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Purpose A popular idea in the social sciences is that contexts with high income inequality undermine people’s well-being and health. However, existing studies documenting this phenomenon typically compare a small number of higher-level units (countries/regions). Here, we use local income inequality indicators and temporal designs to provide the most highly powered test to date of the associations between income inequality and self-reported happiness and health in the US A Method We combined county-level income inequality data (county-level Gini coefficients) with the responses from the General Social Survey (GSS) Cross-sectional dataset (13,000 + participants from ≈1000 county-waves) and Panels (3 × 3000 + participants from 3 × ≈500 county-waves); we used the GSS happiness (“not too happy,” “pretty happy,” or “very happy”) and health (“poor,” “fair,” “good,” or “excellent”) variables. Results Multilevel-ordered logistic models and equivalence tests revealed that the within-county effects of income inequality on self-reported happiness and health were systematically equivalent to zero. Additional analyses revealed that the within-state effects were identical, that using alternative measures of state income inequality led to the same conclusions, and that lagged effects (between + 1 and + 12 years) were never significant and always equivalent to zero. Conclusion The present work suggests that—at least in the USA—income inequality is likely neither associated with self-reported happiness nor with self-reported health.

The present research examines the relationship between political orientation and attitude towards new teaching interventions. Parents of pupils read the description of a “new teaching intervention” and reported their interest in this intervention and their support for its implementation in their children's school. Depending on the experimental condition, the intervention was presented either as equalising the academic performance of pupils from advantaged and disadvantaged backgrounds (“equalising” intervention) or as maintaining them (the “maintaining” intervention). Their political orientation was also measured. Results showed that the more parents tended towards the right wing of the political scale, the less interested they were in the intervention and the less they supported its implementation in their children’s school. In addition, political orientation was related to support for the equalising intervention but not the maintaining (i.e., enhancing) intervention. The implications of these results for school change are discussed., Cette recherche étudie le lien entre orientation politique et attitude vis-à-vis d’une nouvelle méthode pédagogique. Des parents d’élèves ont lu la description d’une nouvelle méthode pédagogique et ont rapporté leur intérêt dans cette méthode ainsi que leur soutien à sa mise en place dans l’école de leurs enfants. En fonction de la condition expérimentale, la méthode était présentée, soit comme égalisant les performances scolaires des élèves issus de milieux favorisés et défavorisés (méthode « égalisante »), soit comme les maintenant (méthode « maintenante »). L’orientation politique des parents était mesurée. Les résultats ont montré que plus leur orientation politique tendait vers la droite, moins les parents étaient intéressés par la méthode et moins ils soutenaient son implémentation. En outre, l’orientation à droite prédisait négativement le soutien à la méthode égalisante, et non à la méthode maintenante. Les implications de ces résultats pour le changement de l’école sont discutées.

PurposeThe consumption of music performed in different languages represents a significant aspect of the contemporary cultural experience. This phenomenon questions how different languages mediate music consumption in specific national contexts. In this paper, the authors investigate the case of live music consumption in France.Design/methodology/approachThe authors surveyed 428 persons who saw 159 artists either performing in French or in English in 46 locations around Paris, France. The authors tested the effect of the language of the concert on three dimensions of music consumption: singing in unison, appraisal of the lyrics and dancing.FindingsMultilevel analysis revealed that English was positively associated with dancing, whereas French was positively associated with the appraisal of the lyrics. The authors found no evidence that the language of the concert was associated with differences in singing in unison.Originality/valueResults are discussed with respect to language diversity in the context of globalised popular music consumption.

