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The pandemic has had implications at different levels. This article shows the impact on transborder women whose working lives have been affected, as has their struggle for their rights and their labor as care-workers. We underline the intrinsic articulation between economic and social relations of inhabitants on both sides of the international border, gender dimensions that affect trans-frontier women and the social differentiation that is generated between those that hold one type of document or another after the partial closure of the borderline. We base our analysis on ethnographic cases chosen from a broader sampler (2019-2020) to account for a range of women who have made strides in their processes of autonomy and empowerment, but find themselves made vulnerable by the closure of the borderline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the functionality of conflict talk (Grimshaw, 1990; Bou-Franch and Garcés-Conejos Blitvich, 2014) as an ideologically loaded, indirect index of identity construction (Kiesling, 2013). It focuses on the construction of the Latino identity: a transnational (de Fina & Perrino, 2013), top-down identity, that was created in the 1970s by the Nixon administration. The data for this study comprise the comments posted on a CNN discussion forum in response to Soledad O'Brian's question “What did you think about Latino in America?” A cursory look at the corpus indicated that many Latino participants felt insulted arguing CNN – with its focus on illegal Latinos – had presented the community in a bad light. Thus, transnational identities and the internet, crucially related to globalization, come together in this study. Results show that conflict talk plays a major role in the construction of intragroup dissociation both thematically and at the microlevel. Furthermore, the fact that complex selective dissociation (Garcia-Bedolla, 2003), rather than simpler dis/affiliation processes routinely associated with the construction of social identities (van Dijk 1998) is more at play in the corpus seems to confirm the need for complexity in the study of culture and identity (Blommaert, 2013a). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a small number of transborder students who reside in Mexico but go to school in the United States. Less than 2.5 percent of students residing in border cities such as Tijuana, Ciudad Juarez or Nogales, are transborder students. Pupils born in Mexico that go to school in the United states represent less than 1 percent of the student population in all educational levels. Country of birth, having parents that are international commuters, and household income are elements that enable or limit transborder membership. High earnings are the central factor for Mexicans that want to go to school del otro lado. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have identified more than 90 susceptibility loci for breast cancer, but the underlying biology of those associations needs to be further elucidated. More genetic factors for breast cancer are yet to be identified but sample size constraints preclude the identification of individual genetic variants with weak effects using traditional GWAS methods. To address this challenge, we utilized a gene-level expression-based method, implemented in the MetaXcan software, to predict gene expression levels for 11,536 genes using expression quantitative trait loci and examine the genetically-predicted expression of specific genes for association with overall breast cancer risk and estrogen receptor (ER)-negative breast cancer risk. Using GWAS datasets from a Challenge launched by National Cancer Institute, we identified TP53INP2 (tumor protein p53-inducible nuclear protein 2) at 20q11.22 to be significantly associated with ER-negative breast cancer (Z = -5.013, p = 5.35×10−7, Bonferroni threshold = 4.33×10−6). The association was consistent across four GWAS datasets, representing European, African and Asian ancestry populations. There are 6 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) included in the prediction of TP53INP2 expression and five of them were associated with estrogen-receptor negative breast cancer, although none of the SNP-level associations reached genome-wide significance. We conducted a replication study using a dataset outside of the Challenge, and found the association between TP53INP2 and ER-negative breast cancer was significant (p = 5.07x10-3). Expression of HP (16q22.2) showed a suggestive association with ER-negative breast cancer in the discovery phase (Z = 4.30, p = 1.70x10-5) although the association was not significant after Bonferroni adjustment. Of the 249 genes that are 250 kb within known breast cancer susceptibility loci identified from previous GWAS, 20 genes (8.0%) were statistically significant associated with ER-negative breast cancer (p<0.05), compared to 582 (5.2%) of 11,287 genes that are not close to previous GWAS loci. This study demonstrated that expression-based gene mapping is a promising approach for identifying cancer susceptibility genes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this manuscript is to contribute to the discussion of transborder and border issues based on border studies in order to develop an explanatory framework that allows one to understand what makes a border region or space a transborder region or space. The consideration of scale and perspective from the territory under analysis is important for understanding this shift. We theorize that a region or space becomes transborder mainly through the interaction produced by the constant crossing and mobility of people as well as the deployment of a series of social practices in which the border is both a reference and a resource. