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Legally excluded from the state through their status, undocumented Central Americans must also navigate belonging in social movement spaces that do not center their cultural experiences. Drawing on 25 interviews with Guatemalans, Hondurans, and Salvadorans from multiple studies, we explore Central Americans’ agency and identity development in immigrant rights organizations and in daily life. We employ the term, compounded foreignness, to capture the layered practices of exclusion they face for being unauthorized and for not fitting into dominant conceptions of Latinidad. We demonstrate that undocumented Central Americans develop various strategies of belonging. For example, shared experiences of racialized illegality can lead to solidarity amongst undocumented immigrant youth across racial, ethnic, and national lines. When they are being negatively targeted, however, they use racialized illegality as racial cover–that is, a way to divert attention away from their illegality in relation to the state, as well as social and cultural foreignness from Latinidad. This means that some choose to pass as Mexican by adopting Mexican cultural norms and colloquial speech, while others take pride in their cultural difference as Central Americans. In other instances, they seek spaces and people who share their cultural identity. Importantly, while racial cover may work as a strategy for navigating these different forms of marginalization, racial cover can also cover up and make invisible Central American identities and needs. Together, these experiences reveal a level of agency and nuance needed to deepen our understanding of undocumented immigrants, Central Americans, and belonging in the United States.

Background The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated pre-existing societal inequities. Our study addresses the dearth of studies on how intersecting factors of disadvantage and discrimination affected pandemic daily life for disabled people from minoritised ethnic groups, aiming to improve their experiences and social, health and well-being outcomes. Objectives Through an intersectionality lens, to: explore and compare, by location and time, survey and qualitative data on changing needs for social, health and well-being outcomes relate coping strategies/solutions to these explore formal and informal network issues/affordances gain insights from synthesising our data contextualise and explore transferability of findings co-create outputs with stakeholders. Design Mixed-methods, asset-based, underpinned by embodiment disability models and intersectionality, integrating three strands: (secondary): analysis of existing cohort/panel data, literature review (primary: quantitative): new survey (n = 4326), three times over 18 months (primary: qualitative): semistructured interviews (n = 271), interviewee co-create workshops (n = 104) 5 and 10 months later, mixed stakeholder co-design workshops (n = 30) for rapid-impact solutions to issues, key informant interviews (n = 4). Setting United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland. Participants Strand 2: community-dwelling migrants, White British comparators, with/without disability. Strand 3: focus on Arab, South Asian, African, Central/East European, or White British heritage with/without disability. Results We found strong adherence to pandemic restrictions (where accommodation, economic situations and disability allowed) due to COVID-19 vulnerabilities. High vaccine hesitancy (despite eventual uptake) resulted from side-effect concerns and (mis)trust in the government. Many relied on food banks, local organisations, communities and informal networks. Pandemic-related income loss was common, particularly affecting undocumented migrants. Participants reported a crisis in mental health care, non-holistic social and housing care, and inaccessible, poor-quality and discriminatory remote health/social care. They preferred private care (which they could not easily afford), community or self-help online support. Lower socioeconomic status, mental health and mobility issues reduced well-being. Individual and community assets and coping strategies mitigated some issues, adapted over different pandemic phases, and focused on empowerment, self-reflection, self-care and social connectivity. Technology needs cut across these. Limitations We could not explore area-level social distancing and infection rates. Data collection was largely online, possibly excluding some older, digitally deprived or more disabled participants. Participants engaged differently in online and face-to-face co-create workshops. Our qualitative data over-represent England and South Asian people and use contestable categories. Conclusions Different intersecting factors led to different experiences, with low socioeconomic status particularly significant. Overall, disability and minoritised ethnic identities led to worse pandemic experiences. Our co-design work shows how to build on the assets and strengths; simple changes in professional communication and understanding should improve experience. Minoritised groups can easily be involved in policy and practice decision-making, reducing marginalisation, with better сare and outcomes. Future work More research is needed on: (1) the impact of the post-pandemic economic situation and migration policies on migrant mental health/well-being; (2) supporting empowerment strategies across disadvantaged intersecting identities; and (3) technological deprivation and the cultural and disability-relevant acceptability of remote consultations. We found some differences in the devolved nations, which need elucidation. Study registration This study is registered as ISRCTN40370, PROSPERO CRD42021262590 and CRD42022355254. Funding This award was funded by the National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) Health and Social Care Delivery Research programme (NIHR award ref: NIHR132914) and is published in full in Health and Social Care Delivery Research; Vol. 13, No. 2. See the NIHR Funding and Awards website for further award information. Plain language summary Many disabled people from minoritised ethnic groups face barriers to accessing appropriate support, health and social care or vital ‘resources’, such as medicine and food. We wanted to understand how to improve these experiences, considering how different combinations of ethnicity and disability interacted with factors such as citizenship and income during the COVID-19 pandemic. This is known as an intersectional approach. We summarised relevant articles and data from existing surveys, and surveyed 4326 United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland residents three times over 2021–2. In 2021–2 we interviewed 231 disabled Arab, South Asian, African or Central/East European migrants across England, Scotland and Wales, 20 who were not disabled, and 20 disabled/non-disabled White British people (total n = 271). In group work 5 and 10 months later, interviewees, lay and central team members and partners shared knowledge and discussed post-interview changes. We co-designed simple solutions to issues in workshops with charity, health and social care staff, community leaders and participants. We asked policy-makers, general practitioners and community leaders how to put these into immediate practice. We found challenges greatest in: those with economic, mental health, hand loss or mobility issues; undocumented migrants; or people living alone or in substandard accommodation. Participants mistrusted National Health Service and social care, preferring informal support from friends, family and neighbours, and private care even when not affordable. Most issues could be reduced if people felt more empowered, had better technology access and were supported in self-care, and if health and social care professionals improved their communication and their understanding of people’s day-to-day needs and beliefs. Our study is unusual because we used an intersectional approach, successfully involved lay (community or peer) co-researchers, initiated a professional ‘community of practice’ to exchange ideas, and dramatised our data for a public theatre show. We showed that, with appropriate approaches, minoritised groups, including migrants refused visas, can easily be involved in policy and practice decision-making, with better сare and outcomes for all. Scientific summary Introduction The COVID-19 pandemic exposed and exacerbated multiple pre-existing societal inequities for people from minoritised ethnic groups in the UK and those with poor health or disability. Mortality statistics captured public and government attention. But the ways in which intersecting factors of disadvantage and discrimination affected other aspects of their pandemic experience have been largely ignored. For example, international concern about pandemic-induced mental health issues has sidelined the especially poor pandemic-related mental health of people from some minoritised ethnic groups. Objectives Our aim was to address the gaps by contributing and informing evidence-based formal and informal strategies, guidelines, recommendations and interventions for health and social care policy and practice, to mitigate inequities and improve the experiences and social, health and well-being outcomes of minoritised ethnic groups at the intersection with disabling chronic conditions or impairments. This necessitated in-depth understanding of relevant influences on mental and physical health, coping, access to resources, and informal and formal social and healthcare support from different intersecting combinations of disability and ethnicity. Citizenship status is also critical; many recent refugees and undocumented migrants will have ‘no recourse’ to support. Though the study centres on these intersections, we necessarily also explore other categories of societal difference (e.g. age, gender) that interact with them under institutional and structural conditions to create specific health outcomes and experiences. We included comparison with people self-identifying as of White British heritage, with/without disability, and non-disabled people from minoritised ethnic groups to help unpack intersectional patterns. Our objectives, using an intersectionality lens, were to: explore and compare, by location and time, survey and qualitative data on changing need for social, health and well-being outcomes relate pandemic coping strategies/solutions to objective 1 findings, including what worked well or less well, and touchpoints (where experiences might best be improved) explore formal and informal network issues/affordances in health and social care solutions gain insights from convergence synthesis of our mixed-methods data contextualise and explore transferability of findings co-create with stakeholders identified strategies and interventions, and plans for rapid pathways to impact. Methods We used a transformative, convergent parallel mixed-methods design integrating three strands – quantitative, qualitative and a secondary data strand – across three phases over 18 months, to answer the study objectives. Strands 2 and 3 involved concurrent primary data collection, with repeated measures in three ‘waves’ over 18 months. This allowed us to explore experiences and attitudes within changing pandemic contexts, relations between these, intersectional identities and health and well-being, and enhanced the ecological validity of our work. Our data synthesis followed a triangulation design; qualitative data were merged and compared with quantitative data. Strand 1: secondary data analyses We analysed existing cohort and panel data and undertook a scoping literature review, and fed these into the other strands, though they were not dependent on this. Strand 2: primary survey and quantitative analysis We developed a new survey for community-dwelling migrants and UK/Republic of Ireland-born children of migrants, also White British comparators, all with/without disability. In wave 1, we used data from 4326 respondents, of whom 3498 completed wave 2 and 3100 wave 3. Approximately half our sample were of minoritised ethnicity and approximately half had a chronic condition or disability; we intentionally oversampled from these groups for good statistical power and a sound understanding. Strand 3: primary qualitative methods Strand 3 aimed for in-depth understanding, with semistructured interviews (n = 271), follow-on co-create workshops with interviewees (n = 104) to explore changes 5 and 10 months later and exchange knowledge, and stakeholder workshops with health professionals, community leaders, charity leads and participants (n = 30) to co-design simple-to-implement solutions to issues. We asked policy-makers, general practitioners (GPs) and community leaders (n = 4) how to put these into immediate practice. The interviews were undertaken by a core academic research team, eight community researchers recruited from UK migrant charities, and partners Bromley-by-Bow Community Centre and Born In Bradford. From the 271 interviews, a core data set of 218 met our initial criteria of living in England, being significantly impacted by a chronic condition or disability, and being of Arab, South Asian, African or Central/East European or White British heritage. Our criteria were expanded on advisory group advice, enabling limited comparison with other ethnic groups, people with non-disabling conditions, and people from Scotland and