A puzzle has emerged amidst rising inequality: why do people profess high levels of belief in meritocracy even as income gains are increasingly concentrated at the top? In light of contradictory theories and evidence, we undertake the first assessment of the relationship between local income inequality and meritocratic beliefs outside the United States, using data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study. We find that the positive relationship between country-level income inequality and meritocratic beliefs identified in the recent literature does not translate straightforwardly below country level: there is no robust relationship between local income inequality and meritocratic beliefs in England. However, there is a robust—and somewhat paradoxical—positive association between high local income inequality and meritocratic beliefs among those with the lowest incomes. On average, respondents with annual household incomes of £10,000 are five points more likely (on a 100-point scale) to believe their hard work will pay off if they live in the most rather than the least unequal places in England. We also show that this applies beyond the specific case of meritocratic beliefs: low-income respondents in unequal places are also notably more satisfied with their own (low) income than similar respondents in more equal localities. In line with system justification theory, we argue that belief in meritocracy serves as an important tool of psychological resilience for low-income individuals who regularly come into contact with others more economically fortunate than themselves: though it legitimates their current position at the bottom of the status hierarchy, this belief also offers the promise of future advancement. While this reduces concern about the psychological effects of growing local income inequality on the most economically vulnerable, it also suggests that there is little prospect of demand for systemic economic change emerging from what might have been considered the most likely places.

Background We examined whether young men and women differ in the relation between porn use and sexual performance (sexual self-competence, sexual functioning, and partner-reported sexual satisfaction). Methods We conducted a three-wave longitudinal study (spanning 2015-16-17) that involved a very large number of men and women in their early 20s (100 000 + French-speaking individuals; 4000 + heterosexual couples). Results The results revealed a twofold phenomenon. Among men, a higher frequency of porn use (wave 1) and increased porn use over time (waves 1–3) were associated with lower levels of sexual self-competence, impaired sexual functioning, and decreased partner-reported sexual satisfaction. In contrast, among women, higher and increasing frequencies of porn use were associated with higher levels of sexual self-competence, improved sexual functioning, and enhanced partner-reported sexual satisfaction (for some aspects). Conclusions The findings reveal the irony that porn – a male-dominated industry that targets a male-dominated audience – is associated with the erosion of the quality of men's sex lives and the improvement of women's sex lives.

Competitiveness and cooperativeness are important predictors of social and learning outcomes at school. Drawing on evidence suggesting that contexts with high income inequality foster an ethos of competitiveness and inhibit cooperativeness in the economic environment, we examine whether income inequality is also associated with more competitiveness and less cooperativeness in the academic environment. We conducted four preregistered studies to test this idea. In Study 1, analysis of the OECD PISA 2018 dataset (≈500,000 15-year-old students from 75 countries) revealed that students from economically unequal countries perceive their schoolmates as more competitive and less cooperative. In Study 2a-2b, analysis of the PISA 2003 (250,000+ students from 38 countries) and PISA 2000 (75,000+ students from 32 countries) datasets revealed that students from unequal countries are themselves more competitive and, surprisingly, also more cooperative. Follow-up analyses resolved this apparent paradox, showing that students from unequal countries are oriented towards instrumental rather than intrinsic cooperativeness (i.e., using cooperation as a strategic tool to achieve academic success rather than for the enjoyment of the activity itself). Study 3 offers a conceptual experimental replication (≈850 young adults imagining going back to school) and indicates that induced income inequality (i) increases perceived competitiveness, (ii) decreases perceived cooperativeness, (iii) prompts an orientation towards competitiveness, and (iv) prompts an orientation towards instrumental rather than intrinsic cooperativeness. Results are discussed in relation to the multidisciplinary literatures on the psychology of income inequality, the selective function of school systems, coopetition, self-determination, and cooperative learning.

Social scientists have begun to extensively study how living in contexts with high income inequality affects psychological outcomes. Herein we overview a conceptual framework that integrates, organizes, and extends these complex (and sometimes contradictory) findings. First, we describe studies showing that income inequality breeds an ethos of competitiveness. Second, we argue that the inequality-competitiveness relation explains why income inequality (a) promotes status-focused behaviors aimed at lifting oneself up and/or bringing others down, (b) harms social relations when they pose an obstacle to one’s economic advancement, (c) exerts opposing effects on well-being via avoidance motivation (focusing on the risk of economic failure) and approach motivation (focusing on the prospect of economic success), and (d) represents a threat to those who perceive they do not have sufficient individual/contextual resources to cope with the demands of competition but a challenge to those with sufficient resources. We also discuss limitations and future directions for research.