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory at its core posits that the majority ethnic group in one state will come to the defense of its ethnic brethren that are a minority in a neighboring state, if that group is facing discrimination or repression. The actions of political leaders in Moscow, who claimed that they were concerned about the Russian minority in Ukraine, suggest that modifications to this theory are necessary. Intervention will only occur when it is in the self-interest of the neighboring state or in the self-interest of the governing elite of that state. Russian perceptions of threats to Russian national interests originating in the West made the interference in the Ukrainian political system more likely. Similar perceptions of threats from abroad to foreign policy interests for other states, or their leaders, could lead to support for ethnic minorities. The resulting modified Transnational Ethnic Alliance Theory can be used as a tool to predict better and explain foreign interference anywhere that ethnic groups overlap between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the broader context of regional studies, the South Atlantic comes across as a singular, yet still understudied case study for the formation, evolution, and regression of security regionalism dynamics. More so when South Atlantic countries have come to engage in increased regionally focused interactions through wider defence co-operation ties. However, they have also steadfastly eschewed any kind of permanent structures and shared sovereignty over sensitive security issues. This article strives to ascertain the limits and prospects of these regional security dynamics in the South Atlantic. With the focal points set on both South American and African shores, I pinpoint key overtures in this area and question their contribution to advancing an overall regionalisation process. Despite shared threat perceptions and an absence of major intra-regional conflicts, I arguethat South Atlantic security regionalism lacks a stable and permanent structure inasmuch as it lacksreal autonomy from the dictums of external regional powers, thus leaving the transatlantic space still in flux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the changes in two cross-border processes: employment and giving birth in the United States among the northern border populations of Mexico between 2000 and 2010. Various statistical methods are used to analyze the trends and the changes in the socioeconomic profiles of those who perform these practices. While the numbers of cross-border workers dropped, cross-border births increased; people with higher levels of education became increasingly represented in both categories. These results suggest that this border has become a more selective "blockade" for transborder interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The form of transborder interactions depends inter alia on trust and the convergence of values among neighbouring societies. In addition, cooperation is fostered by the similarity of language and a long history of cross-border contacts and collaboration. The Polish-German borderland emerged as a consequence of border treaties after World War II, and so is an example of a new neighbourhood, because both sides of the border are inhabited by people who settled there after 1945. There is a significant cultural distance between Poles and Germans. In this article we deal with the question of the perception of Germans by Poles - the attributes that are ascribed to them by the inhabitants of Zgorzelec, Gubin and Słubice. Are the (spatially) closest neighbours still divided by mental barriers? Are Germans judged by stereotypes? Or maybe, as a consequence of the widely undertaken transborder practices, these barriers have been done away with or their importance is diminishing, and with them the distance between Poles and Germans in twin towns? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on aspects related to development of transnational intimacies in Chinese-Western families residing in Beijing. Topics discussed include cultural situations involved in extension of research work, transitions in close relationships, intimate space in China, and geographical distances.

The article discusses the concept of the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: Implementing the United Nations Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework, by the intergovernmental body UN Human Rights Council. The framework provides information on how the human rights responsibility of transnational and international law, the establishment of an authoritative global standard and the adverse impacts of human rights arising from business-related activity.

This article introduces the new Family of Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) data sets, version 2014, which is the latest in a series of data sets on ethnicity that have stimulated civil war research in the past decade. The EPR Family provides data on ethnic groups’ access to state power, their settlement patterns, links to rebel organizations, transborder ethnic kin relations, and intraethnic cleavages. The new 2014 version does not only extend the data set’s temporal coverage from 2009 to 2013, but it also offers several new features, such as a new measure of regional autonomy that is independent of national-level executive power and a new data set component coding intraethnic identities and cleavages. Moreover, for the first time, detailed documentation of the EPR data is provided through the EPR Atlas. This article presents these novelties in detail and compares the EPR Family 2014 to the most relevant alternative data sets on ethnicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the mid-1990s, conservationists in the Rocky Mountains of the United States and Canada encountered the assonant composite of two nationally iconic words: “Yellowstone to Yukon.” Y2Y attracted a significant audience within the conservation world, not least—but not only—because each word connoted touchstone beliefs about wildness, wilderness, and wildlife. Today Y2Y is widely recognized as one of the earliest transboundary “large landscape” conservation initiatives, and the Y2Y label applies to a landscape vision, a geographic region, a conservation mission, a network, and an organization. More indefinite is the degree to which Y2Y has served as a form of mountain governance. Y2Y has helped to establish an interconnected community of conservation practitioners and conservation supporters, has channeled sizeable scientific attention toward the needs of far-ranging wildlife and, via norm entrepreneurialism and discursive shift, has brought about significant coherence