmission in recent decades. An increase in proportion of cases with family history of disease is consistent with these declines. There is evidence that declines in infection and disease have been greater in the north of the country, as revealed in patterns by place of birth over time. Cases in immigrants now form a substantial proportion of leprosy disease in the Republic of Korea., Conclusions: Leprosy has declined dramatically in the Republic of Korea in recent decades, and transmission of M. leprae may have effectively stopped. There remains a burden of care for individuals whose disease developed in the past, and there may be some additional newly detected cases among immigrants and among older individuals who acquired autochthonous infections decades ago.

This article discusses the historical aspects of the policies for controlling Hansen's disease in the state of Amazonas from the second half of the nineteenth century until the dismantling of this model in 1978. We present the historical changes in the local institutions and policies, and their relationship with national policies. The history and policies related to Hansen's disease in the state of Amazonas are analyzed through the following institutions: Umirisal, the Oswaldo Cruz Dispensary, the Paricatuba Leprosarium, the Antônio Aleixo Colony, and the Gustavo Capanema Preventorium. We seek to show that these institutions cared for the people who suffered from Hansen's disease and those related to them, and were also responsible for carrying out the policies for fighting and controlling the disease.

From a historical viewpoint, all the elements surrounding a disease, from its name to the weight of meaning attached to it, are the result of "negotiations" in which many sections of society are participants. In the case of leprosy, the discovery of sulfones in 1941 made a significant contribution towards transforming our understanding of this disease, leading to questions being raised as to the measures adopted for its prevention and control, particularly the compulsory isolation of sufferers. On the basis of these assumptions, this article examines the debate which took place regarding the process whereby the old prophylactic procedures for the control of leprosy were replaced, in an important national journal, Arquivos Mineiros de Leprologia, in the 1950s.

By the late nineteenth century an international controversy arose referred to the probable existence of certain diseases such as leprosy, syphilis and lupus in pre-Columbian America. Led by the American physician Albert Sidney Ashmead (1850-1911), it brought together scholars from Europe and the Americas. In this context, certain types of Peruvian archaeological pottery and "mummies", along with series of photographs illustrating the effects of these diseases in contemporary patients, met a prominent role as comparative evidence. In this article we analyze how this type of collections were used as evidence in the debates about pathologies of the past, an issue that from a historical standpoint have received considerably little attention.

Leprosy is an ancient infectious disease caused by Mycobacterium leprae. According to comparative genomics studies, this disease originated in Eastern Africa or the Near East and spread with successive human migrations. The Europeans and North Africans introduced leprosy into West Africa and the Americas within the past 500 years. In Brazil, this disease arrived with the colonizers who disembarked at the first colonies, Rio de Janeiro, Salvador and Recife, at the end of the sixteenth century, after which it was spread to the other states. In 1854, the first leprosy cases were identified in State of Amazonas in the north of Brazil. The increasing number of leprosy cases and the need for treatment and disease control led to the creation of places to isolate patients, known as leprosaria. One of them, Colonia Antônio Aleixo was built in Amazonas in 1956 according to the most advanced recommendations for isolation at that time and was deactivated in 1979. The history of the Alfredo da Matta Center (AMC), which was the first leprosy dispensary created in 1955, parallels the history of leprosy in the state. Over the years, the AMC has become one of the best training centers for leprosy, general dermatology and sexually transmitted diseases in Brazil. In addition to being responsible for leprosy control programs in the state, the AMC has carried out training programs on leprosy diagnosis and treatment for health professionals in Manaus and other municipalities of the state, aiming to increase the coverage of leprosy control activities. This paper provides a historical overview of leprosy in State of Amazonas, which is an endemic state in Brazil.

Throughout time from antiquity, the major objective of crutches was to restore, as close as possible, the functional capacity formerly held by a limb deficient person. The crutch is probably the oldest tool of the orthopaedist. It is probably also the most neglected in terms of progress from antiquity until the 20th century. The aim of this paper is to give a view of the different crutches used in this period by different people and to observe the influence of this period on the progress of the design of crutches.

Objectives: Clinico-epidemiological pattern of childhood leprosy in India over the past two decades were analysed from the Indian studies conducted during the years 1990-2009., Results: Twelve studies on childhood leprosy were included. Ten were conducted in health institutions and one was a community-based survey. Voluntary reporting was the principal method of case detection; community survey was adopted in two studies. Occurrence of childhood leprosy in tertiary care hospitals varied from 5.1-11.43%, in one urban clinic and the three leprosy referral hospitals it was 9.81-31.3% and peripheral surveys recorded 7.06-35.5% cases. History of familial contact was present in 0.66-47% cases. Borderline tuberculoid was the commonest clinical type, majority with single lesion. Other types were indeterminate (3.48-10.1%), borderline lepromatous (1.9-19.4%), lepromatous (0.1 to 9.38%), and pure neuritic (3.48-10.1%). Single peripheral nerve trunk was involved in 13.63-40-62% cases and multiple nerve involvement was recorded in 4.54-59.38% cases. The majority of cases were paucibacillary (43.28-98%). Multibacillary (MB) cases ranged from 2-56.6%. Slit-skin smear positive cases ranged from 5.42-25%. Lepra reactions occurred in 0-29.7% cases. Relapse rate varied between 1.16-7.1%. Deformity occurred in 0-24% cases., Conclusions: Multibacillary cases were common among Indian children, some of whom were smear positive. Probably these cases were the source of many new cases. Pure neuritic leprosy was frequent among Indian children, so also the lepra reactions and deformities. The presence of familial and extra-familial contact with leprosy cases may be a cause of concern, as it implies continuing transmission of the disease.

The record of the first cases of leprosy in Rio de Janeiro dates from the seventeenth century. The first local host of leprosy patients was created from 1741, and the first colonies hospitals were built in the early twentieth century, in order to avoid contagion of the population. The first structures dedicated to research also date from this time: the Leprosy International Institute, the Leprology Institute, and the Leprosy Laboratory of the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, where the most prestigious leprologists of Rio de Janeiro worked. Currently, investigations are focused on the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation; additionally, leprosy patients are treated at municipal health centers and state hospitals, and former colony hospitals only accept patients with severe disabilities.