The gradient between income and health is well established: the lower the income, the poorer the health. However, low income (having few economic resources) may not be enough to characterize economic vulnerability, and financial scarcity (perceiving having insufficient economic resources) may further reduce health. First, analysis of cross-national data (275,000+ participants from 200+ country-years) revealed that financial scarcity was associated with twice the odds of suffering from reduced self-rated health and feelings of unhappiness; this association was observed in ≈90% of the country-years and explained variance over and above income. Second, analysis of national longitudinal data (20,000+ participants over 20 years of assessment) revealed that facing financial scarcity in the course of one's life decreased self-rated and objective health and increased feelings of depression; again, these effects explained variance over and above income. Two subsidiary findings were obtained: (i) three adverse life events (illness, separation, family conflicts) predicted financial scarcity over the life course, and (ii) self-mastery (a component of sense of control) accounted for the detrimental longitudinal effects of financial scarcity on health. This research suggests that to understand socioeconomic inequality in health, one should consider not only an individual's quantity of monetary resources but also the perceived sufficiency of these resources.

Trust is the social glue that holds society together. The academic consensus is that trust is weaker among lower-class individuals and in unequal regions/countries, which is often considered a threat to a healthy society. However, existing studies are inconsistent and have two limitations: (i) variability in the measurement of social class and (ii) small numbers of higher level units (regions/countries). We addressed these problems using large-scale (cross-)national representative surveys (encompassing 560,000+ participants from 1,500+ regional/national units). Multilevel analysis led to two consistent sets of findings. First, the effects of social class on social trust were systematically positive, whereas the effects on institutional trust depended on the way social class was measured. Second, the effects of income inequality on social and institutional trust were systematically nonsignificant and smaller than the smallest negative effect of interest. Our findings suggest that researchers need to update their knowledge: social class—not income inequality—predicts trust.

Barker’s fetal origins hypothesis and the critical period theory suggest that early life events have long-term health effects. However, evidence of the famine exposure in early life and its effects on health in later life is scarce and inconsistent. To explore the effects of early-life exposure to the Chinese famine of 1959-1961 on later-life multimorbidity, we performed Poisson growth curve models using CHARLS Life History 2014 and CHARLS 2011-2018 (42,775 observations from 12,060 respondents). Our analyses revealed two findings. First, there was an overall detrimental effect of the early-life famine exposure on multimorbidity, although there was no effect of severity of famine exposure. Second, there was no overall interaction between famine exposure and life stages, although a more parsimonious model suggested that the detrimental effect of famine exposure was more pronounced in earlier life stages than in later life stages. Findings suggest that early life is a critical period in the life course and provides developmental origins of health and disease in later life.

There exists a racial income gap in America: Blacks earn ∼38% less than Whites, but little is known about its relation to interracial psychological outcomes. Toward this end, the present research examined associations between the Black–White income gap and perceptions of interracial competition and, subsequently, negative intergroup outcomes. Study 1 extracted data from a large, preexisting data set ( N = 2,543) and provided initial support for the hypothesis that higher levels of racial income inequality are associated with increased perceptions of competition. Study 2 then recruited approximately equal numbers of White and Black participants ( N = 1,731) and demonstrated that increases in racial income inequality predict increased perceptions of competition, discrimination, behavioral avoidance, and intergroup anxiety. Implications for theory development and public policy are discussed.