Wales. We recorded conditions at recruitment but grouped them for comparative analyses. The groups ‘food-relevant’, ‘neurodivergent’, ‘cancer’ and ‘brain hyperexcitability’ (e.g. migraines, epilepsy) followed advisory group advice, and we also used adaptations of the UK Government Statistical Service ‘harmonised’ themes: mental health, mobility, dexterity, stamina/breathing/fatigue, sensorial (hearing/vision loss), cognitive (intellectual/memory impairment). We included long COVID and other multisystemic conditions (which may belong to more than one group, so that our overall conditions denominator exceeds 271). We recognise the complexities and inadequacies of our categorisations, discussed in a study output (a toolkit). However, our intersectionality approach means these were starting points to be challenged and deconstructed. Topics across the strands The three strands considered the same topics, chosen for a holistic understanding of the context of people’s lives, their responses to adversity and health and social inequities, their strengths and assets, and effects on their networks: intersectionalities behavioural responses to COVID risk reduction measures by individuals and their formal (e.g. health/social care) and informal (e.g. friends, family, community) support networks access to resources, formal support and care social networks (informal support and care) physical and mental health consequences of the pandemic, coping and attitudes regarding these mental and physical well-being/quality of life as core outcomes local/regional differences in responses linked to policies/interventions and associated impacts future policy. Theoretical underpinning This study took a strengths and asset-based approach, underpinned by embodiment models of disability and intersectionality. Our exploration of social influences on health and well-being was framed by the social ecological model. Analyses We used corpus linguistics, framework, latent growth modelling and structural equation modelling for outputs reported here. Findings Generally strong adherence to COVID-19 containment measures left people feeling lonely and imprisoned, exacerbated in undocumented migrants by deportation fears. However, crowded accommodation, 24-hour proximity to family, economic precarity, and some disabilities prevented adherence for several and created stress. Vaccine uptake was quick for White British participants but those from minoritised ethnic groups hesitated, though most eventually took it. In our review and strand 3 data, the main hesitancy factors were a lack of appropriate information and fear of side effects. White British participants were more influenced by mass media, and minoritised ethnic groups by social media and local communities; misinformation was most common within the Arab and least common within the Central/East European group. Unexpectedly, experience of COVID-19 and community responsibility were not influential. African and undocumented migrants in particular used traditional remedies instead of or alongside the vaccine. Informal networks shopped or cooked for participants. Food parcels were sometimes culturally inappropriate. Despite generally good medication access, costs of private medication and transport to pharmacies were problematic for some. An increased treatment burden, combined with symptoms and everyday lifework, reduced patients’ capacity to access health care or carry out self-care. They felt abandonment by health care, increased distrust of formal care, and increased dependence on informal relational networks, augmented by COVID-19 fears and unclear information on what people should do. Strand 3 data show that remote services were convenient and efficient but problematic, with no holistic care, a crisis in mental health care, and a disregard for comorbidities and intersecting factors of disadvantage, for example housing needs. Difficulties making GP appointments by phone or e-Consult-style triage were exacerbated in those digitally impoverished, with complex health needs, not fluent in English, and with some specific disabilities. Our data highlighted power differentials, issues with diagnosis and monitoring, and impaired patient–clinician relationships leading to perceived ethnic discrimination and being ‘fobbed off’. Some self-medicated instead, or researched coping strategies or online therapy. Several refused face-to-face care when offered it, through COVID-19 fears. Language, culture, socioeconomic and disability intersections with condition were often not considered in medical care, and so could exclude, cross religious and cultural lines, result in inappropriate and potentially harmful intervention, or destroy clinician–patient relationships with perceptions of discrimination. We found intersections between ethnicity and mental health in perceptions of being fobbed off by health providers. Non-specific appointment times for remote consultations were particularly problematic for those with combinations from among low income, disability, or lack of support networks, child care or English language fluency. Often, service management of expectations would have improved experiences. While the intersection of different minoritising factors tended to worsen experiences, participants with more disabling conditions mostly focused on disability discrimination only. As a novel contribution, we defined three treatment backlog categories that left people suffering for years, worsening their condition and NHS expectations: deferrals of initial help-seeking processes; secondary or social care waiting lists (including when GP referrals had not progressed in the system due to a lack of capacity); and delays when existing treatment, monitoring plans or social care were reduced or cancelled. These left people in limbo; some took further action to get NHS care. Many had never registered with a GP, irrespective of residency status, trusting private care more though it was not affordable. Sometimes the private doctor was a family member or friend. A few consulted doctors in their country of origin. Our survey showed community help was most likely to have physical and psychological benefits for those with chronic conditions in 2021, and social and mental well-being benefits in 2022; people reduced NHS help-seeking and increased community help-seeking. NHS help improved their psychological well-being in 2021 and physical well-being in 2022. Our interview data supported the importance of informal social networks for practical and emotional support. Cultural differences in family support, and differences in technology and social media use, including effects on entrepreneurship, empowerment and communication of appropriate information, should be considered in policy and practice. Psychological well-being was worst in the ‘minoritised ethnic–chronic conditions’ group in our survey, possibly reflecting poorer access to health care. Sixty-six interview participants had one or more clinically diagnosed mental ill health conditions. Most had comorbidities, which were disproportionately common in minoritised ethnic groups. Central/East European and African participants were reluctant to seek help for mental ill health because of pride or stigmatisation. Relationships with comorbidity-related job loss and experiences of conflict zones should be disambiguated in studies reporting mental health effects of the pandemic. Coping was enhanced by combinations of: adequate housing; spirituality; access to green spaces, technology, social support and education; adequate health; knowledge about UK systems; skills; English language fluency; and income stability. Hence, local and national policy should focus on facilitating informal connections, community and individual empowerment, and opportunities for self-care and self-improvement. Socioeconomic status and diasporic densities were significant intersecting factors by location. Our survey suggested healthy White British people experience more well-being advantage in England than elsewhere in the UK. Overall, considerations of the transferability of findings should encompass convergences and divergences across our ethnicity, disability and citizenship categories, rather than location. Mobility and stamina issues intersected with cramped housing conditions, particularly in multigenerational South Asian migrant households. Other important intersectional factors were religion, and economic precarity from pandemic job loss, precarious work (e.g. zero-hour contracts) and reduced work hours intersecting with disability. Several families unexpectedly lost their breadwinners to COVID-19. These issues, combined in 2022 with the cost-of-living crisis, left participants pessimistic about the future. Citizenship status intersected with socioeconomic status in income, employment prospects, accessing private health care, and feelings of imprisonment. Undocumented migrants and those on non-work visas were particularly affected, unable to claim welfare assistance, and felt imprisoned through deportation fears, but impacts were great for those with visas, due sometimes to a lack of information, or racism. Issues with online food shopping could result from digital poverty, socioeconomic status and minimum spends, non-familiarity, inaccessible websites, differences to in-person shopping and the person’s impairment all intersecting. Our survey showed that overall, well-being was not significantly affected by 2021–2 COVID restrictions. This contrasts with our secondary cohort analysis for the 2020 first lockdown. We found that while non-disabled people (including from minoritised ethnic groups) recovered after the first lockdown, well-being worsened in disabled people. Perhaps by 2021 people had learnt coping measures, an interpretation supported by our qualitative data. Many strand 3 participants reported loneliness, suicidality and addiction issues caused by lockdowns and other infection containment measures, but there were improvements once the country opened up and the vaccine was available. A few found it hard to readjust. Participant anxieties about contracting COVID-19 from people lax in infection containment measures pertained throughout but escalated when the country opened up in mid-2021. Several were initially engaged with government action in early 2020, but most ended up critical, due to delays in government action, failure to follow scientific advice, inconsistent messaging, and eventually also politicians breaking rules to suit themselves. Early in the pandemic, online and in-person shopping were problematic for everyone, but disabled people in the process of being diagnosed and others who had been online shopping for years and were suddenly deprioritised as not on the ‘clinically extremely vulnerable’ (CEV) list were especially disadvantaged. Eventually, charities got the lists expanded to include other disabilities. Treatment delays left many in limbo, particularly in later interviews, suggesting the longer the wait, the more likely this feeling was to develop, or that services became less certain later in the pandemic. Existing patients given a revised date were initially less likely to feel in limbo, a novel finding. Conclusions We showed that structural adversities cut across minoritised groups, including those often viewed as ‘white’. There is a need to look at intersecting factors, specific contexts and individual and community strengths and assets, rather than considering some groups as inherently more disadvantaged. We also showed that low socioeconomic status is a problematic product of racial and disability discrimination that cuts across experiences and groups. Synthesising our qualitative and survey data revealed an intersection for people of all ethnicities of lower socioeconomic status, mental health, hand loss and mobility issues, lack of outdoor spaces, cramped accommodation or dependency on others to get outside leading to poor psychological and mental well-being. Participants generally mistrusted NHS and social care, preferring informal networks and private care despite the cost. While these challenges have a structural basis, our work shows that relatively simple changes supporting empowerment, social connectivity, self-care, communication and understanding would rapidly improve the lives of disabled people from minoritised ethnic groups. We are developing some ideas for local and regional implementation. We have shown that with appropriate approaches, minoritised groups, including undocumented migrants, can easily be involved in policy and practice decision-making. This would reduce structural barriers and marginalisation, with better сare and outcomes for all. Study registration This study is registered as ISRCTN40370, PROSPERO CRD42021262590 and CRD42022355254. Funding This award was funded by the National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) Health and Social Care Delivery Research programme (NIHR award ref: NIHR132914) and is published in full in Health and Social Care Delivery Research; Vol. 13, No. 2. See the NIHR Funding and Awards website for further award information. Approvals Full Institute of Education, University College London, research ethics approval (UCL IoE REC 1450 COVID-19) for this study was obtained before the study commenced and an amendment approved 30 July 2021, and subsequently Health Research Authority (HRA) approval (IRAS project ID: 310741; protocol number: NIHR132914; REC reference: 22/SW/0002) was obtained to recruit in the final 6 months of the study.