within the conservation community on the need for landscape connectivity. Yet while some decision makers have formally recognized Y2Y, the influence on higher-level governance has been mostly indirect. And although Y2Y has been held up as a model for mountain biodiversity conservation, that model is more reflective of conservation biology than of governance theory. Nonetheless, in its multiple forms, Y2Y does influence and enhance conservation activities in the region. Most recently, the Y2Y Conservation Initiative, a non-profit organization registered in both Canada and the US, has focused on key “priority areas” within the larger region. Looking forward, even as Y2Y has achieved tangible success on a number of fronts, it faces myriad challenges that will require an increasingly responsive, open-minded, and adaptive approach to conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of cross-border urban areas is a sociological phenomenon that concerns Latin American borders. These settlements are the result of the activation of the flows of capital, goods and people through them and the formation of transborders corridors and regions. Based on a review of several previous theoretical positions, this paper discusses the validity of the conceptual definition of Transborder Urban Complex. Futhermore, it proposes a debate on a number of study variables that account for the nature of the systemic relationships between cities, including demographics, economics, politics, and social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to examine the experiences of two generations among the Kurdish diaspora in Sweden: those who migrated as adults and those who were born and/or raised in Sweden. The focus will be on issues of identity, home(land) and politics of belonging with regard to generational and temporal aspects. We will argue that there are significant differences among the older and younger generations with regard to their experiences that demand different theoretical and analytical conceptualisations [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing textual and contextual analysis of three Kurdish novels, the aim of this article is to understand the way Kurdish characters have experienced their 'home-land' through tracing the themes of displacement and exile, and to explore what kind of meanings and values are attributed to Sweden as the host country. Applying a conceptual framework based on 'home', 'homeland' and 'diaspora', it aims to illuminate diasporic memory in relation to individual and collective pasts, and to depict the imaginary of 'home-land'. In this sense, this article will argue that Kurds in the fictional narratives neither feel at 'home' in their host country nor can they return to their homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will argue that diasporan populations act both outwards, towards the former homeland, and inwards, towards the new homeland. The politics of belonging among diasporan Kurds in Sweden shows that engagement in one direction - towards the former homeland - does not exclude involvement in other directions - towards residing society as the new homeland or other countries. This juxtaposition that is materialised by the way of a range of political, cultural and social transnational organisations and networks in itself challenges the state-oriented idea that citizens only act within and in relation to one political space, namely the state in which they are citizens. In this respect, the concept of transborder citizenship that refers to people participating in the institutional systems and political practices of various states can further elucidate the onwards/inwards commitments of the Kurds in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper suggests that transborder mobility is crucial to the way individuals relate to space and the meanings that they construct about it. Based on ethnographic work carried out in the Tijuana/San Diego and Tecün Umán/Tapachula border regions, an analysis is conducted of the relationship between the border region and the spatial mobility of its inhabitants. We conclude that there are at least four possible ways of constructing mobility in border contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the Population and Housing Census 2000 to analyze the association between the post-basic education of the urban youth population and two indicators of transborder links on Mexico's northern border: being born in the United States and having transmigrants at home. The multivariate statistical analysis shows that although being born in the United States is positively associated with attending and completing high school, living in households with transmigrants reduces the likelihood of continuing higher education. Despite the improved socio-economic status of transborder families, household members' transborder employment may be affecting young people's educational aspirations, since it proves that a higher relative income can be achieved without investing in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A declining agricultural sector and decades of US migration have transformed Atotonilco El Bajo, Mexico into what local residents call "the ghost town." More recently, Atotonilco's increasing connections to nearby Guadalajara are prompting a shift in local development discourse towards one that is more focused on regional integration than transnational migration. These changes are broadly reflective of a "new rurality" in Latin America, an intensified process of spatial and economic transformation that is blurting the line between rural and urban. Drawing from transnational ethnographic research, this paper calls for "new rurality" studies to more explicitly engage with locally-contingent development discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses the history of American studies and the integration of transnationalism into its theoretical framework in order to move scholarship away from American exceptionalism. Topics include political tranationalism, the study of immigrants therein, evidenced by the book "Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation-States," by Linda Basch, Nina Glick Schiller and Christina Szanton Blanc, and multiracial transnationalism.