Although past research has suggested that pluralistic ignorance—a mismatch between perceptions of others’ opinions and actual personal opinions—does not occur in every circumstance, no studies have directly investigated variations among different attitude objects. Drawing upon theoretical and analytical approaches based on social representations, this study examines differences between personal opinions and perceived opinions of different groups toward same-sex female parenting (a newly debated attitude object) and working mothers (an older debated attitude object). Using data from a study (N = 743) conducted in Switzerland, the findings indicate that pluralistic ignorance occurs in opinions toward same-sex female parenting. Furthermore, the findings show that pluralistic ignorance arises from false consensus among conservatives and from false uniqueness among liberals.

Objective Scholars disagree on whether income inequality has incentive or disincentive effects. In the present research, we move beyond such debate and focus on the motivational processes that income inequality predicts. First, income inequality makes economic stratification salient, and therefore should promote perceived competitiveness. Second, competitiveness can be appraised as both a challenge and a threat, and therefore should promote both approach and avoidance motivation. Method In three studies (N = 2,543), U.S. residents from various ZIP codes reported the extent to which they perceived competitiveness in their town/city (Studies 1-3), as well as their economic achievement goals, achievement motives, and self-regulatory foci (Studies 2-3). Results Level of local income inequality was found to be a positive predictor—via increased perceived competitiveness—of other-approach economic goals, need for achievement, and promotion focus, as well as other-avoidance economic goals, fear of failure (specifically, the shame/embarrassment component), and prevention focus. Furthermore, actual and perceived income inequality were positively correlated. Conclusion The conceptual and empirical work herein is the first to show how the economic environment predicts individuals’ perceptions of competitiveness, influencing personal goals, motives, and orientations. It provides a more nuanced perspective on the implications of income inequality than perspectives currently available.

We created a life-goal assessment drawing from self-determination theory and achievement goal literature, examining its predictive power regarding immoral behavior and subjective well-being. Our source items assessed direction and energization of motivation, via the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic aims and between intrinsic and extrinsic reasons for acting, respectively. Fused source items assessed four goal complexes representing a combination of direction and energization. Across three studies ( Ns = 109, 121, and 398), the extrinsic aim/extrinsic reason complex was consistently associated with immoral and/or unethical behavior beyond four source and three other goal complex variables. This was consistent with the triangle model of responsibility’s claim that immoral behaviors may result when individuals disengage the self from moral prescriptions. The extrinsic/extrinsic complex also predicted lower subjective well-being, albeit less consistently. Our goal complex approach sheds light on how self-determination theory’s goal contents and organismic integration mini-theories interact, particularly with respect to unethical behavior.

This paper aims to introduce multilevel logistic regression analysis in a simple and practical way. First, we introduce the basic principles of logistic regression analysis (conditional probability, logit transformation, odds ratio). Second, we discuss the two fundamental implications of running this kind of analysis with a nested data structure: In multilevel logistic regression, the odds that the outcome variable equals one (rather than zero) may vary from one cluster to another (i.e. the intercept may vary) and the effect of a lower-level variable may also vary from one cluster to another (i.e. the slope may vary). Third and finally, we provide a simplified three-step “turnkey” procedure for multilevel logistic regression modeling: -Preliminary phase: Cluster- or grand-mean centering variables -Step #1: Running an empty model and calculating the intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) -Step #2: Running a constrained and an augmented intermediate model and performing a likelihood ratio test to determine whether considering the cluster-based variation of the effect of the lower-level variable improves the model fit -Step #3 Running a final model and interpreting the odds ratio and confidence intervals to determine whether data support your hypothesis Command syntax for Stata, R, Mplus, and SPSS are included. These steps will be applied to a study on Justin Bieber, because everybody likes Justin Bieber.1

Achievement goals are self-regulatory commitments that provide direction to individuals as they interpret and respond to competence-relevant situations. Four types of achievement goals have been the primary focus of the literature: Masteryapproach goals (master a task; improve over time), performance-approach goals (outperform others), mastery-avoidance goals (not fall short of mastering a task; not decline over time), and performance-avoidance goals (not be outperformed by others).