Abstract Background Despite many efforts to provide children with legal existence over the last decades, 1 in 4 children under the age of 5 (166 million) do not officially exist, with limited possibility to enjoy their human rights. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Haiti has one of the highest rates of undocumented births. This study aimed to analyze the prevalence and the determinant factors of undocumented childhood in Haiti. Methods For analysis of undocumented childhood and related socioeconomic determinants, data from the 2016/17 Haiti demographic and health survey were used. The prevalence and the associated factors were analyzed using descriptive statistics and the binary logistic regression model. Results The prevalence of undocumented childhood in Haiti was 23% (95% CI: 21.9–24.0) among children under-five. Among the drivers of undocumented births, mothers with no formal education (aOR = 3.88; 95% CI 2.21–6.81), children aged less than 1 year (aOR = 20.47; 95% CI 16.83–24.89), children adopted or in foster care (aOR = 2.66; 95% CI 1.67–4.24), children from the poorest regions like “Artibonite” (aOR = 2.19; 95% CI 1.63–2.94) or “Centre” (aOR = 1.51; 95% CI 1.09–2.10) or “Nord-Ouest” (aOR = 1.61; 95% CI 1.11–2.34), children from poorest households (aOR = 6.25; 95% CI 4.37–8.93), and children whose mothers were dead (aOR = 2.45; 95% CI 1.33–4.49) had higher odds to be undocumented. Conclusion According to our findings, there is an institutional necessity to bring birth documentation to underprivileged households, particularly those in the poorest regions where socioeconomic development programs are also needed. Interventions should focus on uneducated mothers who are reknown for giving birth outside of medical facilities. Therefore, an awareness campaign should be implemented to influence the children late-registering behavior.

Background: Despite many efforts to provide children with legal existence over the last decades, 1 in 4 children under the age of 5 (166 million) do not officially exist, with limited possibility to enjoy their human rights. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Haiti has one of the highest rates of undocumented births. This study aimed to analyze the prevalence and the determinant factors of undocumented childhood in Haiti. Methods: For analysis of undocumented childhood and related socioeconomic determinants, data from the 2016/17 Haiti demographic and health survey were used. The prevalence and the associated factors were analyzed using descriptive statistics and the binary logistic regression model. Results: The prevalence of undocumented childhood in Haiti was 23% (95% CI: 21.9–24.0) among children under-five. Among the drivers of undocumented births, mothers with no formal education (aOR = 3.88; 95% CI 2.21–6.81), children aged less than 1 year (aOR = 20.47; 95% CI 16.83–24.89), children adopted or in foster care (aOR = 2.66; 95% CI 1.67–4.24), children from the poorest regions like "Artibonite" (aOR = 2.19; 95% CI 1.63–2.94) or "Centre" (aOR = 1.51; 95% CI 1.09–2.10) or "Nord-Ouest" (aOR = 1.61; 95% CI 1.11–2.34), children from poorest households (aOR = 6.25; 95% CI 4.37–8.93), and children whose mothers were dead (aOR = 2.45; 95% CI 1.33–4.49) had higher odds to be undocumented. Conclusion: According to our findings, there is an institutional necessity to bring birth documentation to underprivileged households, particularly those in the poorest regions where socioeconomic development programs are also needed. Interventions should focus on uneducated mothers who are reknown for giving birth outside of medical facilities. Therefore, an awareness campaign should be implemented to influence the children late-registering behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: This report describes estimates of the undocumented population residing in the United States in 2022 compiled by the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS). The estimates are based on data collected in the American Community Survey (ACS) conducted by the US Census Bureau (Ruggles et al. 2023). The report finds that the undocumented population grew from 10.3 million in 2021 to 10.9 million in 2022, an increase of 650,000. The increase reverses more than a decade of gradual decline. The undocumented populations from 10 countries increased by a total of 525,000: Mexico, the Dominican Republic, and India; El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras in Central America; and Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela in South America. The undocumented population in Florida increased by about 125,000 in 2022, Texas increased by 60,000, New York by 50,000, and Maryland by 45,000. The report explains why undocumented population growth is much less than the number of apprehensions by DHS. Finally, the Appendix provides a detailed description of the CMS methodology. Major Findings: • After remaining at or near zero growth from 2010 to 2021 (Warren 2023), the US undocumented population increased by 650,000 in 2022. • The largest population gains in 2022 were for Central America (205,000), South America (200,000), and Asia (140,000). • From 2015 to 2022, the undocumented population from Mexico declined by 1.3 million; in the same period, the combined population from Central and South America increased by 1.2 million. • The undocumented population from Asia declined by 115,000 from 2015 to 2021 and then increased by 140,000 in 2022. • California, Texas, Florida, New York, and New Jersey had the largest undocumented populations in 2022. The total population in those five states increased by 300,000 in 2022. • The combined undocumented population from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras was undercounted by almost 400,000 in 2022. Correcting this data accounted for more than half the estimated increase in the undocumented population in 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is grounded in the right to education, guaranteed to every child, whether stateless or undocumented. Being stateless means that the child is not considered to be a national by any State under the operation of its law and when a child is undocumented it means that they have no government-issued proof of identity. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 provides the right to education for all children, regardless of their nationality. However, whether stateless or undocumented, they encounter impediments when they attempt to exercise their right to education. The study questions whether the South African Government is complying with its constitutional and international legal obligations to provide the right to education to all children. The paper contends that it is not sufficient to state that every child has the right to education, and that there is a need to formulate guidelines and procedures to be followed in cases where children are undocumented or stateless. In addition, the paper analyses the relevant education laws and policies together with the immigration laws and the effects they have on one another. It further addresses how the provisions of immigration law related to education impede undocumented and stateless children from accessing the right to education. Accordingly, the study identifies the gaps in the laws regulating the right to education and their implications when stateless and undocumented children seek to exercise the right to education. This paper recommends that the South African Government adapts its education laws and procedures in ways that consider the circumstances of stateless and undocumented children.