The article discusses the conference "Südosteuropäische Geschichte heute. Räumliche Verflechtung, Vergleich und Transnationalität" ("Southeast European History today. Spatial Integration, Comparison, and Transnationality") held in Regensburg, Germany in 2010. Topics discussed include the maritime civilization of the Black Sea Coast and the Adriatic Sea Coast, the Byzantine roots of South Eastern Europeans, and the ethnic cleansing of the transnational ethnic groups in Europe.

The significant changes that have occurred in European border regimes during the last years have caused considerable consequences for people dealing with "the" border in their daily routines. On the one hand the EU's external border has to perform a security function, but on the other hand it has to continue serving as an "efficient economic bridge" - the intended double function can be summarised by the expression "smart border". Thus, the border has a variety of impacts, differing in accordance with the social context. The research project "Geographies along the EU project's eastern edges" reported here aims at analysing such transborder practices of small-scale traders and small entrepreneurs and how they deal with the border as a geopolitical ordering of the social world in a comparative manner. Based on the project findings it can be argued that in the framework of these everyday practices the external European border which is regulated as a uniform and common one is not always realised in the intended homogeneous way but heterogeneous due to "local", "individual" etc. influences and circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I critically discuss transformations in the Pakistani ethnic economy in Houston, Texas from its inception as part of a largely informal economy in the 1960s and the 1970s, to a financially thriving South Asian ethnic economy in the 1980s and the early 1990s, to its contemporary avatar as production and consumption nodes in a transnational Muslim heritage economy. I draw on ethnographic and qualitative data to discuss three key issues in the ongoing transformations in the Pakistani ethnic economy in Houston: (1) the mass circulation and sale of Islamic religious commodities in the West; (2) the increasing centrality of Islam in structuring consumption among Pakistani Muslims in the U.S.; and (3) the shifting contours of community and belonging among Pakistani Muslim communities in Houston. I argue that such transformations are suggestive of the emergent ways in which transnational religious ideologies, rituals and symbolic practices produced in South Asia and the Muslim world circulate in the West, and shape consumption patterns and constructions of identity and community among Pakistani Muslim immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the work and life of a transnational indigenous community dispersed throughout Mexico and the United States. The community has expanded its systems of organization beyond the limits of the contemporary nation-state. The workers serve as flexible manpower in a "Just in Time" model of agro-industrial production. In order to confront the capital demands presented by this model of production, they have organized themselves in a manner that takes advantage of their particular migratory characteristics and experiences. The investigation was conducted on the basis of a transnational, multilocal ethnography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing place-centredness to the undifferentiated space of globalization, Saskia Sassen considers cities as strategic global sites and shows that transnationalized modes of production and consumption co-exist with "thick places" in the global city (Sassen 2006). Bhangra is now understood as a British Asian music produced by the hybridization of Punjabi dhol beats with western rhythms of pop, reggae, hip hop, and rap but it is derived from a Punjabi dance genre of the same name. By examining the multiple places in Singapore in which new Bhangra mutants are performed, this research note argues that the digitized circuits of consumption and entertainment in the global city foreground a new global politics of place formed through transnational ethnic networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent forms of cooperation between unexpected bedfellows who have been traditional enemies of the past are making their way into the political opposition scene in different countries of the Middle East. Egypt offers an interesting example of a rising coalition between members and groups who have traditionally been arch enemies in the past, namely; factions of the Left, Islamist groups, nationalists, and an array of loosely organized opposition groups. The paper attempts to document and analyse the development of this coalition within a framework of New Social Movements and transnational civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of legal decolonization in the mid-twentieth century, as evidenced by the 1960 United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, is often understood through the lens of race and the disruption of racial hierarchy. If we take seriously the transnational feminist contention that the colonial racial order was also gendered, however, how might this perspective shift our understanding of decolonization? In this article, I explore the debates on decolonization that take place in the UN General Assembly from 1946–1960 that lead to the 1960 Declaration from a transnational feminist perspective to answer this question. Specifically, I use comparative historical and discourse methods of analysis to explore how colonialists and anti-colonialists negotiate the onset of legal decolonization, focusing especially on how colonialist hierarchies of race, culture, and gender are addressed in these debates. I argue that, on the one hand, colonialists rely on a paternalist masculinity to legitimate their rule (i.e., our dependencies require our rule the way a child requires a father). In response, anti-colonialists reply with a resistance masculinity (i.e., “colonialism is emasculating;” “decolonization is necessary for a return of masculine dignity”). I argue that decolonization in the United Nations transpires via contentions among differentially racialized masculinities. Ultimately, a transnational feminist perspective that centers the intersection of race and gender offers a richer analysis than a perspective that examines race alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The burgeoning literature on transborder membership, largely focused on the thickening relationship between emigration states in the South and the postwar labor migrant populations and their descendants in North America or Western Europe, has not paid due attention to the long-term macroregional transformations that shape transborder national membership politics or to the bureaucratic practices of the state that undergird transborder claims-making. By comparing contentious transborder national membership politics in South Korea during the Cold War and Post-Cold War eras, this article seeks to overcome these limitations. In both periods, the membership status of colonial-era ethnic Korean migrants in Japan and northeast China and their descendants was the focus of contestation. The distinctiveness of the case—involving both a sustained period of colonial rule and a period of belated and divided nation-state building interwoven with the Cold War—highlights the crucial importance of three factors: (1) the dynamically evolving macro-regional context, which has shaped transborder national membership politics in the region in distinctive ways; (2) the essentially political, performative, and constitutive nature of transborder nation-building; and (3) the role of state registration and documentation practices in shaping the contours of transborder national membership politics in the long run. By incorporating Korea—and East Asia more broadly—into the comparative study of transborder nation-building, this article also lays the groundwork for future cross-regional comparative historical studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is inspired by the reading of Dr. Lee's article in Hmong Studies Journal, Vol. 8: "Diaspora and the Predicament of Origins: Interrogating Hmong Postcolonial History and Identity" and my recent, albeit too short visit to Minnesota in order to receive my Eagle Award in Hmong Studies and participate in the Center for Hmong Studies' Conference: "Cultivating the Past, Interpreting the Present, and Enriching the Future", at Concordia University, Saint Paul (April 12, 2008). There I met three fascinating Miao scholars from China. There was some confrontation in our respective approach to (H)mong studies from opposite viewpoints: their, the Miao imagined nation, mine, the (H)mong transnational ethnic group. Once more, I have the feeling that it is the duty of a scholar of my generation to see that (H)mong studies avoid the political and scholastic fantasies of the time, and keep progressing in the only right direction: scientific knowledge. I deal here with three issues: a) the recent development of (H)mong studies in China, b) the content and meaning of a so-called "Hmong/Miao transnationality", c) the faithfulness to (H)mong culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the career of the Duala man Joseph Bilé in order to investigate the development of pan-African and anti-colonial political groups amongst Germany's black population in the period 1918—35. During and after the first world war, the men involved in these formal and informal organizations claimed the role of spokesmen for African interests in debates about the fate of Germany's colonies and led moves for the political defence of the interests of former colonial subjects in Germany itself. Tentative transnational links would be established with similar groups in France and in Cameroon. Educated in eastern Germany and a veteran of the first world war, Bilé was a central member of both the Hamburg-based Afrikanischer Hilfsverein and, later, the communist-influenced Liga zur Verteidigung der Negerrasse in Berlin. As a member of the German Communist Party, Bilé's political activities saw him become involved in the Comintern-organized Scottsboro campaign in the early 1930s, as well as being sent to Moscow by the Comintern. With the coming to power of the National Socialists in 1933, a return to Germany was no longer possible and Bilé eventually found himself stranded in Paris and struggling to return to Cameroon. The article places Bilé's biography in the wider context of the experiences and survival strategies of Germany's black diaspora and their struggle for political recognition and self-definition, as well as economic survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an exploration into the history of the French merchants of the Mississippi River and the Great Lakes Region in the post-1763 Treaty of Paris era in U.S. history. Details are given noting the historiographical trend to ignore transborder culture and communities in early U.S. history and discussion is offered highlighting the social representation and mobility of French society in British colonial and U.S. territory. The methods and extent of French social and commercial influence in the area up to the 19th-century are reviewed.

Islands, traditionally important units of research and analysis in ethnographic research, have come to be viewed as a problematic unit of analysis, as anthropologists have realized the close integration of island societies within the wider world. This article argues that islands are still useful and fruitful foci of research, if their particular character is explored from an islandic point of view. Through life-story interviews conducted in three large, dispersed families of Caribbean origin, the article demonstrates that islands may be usefully conceptualized as sociocultural constructs that constitute important anchoring points as well as sources of identification for migrants and their descendants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]