We adopted an achievement goal complex framework (studying achievement goals and reasons connected to goals) to determine when and why performance goals predict exploitation of others’ knowledge. We hypothesized that: (i) when selective assessment is used (exams aiming to select a limited number of individuals), the link between performance goals and exploitation orientation is stronger; (ii) the reason why is that selective assessment fosters performance goals regulated by controlled reasons. Study 1 (N = 166) supported these hypotheses in a “real world” environment, comparing students enrolled in programs using non-selective versus selective assessment (but having a majority of common courses). Then, an experimental causal-chain-like design was used. In Study 2 (N = 187), presenting an intelligence test as selective (vs. [self-]evaluative) predicted controlled reasons connected to performance goals. In Study 3 (N = 192), inducing performance goals using controlling (vs. autonomy-supportive) language predicted exploitation orientation, indirectly impairing information-sharing behaviors. The results contribute to the understanding of both the structural antecedents and interpersonal consequences of achievement goal complexes.

Following the status-anxiety hypothesis, the psychological consequences of income inequality should be particularly severe for economically vulnerable individuals. Oddly, however, income inequality is often found to affect vulnerable low-income and advantaged high-income groups equally. We argue that economic vulnerability is better captured by a financial-scarcity measure and hypothesize that income inequality primarily impairs the psychological health of people facing scarcity. First, repeated cross-sectional international data (from the World Values Survey: 146,034 participants; 105 country waves) revealed that the within-country effect of national income inequality on feelings of unhappiness was limited to individuals facing scarcity (≈25% of the World Values Survey population). Second, longitudinal national data (Swiss Household Panel: 14,790 participants; 15,595 municipality years) revealed that the within-life-course effect of local income inequality on psychological health problems was also limited to these individuals (< 10% of the Swiss population). Income inequality by itself may not be a problem for psychological health but, rather, may be a catalyst for the consequences of financial scarcity.

ObjectiveScholars disagree on whether income inequality has incentive or disincentive effects. In the present research, we move beyond such debate and focus on the motivational processes that income inequality predicts. First, income inequality makes economic stratification salient, and therefore should promote perceived competitiveness. Second, competitiveness can be appraised as both a challenge and a threat, and therefore should promote both approach and avoidance motivation. MethodIn three studies (N = 2,543), U.S. residents from various ZIP codes reported the extent to which they perceived competitiveness in their town/city (Studies 1-3), as well as their economic achievement goals, achievement motives, and self-regulatory foci (Studies 2-3). ResultsLevel of local income inequality was found to be a positive predictor—via increased perceived competitiveness—of other-approach economic goals, need for achievement, and promotion focus, as well as other-avoidance economic goals, fear of failure (specifically, the shame/embarrassment component), and prevention focus. Furthermore, actual and perceived income inequality were positively correlated. ConclusionThe conceptual and empirical work herein is the first to show how the economic environment predicts individuals’ perceptions of competitiveness, influencing personal goals, motives, and orientations. It provides a more nuanced perspective on the implications of income inequality than perspectives currently available.

Confirmation is a widespread tendency to seek, use, interpret or remember information in such a way as to corroborate one’s hypothesis. We review various conceptions of confirmation and classify th...

Following the “status anxiety hypothesis,” the psychological consequences of income inequality should be particularly severe for economically vulnerable individuals. However, oddly, income inequality is often found to affect vulnerable low-income and advantaged high-income groups equally. We argue that economic vulnerability is better captured by a financial scarcity measure and hypothesize that income inequality primarily impairs the psychological health of people facing scarcity. First, repeated cross-sectional international data (WVS: 146,034 participants; 105 country-waves) revealed that the within-country effect of national income inequality on feelings of unhappiness was limited to individuals facing scarcity (≈ 25% of the WVS population). Second, longitudinal national data (SHP: 14,790 participants; 15,595 municipality-years) revealed that the within-life-course effect of local income inequality on psychological health problems was also limited to these individuals (< 10% of the Swiss population). Income inequality by itself may not be a problem for psychological health but rather a catalyst for the consequences of scarcity.