The COVID-19 pandemic has produced significant psychological distress for college students due to the sudden proliferation of stressors. We examine whether and how self and parental immigration status contributes to Latina/o/x college students' mental health and pandemic stressors during the initial months of the pandemic. We draw on quantitative and qualitative survey data collected in March-June 2020 with 1,600 Latina/o/x University of California undergraduate students from three self-identified groups: undocumented students, US citizens with at least one undocumented parent, and US citizens with lawfully present parents. Quantitative analyses reveal that the pandemic produced widespread negative mental health effects but the severity of these effects did not differ by self/parental immigration status. Our qualitative analyses identify common pandemic-related stressors across our three student groups (financial insecurity, COVID-19 virus concerns, academic strains, and social dynamics); however, undocumented students and US citizens with undocumented parents identify unique aspects of these stressors due to legal vulnerabilities. Self and parental undocumented status also compromises the ability to manage common pandemic stressors because of immigration status-related exclusion from necessary resources. Ultimately, we argue that the high-stress nature of the pandemic elevated mental distress across all student groups, but the structural exclusion of undocumented immigrants contributes to unique experiences of stress among Latina/o/x undocumented students and US citizen students with undocumented parents.

Latino day laborers in the United States are socially and economically vulnerable due to exclusionary immigration policies. Using data from a multi-mode survey, we examine the relationship between immigration policy legal vulnerability and mental health outcomes among 138 Latino, male day laborers (mean age = 45.65, SD = 12.05). Multivariable linear and logistic regression models separately estimated the effect of legal vulnerability, as measured by the Perceived Immigration Policy Effects Scale, on anxiety and depression symptoms and a positive depression and anxiety screening, respectively. Approximately 26.1% and 27.9% of day laborers reported depression and anxiety symptoms, respectively. In each adjusted model, we find a positive relationship between legal vulnerability and adverse mental health. Immigration policy legal vulnerability is associated with more depression and anxiety symptoms among Latino day laborers. Policies to reduce legal vulnerability, such as pathways to citizenship and employment authorization, may support Latino day laborers' mental health outcomes.

In the field of education and health care, researchers and educators attempt to close the diagnosis/identification and service gaps that persist for low-resourced, underrepresented families with children with autism. One group of families particularly difficult to engage in research and interventions is undocumented immigrant families. We know little about whether these families are obtaining a timely diagnosis or services for their children with autism. This study addresses how undocumented Mexican immigrant mothers of children with autism navigate the special education and health care systems, challenges they face in doing so, and the helpers who assist in navigating the process. Six undocumented Mexican immigrant mothers of children with autism participated in one-on-one interviews. Participants were interviewed in a semi-structured format and transcription, coding, and final analysis were conducted in Spanish using analytic software. Three broad themes emerged during the content analysis process: (1) immigration driving force and experience, (2) autism-specific challenges, and (3) autism-specific helpers. Additionally, a case study of each participant is presented and discussed.

Objectives: Most undocumented migrants are employed in so-called "dirty jobs" or "3D jobs" (dangerous, dirty and degrading) due to their lack of legal status. This study aimed to describe the self-reported health of undocumented and newly regularized migrants in relation to their working conditions. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted using data collected during the first phase of the Parchemins study (2017-18), a survey that monitors the socioeconomic and health impact of a regularization scheme for undocumented workers in Geneva, Switzerland. The sample consists of 395 undocumented and newly regularized migrants. Results: Overall, 147 (37.2%) rated their health as very good or excellent. Multivariable regression analysis indicated that work-related factors associated with better self-reported health included higher satisfaction with working conditions, while legal status regularization showed only a borderline association. By contrast, workers performing very demanding tasks and having more difficulties finding a new job were less likely to report very good or excellent health. Conclusion: Findings show that work-related factors had a stronger influence on selfreported health compared to legal status change. Further research is needed to evaluate the long-term impact of regularization on working conditions and self-rated health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Millions of women give birth annually without the support of a trained birth attendant. Generally and globally, countries provide maternal health services for their citizens but there is a coverage gap for undocumented migrant women who often can't access the same care due to their legal status. The objective of this investigation is to explore undocumented migrants' experiences and perceptions of maternal healthcare accessibility. Methods: We held focus groups discussions with 64 pregnant women at 3 migrant health clinics on the Thailand–Myanmar border and asked how they learned about the clinic, their health care options, travel and past experiences with birth services. In this context undocumented women could sign up for migrant health insurance at the clinic that would allow them to be referred for tertiary care at government hospitals if needed. Results: Women learned about care options through a network approach often relying on information from community members and trusted care providers. For many, choice of alternate care was limited by lack of antenatal care services close to their homes, limited knowledge of other services and inability to pay fees associated with hospital care. Women travelled up to 4 h to get to the clinic by foot, bicycle, tractor, motorcycle or car, sometimes using multiple modes of transport. Journeys from the Myanmar side of the border were sometimes complicated by nighttime border crossing closures, limited transport and heavy rain. Conclusions: Undocumented migrant women in our study experienced a type of conditional or variable accessibility where time of day, transport and weather needed to align with the onset of labour to ensure that they could get to the migrant clinic on time to give birth. We anticipate that undocumented migrants in other countries may also experience conditional accessibility to birth care, especially where travel is necessary due to limited local services. Care providers may improve opportunities for undocumented pregnant women to access maternal care by disseminating information on available services through informal networks and addressing travel barriers through mobile services and other travel supports. Trial registration The research project was approved by Research Ethics Committee at the Faculty of Medicine, Chiang Mai University (FAM-2560-05204), and the Department of Community Medicine and Global Health at the University of Oslo—Norwegian Centre for Research Data (58542). Plain Language Summary: Undocumented pregnant migrants have difficulties and limitations in accessing maternal health care services. Although the governments have tried to provide maternal health care services to all, there is still a gap in coverage among this population. This study explores how undocumented pregnant migrants perceive their ability to access maternal health care and share their experiences when utilizing it. We used focus groups to interview 64 pregnant women at three migrant health clinics on the Thailand–Myanmar border. We asked how they learned about the clinic, their health care options, travel, and past experiences with birth services. The results showed that they usually knew about care options from community members and trusted care providers. The limitations for the choice of alternate care were due to a lack of services close to their homes, limited knowledge of other services, inability to pay hospital fees, and difficulty traveling from their residence to the clinic. Therefore, we anticipate that undocumented migrants in other countries may also experience difficulties in accessibility to birth care, especially where travel is necessary due to limited local services. Care providers may improve opportunities for these migrants to access maternal care by disseminating information on available services through informal networks and addressing travel barriers through mobile services and other travel supports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latino day laborers in the United States are socially and economically vulnerable due to exclusionary immigration policies. Using data from a multi-mode survey, we examine the relationship between immigration policy legal vulnerability and mental health outcomes among 138 Latino, male day laborers (mean age = 45.65, SD = 12.05). Multivariable linear and logistic regression models separately estimated the effect of legal vulnerability, as measured by the Perceived Immigration Policy Effects Scale, on anxiety and depression symptoms and a positive depression and anxiety screening, respectively. Approximately 26.1% and 27.9% of day laborers reported depression and anxiety symptoms, respectively. In each adjusted model, we find a positive relationship between legal vulnerability and adverse mental health. Immigration policy legal vulnerability is associated with more depression and anxiety symptoms among Latino day laborers. Policies to reduce legal vulnerability, such as pathways to citizenship and employment authorization, may support Latino day laborers' mental health outcomes.

Objectives: Most undocumented migrants are employed in so-called “dirty jobs” or “3D jobs” (dangerous, dirty and degrading) due to their lack of legal status. This study aimed to describe the self-reported health of undocumented and newly regularized migrants in relation to their working conditions.Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted using data collected during the first phase of the Parchemins study (2017–18), a survey that monitors the socioeconomic and health impact of a regularization scheme for undocumented workers in Geneva, Switzerland. The sample consists of 395 undocumented and newly regularized migrants.Results: Overall, 147 (37.2%) rated their health as very good or excellent. Multivariable regression analysis indicated that work-related factors associated with better self-reported health included higher satisfaction with working conditions, while legal status regularization showed only a borderline association. By contrast, workers performing very demanding tasks and having more difficulties finding a new job were less likely to report very good or excellent health.Conclusion: Findings show that work-related factors had a stronger influence on self-reported health compared to legal status change. Further research is needed to evaluate the long-term impact of regularization on working conditions and self-rated health.

A contested polity and an imagined community, Europe is confronting a myriad of political, economic, and climatic shifts. Ethnographer Regina Römhild has recently argued that understanding Europe as homogeneous and clearly demarcated inaccurately conjures a truncated White entity quite distinct from that which its early founders imagined. Römhild juxtaposes a Europe traditionally, historically, and fundamentally constituted by migrancy. She shows the fundamental importance of neo/colonial entanglements, sketches Europe as part of a black Mediterranean (cp: Paul Gilroy), and explains how resistant, anti-colonial imaginations variously shape this union. In these ways and more, Europe has always already been constituted through exchange, movement, and porousness. Drawing on Römhild, I analyze Berlin School filmmaker Christian Petzold's films Transit (2018), Phoenix (2014) and Jerichow (2008) with an eye towards what I dub their postmigrant aesthetics. Drawing on sociologist Jin Haritaworn, I pay special attention to these works' commentaries on "regenerative" minorities. Further, I argue that these films also highlight limitations of the concept of postmigrant Europe. Even if historically accurate, it cannot (yet) be understood as normative, but rather aspirational, because in our real-existing Europe, power dynamics between individuals and communities inhere and continue to thwart equitable participation. Artistic production and aesthetics have especially important work to do under such circumstances; I suggest that these recent films by Petzold invite viewers to notice and (re)consider complicities in this power differential and to imagine and work toward a postmigrant Europe.

In 2021, the undocumented population residing in the United States (US) increased slightly to 10.3 million, compared to 10.2 million the previous year. The gradual decline or near-zero growth of this population has continued for more than a decade. However, the large increases in apprehensions at the southern border in recent years, along with continued legislative gridlock in Congress, could portend a new era of growth of this population. Unfortunately, the data needed to determine whether the population will enter a period of growth after 2021 — or whether the era of near-zero growth will continue — will not be available for at least a year or two. The most accurate demographic estimates of the undocumented population are derived from data collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey. Estimates of the size of the undocumented population in 2022 will not be available until early 2024. This report focuses on the most significant trend in the undocumented population in the past decade — the remarkable decline of 1.9 million in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021. The decline for Mexico in this period was 600,000 more than the total population increase from the seven countries (in order) with the fastest growing US undocumented populations: Guatemala, Honduras, India, Venezuela, El Salvador, Brazil, and China. This paper finds that: The long-term decline, or near-zero growth, of the total undocumented population that began in 2008 continued in 2021. The percent of undocumented residents in the total US population declined from 3.8 percent in 2011 to 3.1 percent in 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico declined from 6.4 million in 2011 to 4.4 million in 2021, a drop of 1.9 million in 10 years. A total of 2.9 million, or 47 percent, of the US undocumented population from Mexico in 2011 had left the undocumented population by 2021. The drop in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021 occurred nationwide, and the decline affected the undocumented population in nearly every state. The fastest growing undocumented populations by country in the last 10 years were from Guatemala, Honduras, India, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil. The combined undocumented populations from these six countries grew by 1.2 million. Countries that had declining populations after 2011 included Poland, Peru, Ecuador, Korea, and Philippines, in addition to the large drop for Mexico. California had the largest decline in undocumented residents — 665,000 from 2011 to 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico living in California during this period declined by 720,000. The combined undocumented population in California, New York, and Illinois fell by more than one million from 2021 to 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A UCLA study published today found the exclusion of undocumented residents and their families from the $1,200 given to taxpayers a result of the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in a loss of $10 billion in potential economic output.

Research on undocumented students in the United States often focuses on the challenges they face navigating postsecondary education, rooted in their precarious legal status. The observed influence of legal status on undocumented students’ sense of belonging and academic progress provides compelling evidence that being undocumented functions as a master status–a salient identity that conditions students’ educational incorporation. Yet, this research tends to highlight legal status while deemphasizing or excluding other identities. Our study takes an intersectional approach. Using focus group data with undocumented students at a Hispanic-Serving Institution, we show that students rarely identify legal status in isolation or implicate it as the sole source of adversity. Instead, students’ reveal a sense of belonging rooted in multiple dimensions of identity including ethnicity and class. This study reconsiders the utility of the master status concept in favour of an intersectional one for a comprehensive picture of undocumented students’ educational incorporation.

Government pandemic provisions occurred alongside a safety net that excludes or dissuades Latina mothers from participation. These families are also disproportionately exposed to punitive immigration policies and rhetoric that may shape their views on such provisions and, in turn, influence their post-pandemic well-being. To understand these complexities, we draw on interviews before and after COVID-19 with thirty-eight Latina immigrant and citizen mothers, most of whom are undocumented (N = 29). We find that pre-pandemic distrust of public institutions and the safety net was common, increased after COVID-19, and negatively affected undocumented respondents’ post-pandemic circumstances relative to that of citizen mothers. Findings suggest that safety net expansion on its own will not offset pandemic effects for these families without addressing exclusion from public benefits and alienation from and distrust of government.

The activities of Indonesian Migrant Workers (PMI) have become a significant social phenomenon in the last few decades. The increasing number of PMI in Indonesia has not been accompanied by well-prepared efforts regarding the insight of prospective PMI into the placement mechanism. As a result, some PMI are still found to be undocumented or incomplete in terms of documentation. This writing is the result of community service activities related to the insight into the placement mechanism for prospective Indonesian Migrant Workers in the East Lombok Region in June 2023. The selection of East Lombok as the location for community service is based on the second-highest participation rate of PMI in Indonesia. To strengthen the results of community service, qualitative research was conducted using in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with residents of Pandan Wangi Village, Jerowaru District, East Lombok Regency, and representatives of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The results of this research indicate that prospective PMI are still interested in departing without complete documentation, one of the reasons being a lack of knowledge and insight. Prospective PMI are not motivated to seek information sources related to the procedures for their departure to the destination country. Additionally, many prospective PMI simply trust the agencies or migrant worker service and travel bureaus they follow without verifying their credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the educational trajectory of a multiply marginalized undocumented Latinx student. Utilizing a Critical Race Quantitative Intersectional + Testimonio, this article brings to light the experiential knowledge often not visible in quantitative data approaches, helping to contextualize educational pipeline numbers. This study draws on a testimonio methodology revealing challenges and illuminating educational pathways from high school to the doctorate. The findings show important considerations for policy and practice that account for social instability, consider the importance of mentorship, and offer implications for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion leaders to create greater belonging across campuses throughout the educational pipeline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Undocumented migrants face cumulative difficulties like precarious living and working conditions or exclusion from health services that might negatively influence their health. Little is known about the evolution of undocumented migrants’ self-reported health (SRH) and mental health after they get documented. This study aims to observe the effect of legal status regularization on SRH and mental health in a cohort of migrants undergoing regularization in Geneva, Switzerland. We evaluate SRH with the first item of the Short Form Survey (SF12) and depression as a proxy of mental health with the PHQ-9 questionnaire over four years among 387 undocumented and newly documented migrants. Using hybrid linear models, our data show that regularization has no direct effect on SRH, but has direct positive effects on mental health in a longitudinal perspective, even when controlling for competing factors. The arrival of the pandemic did not alter these effects. Migrants tend to evaluate their subjective health status more positively than the prevalence of screened depression shows. Those findings point towards better targeted policies that could reduce the burden of depression among undocumented migrants.