International audience; In primary school, learning fractions is a central mathematical objective. However, the mastery of basic procedures involving fractions presents a difficulty for many students. The aim of the current intervention is to introduce structured cooperative learning as means to improve students' learning, particularly for average achievers. Previous research has underscored that heterogeneous groups might be deleterious for average achievers because they are excluded by the teacher learner relationships that is likely to take place between low and high achievers students. This intervention proposes structuring interactions in order to boost the learning of average achievers in heterogeneous groups. We hypothesize that highly structured cooperative learning should improve average achievers' understanding of the content-targeted in group work as well as progress in terms of fractions learning, when compared to low-structured cooperative learning. In this intervention, 108 fifth graders worked cooperatively in heterogeneous triads (a low, average, and high achiever). The triads had to express the length of one segment using three rulers with different sub-units and respecting three mathematical skills regarding fractions. Triads were randomly assigned to a low-structured or high-structured cooperative learning condition. In the low-structured condition, no specific structure was provided. (i.e., they organized their cooperative work as they wished). In the high-structured condition, each student became an expert for one part before working in the triad and endorsed different responsibilities. The results indicated that highly structured cooperative learning favors the understanding of the targeted task, especially for average-ability students. Moreover, students at all levels progressed from the baseline test to the post-test. Indeed, low and high achievers had the same progression in both conditions, whereas average achievers progressed more in the highly structured condition. Results are discussed in terms of new teaching methods that could efficiently increase average achievers’ performances.

International audience; In the present research, we proposed a systematic approach to disentangling the shared and unique variance explained by achievement goals, reasons for goal pursuit, and specific goal-reason combinations (i.e., achievement goal complexes). Four studies using this approach (involving nearly 1,800 participants) led to 3 basic sets of findings. First, when testing goals and reasons separately, mastery (-approach) goals and autonomous reasons explained variance in beneficial experiential (interest, satisfaction, positive emotion) and self-regulated learning (deep learning, help-seeking, challenging tasks, persistence) outcomes. Second, when testing goals and reasons simultaneously, mastery goals and autonomous reasons explained independent variance in most of the outcomes, with the predictive strength of each being diminished. Third, when testing goals, reasons, and goal complexes together, the autonomous mastery goal complex explained incremental variance in most of the outcomes, with the predictive strength of both mastery goals and autonomous reasons being diminished. Comparable results were observed for performance (-approach) goals, the autonomous performance goal complex, and performance goal-relevant outcomes. These findings suggest that achievement goals and reasons are both distinct and overlapping constructs, and that neither unilaterally eliminates the influence of the other. Integrating achievement goals and reasons offers the most promising avenue for a full account of competence motivation.

© 2017 Elsevier Inc. How are competitive goals transmitted over time? As most competence-relevant contexts (e.g., school) are hierarchy-relevant (e.g., teacher/students), supervisors’ performance-approach goals (desire to outperform others) should play a major role. We formulated a performance goals socialization hypothesis: The higher a supervisor's performance-approach goals, the stronger the effects of time on followers’ performance-approach and -avoidance (desire not to be outperformed by others) goals. Study 1, involving coaches and their soccer players, showed that indeed a performance goals socialization phenomenon exists. Study 2, involving thesis supervisors and their Ph.D. students, showed its consequences: performance goals socialization reduced subordinates’ motivation and well-being over time. Study 3, involving video game team leaders and their players, showed its enabling condition: the stronger the subordinates’ identification to their team, the more pronounced the performance goals socialization. Study 4, involving schoolteachers and their pupils, showed its directional moderator: the higher the subordinates’ perceived self-competence, the higher the change in performance-approach goals over time, and the lower that in performance-avoidance goals. It is then crucial to consider social hierarchy when studying goal formation. ispartof: Contemporary Educational Psychology vol:49 issue:49 pages:337-354 status: published