Government pandemic provisions occurred alongside a safety net that excludes or dissuades Latina mothers from participation. These families are also disproportionately exposed to punitive immigration policies and rhetoric that may shape their views on such provisions and, in turn, influence their post-pandemic well-being. To understand these complexities, we draw on interviews before and after COVID-19 with thirty-eight Latina immigrant and citizen mothers, most of whom are undocumented (N = 29). We find that pre-pandemic distrust of public institutions and the safety net was common, increased after COVID-19, and negatively affected undocumented respondents' post-pandemic circumstances relative to that of citizen mothers. Findings suggest that safety net expansion on its own will not offset pandemic effects for these families without addressing exclusion from public benefits and alienation from and distrust of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unaccompanied immigrant children arrive in the US having fled deteriorating conditions and human rights violations in their home countries. Despite the large numbers of unaccompanied children, there is a lack of research on outcomes for unaccompanied children in the US and particularly for those in the Office of Refugee Resettlement's (ORR) Long Term Foster Care (LTFC) program. This manuscript begins with a review of the existing laws that influence unaccompanied children (UC) served through the ORR's LTFC program and a review of the current research on UC in foster care in the US. Notably, this manuscript also visualizes the numbers of UC that have arrived in the US since the early 2000s. These are used to provide a synthesis of recommendations for policy and practice with unaccompanied children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To assess public support for insurance coverage of infertility treatment among marginalized patient groups. Methods: A cross-sectional, web survey-based study using a national sample of 1226 US adults. Participants responded to questions measuring their beliefs and attitudes towards support for infertility treatment insurance coverage among specific patient populations. We then evaluated the opinions of only the participants who supported infertility treatment insurance coverage for patients meeting the standard definition of infertility. Associations between demographic data of participants and support for infertility treatment insurance coverage among these marginalized groups were queried. Results: Of the total responses, 61.9% of the respondents generally supported insurance coverage for infertility. Of the total responses, 54.5% did not support any insurance coverage for lesbian, gay, or transgender patients. Of those who generally supported the insurance coverage for infertility, 53.0% supported coverage for gay patients requiring infertility services, 54.6% supported coverage for lesbian patients, and 42.5% supported coverage for transgender patients. Of the total responses, 47.6% did not support insurance for green card holders, undocumented immigrants, or refugees. Of those who supported the insurance coverage for infertility in general, 63.6% supported insurance coverage for patients with green cards, 29.8% for refugees, and 20.7% for undocumented patients. For disability and genetic conditions, 39.5% did not support coverage for any groups. Of those who support the insurance coverage for infertility in general, there was most support for patients with physical disabilities (60.2%) followed by genetic disease (47.9%), then mental disabilities (31.4%). Conclusion: Even among those who support insurance coverage for infertility in general, approximately less than half of them supported these same treatments for marginalized groups, including the diverse sexuality and gender (DSG), immigrant, and disabled populations. Increased education and awareness of infertility is needed among the general population to garner acceptance of infertility as a disease and support insurance coverage of infertility treatment for all persons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background As few data based on actual demand for healthcare services in vulnerable migrant populations exist, we studied service use and healthcare costs in a cohort of migrants in an irregular situation. Methods In this single-centre retrospective register study, we examined the reasons for encounter, diagnoses, service use and costs of healthcare among patients at a voluntary clinic for migrants in an irregular situation in Helsinki, Finland. ICPC-2 classification and national unit costs for primary healthcare were used for the cost estimation. Results A total of 546 patient visits accounted for 620 ICPC-2 coded reasons for encounter, diagnoses and process codes. The most common health problems were teeth/gum disease (10%), acute upper respiratory infection (5%) and oesophageal disease (3%). Visits seldom led to complementary investigations (2%), follow-up visits (5%) or referrals (11%). The total cost of treatment, excluding dental health costs, was 71 euros per visit. Conclusions Migrants in an irregular situation present with a variety of health concerns, the majority of which can be treated in a basic primary healthcare facility at a relatively low cost. This encourages research to evaluate the health and cost effects of extending public healthcare for migrants in an irregular situation beyond emergency care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, undocumented residents face unique barriers to healthcare access that render them disproportionately dependent on the emergency department (ED) for care. Consequently, ED providers are integral to the health of this vulnerable population. Yet special considerations, both clinical and social, generally fall outside the purview of the emergency medicine curriculum. This paper serves as a primer on caring for undocumented patients in the ED, includes a conceptual framework for immigration as a social determinant of health, reviews unique clinical considerations, and finally suggests a blueprint for immigration-informed emergency care.

Abstract Background Many countries aspiring to achieve universal health coverage struggle with how to ensure health coverage for undocumented migrants. Using a case study of maternal health care in a Thailand-Myanmar border region this article explores coverage for migrants, service provision challenges and the contribution of a voluntary health insurance program. Methods In 2018 we interviewed 18 key informants who provided, oversaw or contributed to maternal healthcare services for migrant women in the border region of Tak province, Thailand. Results In this region, we found that public and non-profit providers helped increase healthcare coverage beyond undocumented migrants’ official entitlements. Interview participants explained that Free and low-cost antenatal care (ANC) is provided to undocumented migrants through migrant specific clinics, outreach programs and health posts. Hospitals offer emergency birth care, although uninsured migrant patients are subsequently billed for the services. Care providers identified sustainability, institutional debt from unpaid obstetric hospital bills, cross border logistical difficulties and the late arrival of patients requiring emergency lifesaving interventions as challenges when providing care to undocumented migrants. An insurance fund was developed to provide coverage for costly emergency interventions at Thai government hospitals. The insurance fund, along with existing free and low-cost services, helped increase population coverage, range of services and financial protection for undocumented migrants. Conclusions This case study offers considerations for extending health coverage to undocumented populations. Non-profit insurance funds can help to improve healthcare entitlements, provide financial protection and reduce service providers’ debt. However, there are limits to programs that offer voluntary coverage for undocumented migrants. High costs associated with emergency interventions along with gaps in insurance coverage challenge the sustainability for NGO, non-profit and government health providers and may be financially disastrous for patients. Finally, in international border regions with high mobility, it may be valuable to implement and strengthen cross border referrals and health insurance for migrants.

Guided by sense of belonging and counterspaces, this critical ethnographic study investigates the people, places, and spaces collegians that are Latinx and undocu/DACAmented use to persist toward graduation amidst an ongoing anti-im/migrant sociopolitical climate. Findings reveal that (a) connections built with peers who share racial backgrounds and have liminal legal statuses, (b) supportive and affirming faculty, (c) access to culturally-based student organizations and academic programs, and (d) campus departments and programs catered to the holistic support of undocu/DACAmented collegians are salient for these students' sense of belonging in college, though belongingness is not fully attainable in the United States as a result of racist nativism. Recommendations for research and practice are offered for higher education institutional agents at all levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Undocumented Latino workers often work in unsafe and underpaid jobs. There is limited research on this demographic, especially as it relates to the factors that motivate these workers to work under undesirable working conditions. Self-Determination Theory states that relatedness, competence, and autonomy are three intrinsic psychological needs that, when met, will lead to optimal human flourishing. These three needs directly translate to the workplace. A workplace that provides an environment for workers to have a sense of belonging, accomplishment, and self-control, unlocks greater satisfaction, performance, and wellbeing. Moreover, Self- Determination Theory states that intrinsic psychological needs can be challenged by extrinsic rewards and punishments. This raises a question: what motivates undocumented Latino workers to continue working in undesirable working conditions? This study qualitatively examines the potential factors affecting undocumented Latino factory workers’ motivation in the workplace, and this study provides a platform for these workers to share their daily life struggles.

While much of the literature on undocumented immigrants has focused on employment and education outcomes, we know little about the effects of their precarious legal status on interpersonal relationships. Based on interviews with 50 Korean and Mexican undocumented young adults, I find that, regardless of ethnoracial background, undocumented immigrants approach relationships cautiously, engaging in "security work" to protect themselves and their loved ones. Security work is a negotiated process of interpersonal interaction and status disclosure consisting of specific relational conditions to maximize affective and material security. First, shared immigrant background provides a baseline sense of comfort and safety. Respondents find symbolic belonging with those of immigrant descent, while exercising caution around anyone who is white. However, due to the stigma of undocumented status, both structural homophily and experiential homophily operate in determining disclosure patterns. Co-immigrant background is powerful but insufficient for establishing the trust required for disclosure; instead, shared experience is the necessary condition. This study demonstrates that the vulnerable, stigmatized nature of illegality circumscribes the freedom with which young undocumented immigrants navigate the most personal spheres of their social worlds. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the profoundly pervasive effects of immigration status on the everyday lives of undocumented immigrants.

Undocumented immigrant young adults growing up in the United States face significant challenges. For those qualified, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program's protections may alleviate stressors, with implications for their mental health and wellbeing (MHWB). We conducted nine focus groups with 61 DACA-eligible Latinos (ages 18-31) in California to investigate their health needs. Participants reported MHWB as their greatest health concern and viewed DACA as beneficial through increasing access to opportunities and promoting belonging and peer support. Participants found that DACA also introduced unanticipated challenges, including greater adult responsibilities and a new precarious identity. Thus, immigration policies such as DACA may influence undocumented young adults' MHWB in expected and unexpected ways. Research into the impacts of policy changes on young immigrants' MHWB can guide stakeholders to better address this population's health needs. MHWB implications include the need to reduce fear of deportation and increase access to services.

Sexual harassment against female migrant domestic workers is a public health problem, which remains hidden and largely underreported. The current paper presents the results of a qualitative research study on sexually victimized migrant domestic workers in four European countries (Austria, Cyprus, Greece, and Sweden). The study aimed at exploring the profile and experiences of victimised individuals. Data were gathered via 66 semi-structured interviews with victimised female migrant domestic workers. Key findings of the current study indicate that the victims: (a) were usually undocumented and had low local language skills; (b) identified domestic work as the only way into the labour market; (c) suffered primarily psychological, economic, and social consequences; (d) had poor social support networks; (e) were poorly connected to governmental support services. This is the first study to explore this hidden problem via direct contact with victims. Addressing barriers of migrants’ social integration seems important. Better regulation and monitoring of this low-skilled occupation could minimise risks for vulnerable employees.

PrintRights, a co-operative of undocumented asylum seekers in Amsterdam, manufactured facemasks during the COVID-19 pandemic, first distributing them to undocumented migrants residing in the city’s emergency shelter system and then selling them to the wider public. By distributing facemasks with messages, PrintRights framed its action within the human right to freedom of expression to legally resist alienage law prohibitions on employment. Engaging Judith Butler’s theory, this article analyzes the relationship between PrintRights’ resistance, vulnerability, and strategic engagement with human rights law. Drawing on fieldwork conducted with PrintRights, I explore how vulnerability discourse in human rights law can support undocumented migrant organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the correlation between poverty and the economic experiences of undocumented migrant women residing in a community in Gauteng province, South Africa. Through using a qualitative methodology, we present evidence from interviews and a focus group conducted with 20 women who relate their experiences. Adopting a sustainable livelihood perspective, this article presents the biographical profiles of the women and discusses three themes: social capital influences, tapping into human capital skills, and access to financial capital. This article contributes to debates on promoting gender justice and sustainable livelihoods as a prerequisite for poverty alleviation in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Underreporting of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) infection is a global problem and might hamper Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) epidemiological control. Taking this into consideration, we estimated possible SARS-CoV-2 infection underreporting in Brazil among patients with severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS). An ecological study using a descriptive analysis of the SARS report was carried out based on data supplied by the Influenza Epidemiological Surveillance Information (SIVEP)-Flu (in Brazilian Portuguese, Sistema de Vigilância Epidemiológica da Gripe) in the period between January 2015 and March 2021. The number of SARS cases and related deaths after infection by SARS-CoV-2 or Influenzae was described. The estimation of underreporting was evaluated considering the relative increase in the number of cases with undefined etiological agent comparing 2020 to 2015–2019; and descriptive analysis was carried out including data from January–March/2021. In our data, SARS-CoV-2 infection and the presence of SARS with undefined etiological agent were associated with the higher number of cases and deaths from SARS in 2020/2021. SARS upsurge was six times over that expected in 2020, according to SARS seasonality in previous years (2015–2019). The lowest possible underdiagnosis rate was observed in the age group < 2 y.o. and individuals over 30 y.o., with ~50%; while in the age groups 10–19 and 20–29 y.o., the rates were 200–250% and 100%, respectively. For the remaining age groups (2–5 and 5–9 y.o.) underreporting was over 550%, except for female individuals in the age group 2–5 y.o., in which a ~500% rate was found. Our study described that the SARS-CoV-2 infection underreporting rate in Brazil in SARS patients is alarming and presents different indices, mainly associated with the patients' age groups. Our results, mainly the underreporting index according to sex and age, should be evaluated with caution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background Undocumented pregnant women constitute a vulnerable group of people who lack equal access to pregnancy care. Previous research has shown that undocumented migrants encounter difficulties in accessing health services, the onset of prenatal care is delayed, and women have an increased risk for infectious diseases. The aim of this study was to describe the use of maternal health care services and the obstetric outcomes of undocumented women in Helsinki, capital city of Finland, in addition to comparing the results with all pregnant women in Finland. Methods The study was a retrospective register-based study consisting of data collected between 2014 to 2018 from the electronic medical records of the public maternity clinic and maternity hospital in Helsinki, Finland. The study population consists of 62 individual pregnancies of undocumented women. The results of the study were compared with national data on parturients and deliveries (N = 47,274 women) and with prenatal screening tests for infectious diseases (N = 51,447 [HIV, HBV], N = 51,446 [syphilis]). Results The majority (91%) of the undocumented women attended public prenatal care. However, four women received no prenatal care and three women were denied access to care. Undocumented women entered prenatal care later and had fewer visits compared with all pregnant women. The majority (71%) of the undocumented women received inadequate prenatal care as the number of visits was less than eight. Of the study population, 5% (3/59) tested positive for HIV, 3% (2/59) for HBV, and 2% (1/57) for syphilis. The prevalence of HIV (p-value

This study investigated the correlation between poverty and the economic experiences of undocumented migrant women residing in a community in Gauteng province, South Africa. Through using a qualitative methodology, we present evidence from interviews and a focus group conducted with 20 women who relate their experiences. Adopting a sustainable livelihood perspective, this article presents the biographical profiles of the women and discusses three themes: social capital influences, tapping into human capital skills, and access to financial capital. This article contributes to debates on promoting gender justice and sustainable livelihoods as a prerequisite for poverty alleviation in Africa.

Noncitizens in the United States have been receiving citizenship for military service in every war and almost every significant military operation since before the country was founded. Currently, many noncitizens fight for the United States and in return receive faster access to naturalization and citizenship. Nevertheless, politicians and pundits across the political spectrum tend to avoid mentioning this policy altogether. To explore the possible mass bases of this elite silence, we provide the first look at whether contemporary Americans support jus meritum (citizenship based on service) or not. Using experiments, we also examine whether opinions differ if the immigrants initially entered the country with documents or not, and whether the type of service (military or other) affects public support for these long-running policies.