International audience; Socio-cognitive conflict has been defined as a situation of confrontation with a disagreeing other. Previous research suggests that individuals can regulate conflict in a relational way, namely by focusing on social comparison between relative levels of competences. Relational conflict regulation has been described as yielding particularly negative effects on social interactions and learning, but has been understudied. The present research addresses the question of the origin of relational conflict regulation by introducing a fundamental distinction between two types of regulation, one based on the affirmation of one's own point of view and the invalidation of the other's (i.e., " competitive " regulation), the other corresponding to the protection of self-competence via compliance (i.e., " protective " regulation). Three studies show that these modes of relational conflict regulation result from the endorsement of distinct performance goals, respectively performance-approach goals (trying to outperform others) and performance-avoidance goals (avoiding performing more poorly than others). Theoretical implications for the literature on both conflict regulation and achievement goals are discussed.

International audience; As compared to continuing-generation students, first-generation students are struggling more at university. In the present article, we question the unconditional nature of such a phenomenon and argue that it depends on structural competition. Indeed, most academic departments use harsh selection procedure all throughout the curriculum, fostering between-student competition. In these departments, first-generation students tend to suffer from a lack of student-institution fit, that is, inconsistencies with the competitive institution's culture, practices, and identity. However, one might contend that in less competitive academic departments continuing-generation students might be the ones experiencing a lack of fit. Using a cross-sectional design, we investigated the consequences of such a context-and category-dependent lack of fit on the endorsement of scholastically adaptive goals. We surveyed N = 378 first-and continuing-generation students from either a more competitive or a less competitive department in their first or final year of bachelor's study. In the more competitive department, first-to-third year decrease of mastery goals (i.e., the desire to learn) was found to be steeper for first-than for continuing-generation students. In the less competitive department, the reversed pattern was found. Moreover, first-to-third year decrease of performance goals (i.e., the desire to outperform others) was found to be steeper within the less competitive department but did not depend on social class. This single-site preliminary research highlights the need to take the academic context into account when studying the social class graduation gap.

Mugny and his colleagues have shown that conflict is sometimes detrimental for learning, but other times beneficial, depending on how it is regulated. Yet, it is assumed that laypeople perceive conflict as 'uniformly' negative. We argue that the valence of these lay perceptions depends on the mode of conflict regulation. Epistemic and relational protective conflict regulation behaviors (integrative and submissive response, respectively) can be described as more focused on the other than relational competitive conflict regulation (self-confirmatory response); thus, they should be perceived as more socially desirable. Moreover, epistemic and competitive regulations can be described as more focused on the self than protective regulation; thus, they should be perceived as more socially useful. First-year psychology students ('N' = 119) participants evaluated three bogus respondents allegedly regulating conflict in an epistemic, competitive, or protective manner. Results supported both hypotheses, suggesting that conflict is not to be avoided per se and can be positively valued as a function of its regulation.

Cedric et Stephane sont deux etudiants en premiere annee de Psychologie. Lors d’une seance de travaux pratiques, ils cherchent la cause du trouble bipolaire. Cedric avance que l’origine est d’ordre genetique, tandis que Stephane pense qu’elle est a chercher dans l’environnement social du patient. Que va faire Cedric ? Va-t-il se replonger dans ses cours de psychopathologie pour comprendre l’etiologie du trouble ? Ou va-t-il essayer d’affirmer la superiorite de son opinion sur celle de Stephane ? Ou va-t-il plus simplement lui donner raison ? Cette situation de confrontation a un autrui en desaccord est qualifiee par certains auteurs de conflit sociocognitif1. Ce dernier se caracterise par une double incertitude. D’une part, il remet en question la maitrise de la tâche (le versant cognitif du conflit : « Ma reponse est-elle valide ? »). D’autre part, il peut constituer une menace pour la competence (le versant social du conflit : « L’autre est-il meilleur que moi ? »).