Abstract Background New York City has a heterogeneous population with many undocumented and uninsured immigrants from equatorial areas who have a higher incidence of ocular surface squamous neoplasia. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first documented selection of this cost-effective treatment of ocular surface squamous neoplasia (the use of absolute ethanol along the corneal margin, primary excision, double freeze-thaw cryopexy, and primary conjunctival closure) for an undocumented and uninsured New York City patient. Case presentation A 35-year-old man from Ecuador presented to a New York City emergency department due to worsening discomfort of a long-standing left eye pterygium. A slit-lamp examination of the left eye demonstrated a nasally located conjunctival mass measuring 6 × 8 mm extending onto the cornea (3 mm superiorly and 6 mm inferiorly on the cornea). Histological diagnosis confirmed squamous cell carcinoma in situ arising from the pterygium. Surgical excision with adjunctive absolute alcohol with additive double freeze-thaw cryopexy was performed. Our patient has remained free of tumor recurrence at year 2 postoperative visit. Conclusions Our case highlights the need to choose a cost-effective treatment for ocular surface squamous neoplasia in an at-risk population among undocumented and uninsured patients. Areas in the world with similar types of populations or treatment challenges may need to consider this approach as a primary treatment option.

This article describes the impact of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) preventive measures on the undocumented migrant domestic workers in the Netherlands. Undocumented migrants (UDMs) are likely to experience inequalities due to the COVID-19 pandemic. They rely on the informal market for work and housing and are usually not entitled to a healthcare insurance. However, they are not represented in the COVID-19 registrations or surveys. In order to advise the policymakers and healthcare professionals on how to tailor the preventive activities in handling a pandemic, including vaccination strategy, to the needs of this group, an insight into their experiences is needed. In our qualitative study, two focus group discussions were held with 14 UDMs, recruited through a snowball technique. The UDMs perceived the COVID-19 as a threat. Their precarious position affected their perceived vulnerability, which motivated them to seek information on and comply with preventive measures and testing. However, structural barriers decreased their self-efficacy and opportunity to comply. The COVID-19 measures impacted the lives of UDMs on essential domains, resulting in job, food, and housing insecurity, and increased barriers in access to healthcare. An intersectoral approach addressing health communication, access to healthcare, and social support, as well as legal rights for safe employment, is needed to alleviate the impact of the measures on UDMs.

Unaccompanied immigrant children arrive in the US having fled deteriorating conditions and human rights violations in their home countries. Despite the large numbers of unaccompanied children, there is a lack of research on outcomes for unaccompanied children in the US and particularly for those in the Office of Refugee Resettlement’s (ORR) Long Term Foster Care (LTFC) program. This manuscript begins with a review of the existing laws that influence unaccompanied children (UC) served through the ORR’s LTFC program and a review of the current research on UC in foster care in the US. Notably, this manuscript also visualizes the numbers of UC that have arrived in the US since the early 2000s. These are used to provide a synthesis of recommendations for policy and practice with unaccompanied children.

There is a gap in academic literature that highlights the perspectives of Canadian-Caribbean individuals that navigate both poverty and the stigma of limited access to resources necessary for livelihood in Canada. By employing the intersecting identities of Low-Income and (un)documentation, this poem aims to deconstruct the stereotypical expectations of Canadian-Caribbean immigrants. What does an impoverished Canadian-Caribbean immigrant look like once we’ve disregarded our representativeness heuristic? They now may be the straight-A student in your class or that lady that never seems to wear an uncoordinated outfit – or perhaps your lecturer or community organizer who has an undying passion for 19th-century opera. By mobilizing this idea, this poem seeks to encourage the reader to reconsider our pre-conceived notions of an (un)documented, impoverished Canadian-Caribbean individual. Similarly, this poem challenges the notion that to exist, is contingent on external perceptions. A tree in the Northwest Territories may exist unknowingly to us and still be able to blow gracefully in the wind.

Background: Many countries aspiring to achieve universal health coverage struggle with how to ensure health coverage for undocumented migrants. Using a case study of maternal health care in a Thailand-Myanmar border region this article explores coverage for migrants, service provision challenges and the contribution of a voluntary health insurance program.Methods: In 2018 we interviewed 18 key informants who provided, oversaw or contributed to maternal healthcare services for migrant women in the border region of Tak province, Thailand.Results: In this region, we found that public and non-profit providers helped increase healthcare coverage beyond undocumented migrants' official entitlements. Interview participants explained that Free and low-cost antenatal care (ANC) is provided to undocumented migrants through migrant specific clinics, outreach programs and health posts. Hospitals offer emergency birth care, although uninsured migrant patients are subsequently billed for the services. Care providers identified sustainability, institutional debt from unpaid obstetric hospital bills, cross border logistical difficulties and the late arrival of patients requiring emergency lifesaving interventions as challenges when providing care to undocumented migrants. An insurance fund was developed to provide coverage for costly emergency interventions at Thai government hospitals. The insurance fund, along with existing free and low-cost services, helped increase population coverage, range of services and financial protection for undocumented migrants.Conclusions: This case study offers considerations for extending health coverage to undocumented populations. Non-profit insurance funds can help to improve healthcare entitlements, provide financial protection and reduce service providers' debt. However, there are limits to programs that offer voluntary coverage for undocumented migrants. High costs associated with emergency interventions along with gaps in insurance coverage challenge the sustainability for NGO, non-profit and government health providers and may be financially disastrous for patients. Finally, in international border regions with high mobility, it may be valuable to implement and strengthen cross border referrals and health insurance for migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When a group of undocumented migrants blocked a road in San Bernardino, California, in the summer of 2011, it was at first sight one out of many events organized by the protest movement of undocumented youth. While they marched down the road and started their action of civil disobedience, they were chanting “education not deportation” and wore academic caps and t-shirts with the campaign slogan “The DREAM is coming” as a reference to higher education and the federal DREAM Act . On the one hand, they were thus continuing the activism of the undocumented youth movement, which became nationally known because of its struggle for the rights of students without legal status in the US since its inception in the early 2000s (cf. Nicholls 2013; Corrunker 2012; Anguiano 2011; Unzueta/Seif 2014; Seif 2014; Costanza-Chock 2014; Eisema/Fiorito/Montero-Sieburth 2014; Negron-Gonzales 2014, 2015). On the other hand, this direct action was symbolic of a shift in the movement that heavily impacted the political practice of groups, coalitions and alliances of undocumented youth in California over the last years.

Immigration law is no longer the exclusive domain of the federal government. That was certainly clear in the mid 2000s, with restrictive laws on immigration enforcement in many states and localities. Starting in 2012, however, momentum shifted away from these restrictionist laws, and towards a growing number of state laws that push towards greater immigrant integration, on matters ranging from in-state tuition and financial aid to undocumented students, to expanded health benefits and access to driver’s licenses. California has gone the furthest in this regard, both with respect to the number of pro-integration laws passed since 2000, and in their collective scope. Indeed, as we argue in this paper, these individual laws have, over time, combined to form a powerful package of pro-integration policies that stand in sharp contrast to the restrictive policies of states like Arizona. In this paper, we provide a deeper look into the “California package” of immigrant integration policies, and ask two fundamental questions, one empirical (Why do pro-integration laws pass in some states and not in others, and in some years but not in others?), and the other theoretical (what are the implications of the “California package” of immigrant integration laws for our notions of citizenship?). As we elaborate, California has created a de facto regime of state citizenship, one that operates in parallel to national citizenship and, in some important ways, exceeds the standards of national citizenship, as currently established and as envisioned in Congressional attempts at comprehensive immigration reform.

This paper uses a unique panel dataset from China's initial reform of fiscal decentralization to analyze the relationships between fiscal decentralization, local economic development, and rural-rural undocumented inter-provincial labor mobility. Using a modified gravity model with Heckman Maximum Likelihood Estimation method, this paper shows that fiscal decentralization has two contending effects on labor market integration: Local economic development promotes labor mobility at the labor migration destination, but local public goods crowding restrains the inflow of labor. This paper also demonstrates that the crowding effect is stronger at lower levels of government.